AUGUST WILHELM SCHLEGEL'S WIENER VORLESUNGEN AND BOHL VON FABER'S SOBRE EL TEATRO ESPANOL GUADALUPE REYES PONCE DEPARTMENT OF GERMAN, UNIVERSITY OF MANCHESTER In the Spanish literary debates concerning the revival of the Golden Age comedia, 1 August Wilhelm Schlegel's name was to figure prominently and his Vorlesungen uber dramatische Kunst und Literatur (subsequently referred to as 'Vienna Lectures') were to give rise to one of the most notorious literary polemics in the history of Spain: the 'querelle calderonienne'. 2 The course of lectures, given by Schlegel in Vienna in 1808 and published in Heidelberg in 1809-11, was hailed by Josef Korner as 'Die Botschaft der deutschen Romantik an Europa'. 3 It popularized the theories of the Romantic circle and effectively made Schlegel the mediator between German Romanticism and the rest of Europe. Translations of the Vienna Lectures appeared soon in French, English and Italian. No official translation appeared in Spanish. Yet the partial version (Sobre el teatro espanol) by the self-appointed translator, Johan Nikolas Bohl von Faber (born in Hamburg in 1770), did not go unnoticed and initiated the Romantic period proper in Spain; indeed, D.L. Shaw has labelled the polemic as 'the first landmark in the study of Spanish Romanticism'. 4 This article studies Bohl's translation. Bohl was educated by the celebrated pedagogue J.H. Campe. Indeed, Campe's daughter-in-law, Elise, initiated scholarship on Bohl with her Versuch einer Lebensskizze von Johan Nikolas Bohl von Faber. Nach seinen eigenen Briefen, published anonymously in Leipzig in 1858 1 The baroque comedia had languished during the eighteenth century, displaced by neoclassical plays. A movement to revive it was afoot by the turn of the century. 2 See C. Pitollet, La querelle calderonienne de J.N. Bohl von Faber et Jose Joaquin de Mora reconstitute d'apres les documents originaux (Paris: Alcan, 1909), subsequently referred to in the text, with page number, as Querelle. His book is now extremely rare. The Spanish critic Guillermo Carnero reported three extant copies in his study Los origenes del romanticismo reaccionario espanol: el matrimonio Bohl de Faber (Valencia: University of Valencia Press, 1975), hereafter referred to (with page number) as Origenes, 59, a work I shall comment upon later. I have discovered that the Sydney Jones Library at Liverpool University possesses a further copy (I am indebted to Dr Roger Wright for his help in locating it). 3 See Josef Korner's work of the same name (Augsburg: Benno Filser, 1929). 4 cf. D.L. Shaw, 'Spain: Romantico-Romanticismo-Romancesco-Romanesco-RomancistaRomantico', in Romantic and its Cognates: The European History of a Word, ed. II. Eichner (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1972), 341-71. See 343. 106 BULLETIN JOHN RYLANDS LIBRARY (hereafter referred to as Versuch), where she outlines the intellectual development of Bohl, the family friend. Campe's Versuch and the opuscule by J. Dornhof, Johann Niklaus Bohl von Faber: ein Vorkdmpfer der Romantik in Spanien,5 are the first German studies on Bohl.6 Later, in 1956, the distinguished German Hispanist Hans Juretschke published his article 'Die Deutung und Darstellung der deutschen Romantik durch Bohl von Faber in Spanien, mit einem Anhang von Briefen an Martin Fernandez de Navarrete',7 which is an important analysis of Bohl's role as the herald of German Romanticism in Spain. The present article hopes to supplement Juretschke's study. Campe writes that, in 1784, Bohl moved to Spain to represent the family's commercial interests in Cadiz. In 1796, he married Frasquita Larrea, a Spanish woman of strong temperament, a staunch Catholic and fervent monarchist, and a passionate lover of Spain's traditional literature. Also an enthusiastic admirer of the English pre-Romantic writers, particularly Burke and Young, she was a woman in the Romantic tradition of proto-feminism, and was herself an intelligent, if sometimes over-zealously patriotic, writer. In 1806 Bohl moved back to Germany where he was to stay until 1813. There he followed the aesthetic revolution in his native country. He was greatly influenced by the Romantic writers. Arnim and Brentano's Des Knaben Wunderhorn (1806-08) inspired one of his first publications, namely Vier und zwanzig deutsche Lieder aus des Knaben Wunderhorn mit bekannten meist dlteren Weisen beim Clavier zu singen (1810). His reading also included the works of the Schlegel brothers, Tieck, Schelling, Novalis and, of course, Goethe, whose figure, towering over the Romantic group, was to exercise a significant influence on his development. During his stay in Gorslow Bohl underwent his religious conversion. In true Romantic form, he experienced an emotional and intellectual reaction against the rationalism of his age, particularly 5 Hamburg: Seminar fur romanische Sprachen und Kultur, 1925. 6 Unfortunately, these two texts are extremely rare also. I have been fortunate enough to obtain a photocopy of Campe's Versuch (and indeed of the correspondence between Bohl and Julius) from the custodians of the Bohl Archive, Osborne y Cia. in Puerto de Santa Maria, Spain, for which I wish to express my thanks to Mr Tomas Osborne Gamero-Civico. German sources are of the utmost importance to Bohlian studies. Carnero's book, though erudite, is much too political to offer an objective view of him and offers no aesthetic insight into Bohl's writings vis-a-vis their German sources. Juretschke, writing in 1982, gave his verdict on the two main studies on Bohl: 'Ninguno de los libros, ni el de Pitollet ni el de Carnero, reflejan la intencion primaria de Bohl, los dos utilizan indebidamente las manifestaciones de su mujer, los dos se quedan en la periferia'; see 'La presencia del ideario romantico aleman en la estructura y evolution teorica del romanticismo espanol', Ramanticismo I: Atti del II Congresso sulRomanticismo spagnolo e ispanoamericano (Genoa, 1982), 11-24 (hereafter referred to, with page numbers, as 'Presencia'). 7 Spanische Forschungen der Gorres-Gesellschaft: Aufsdtze zur Kulturgeschichte Spaniens, Series I, 12 (1956), 147-91, subsequently referred to as DuD and the collection zsSFdGG. Juretschke studies all the writings in the polemic. I shall only analyse the first article. A.W. SCHLEGEL AND BOHL VON FABER 107 against the excesses of the French Revolution. 8 Bohl himself refers to his transformation as 'Wiedergeburt im Norden' (Querelle., 30). He read eagerly the works of the mystics, seeking them in dusty bookshops. In his letter to Campe on 25 February 1810 he writes: [Ich] mufite auch auf mystische Schriften stofien, ich habe deren verschiedene mit grofiem Anteil gelesen und lese sie noch.' On 6 May 1810, as he grew more convinced of his spiritual calling, he wrote to Nikolaus Heinrich Julius, himself a convert: 'Ich [. . . ] habe auch langst mein Ziel in Hinsicht auf die Bediirfnisse des Herzens in eine andere schonere Welt gesetzt.'9 Poetry also helped Bohl to resolve this inner conflict, his keenlyfelt struggle between a nostalgia for the past and a longing for future happiness. He writes on 26 August 1812: Dieses Hangen an der Vergangenheit mit dem Sehnen nach der Zukunft in Ubereinstimmung zu bringen, ist eine schwere Aufgabe. Ich helfe mir durch eine poetische Ansicht heraus: Zeit und Raum namlich sind Tauschungen, welche Poesie zu vertilgen strebt. Zeit durch den Rhythmus, Raum durch die Metapher oder tibertragung, welche alien poetischen Ideen zum Grunde liegt. Poesie ist Ahnung des kunftigen vollkommenern Zustandes. So ware demnach vielleicht nichts unwiederbringlich verloren, das Vergangene und das Zukimftige konnten dereinst zusammenfallen, Himmel und Erde eins werden (Versuch, 75). Bohl sought to escape the prosaic world where his sensitive soul felt alien, into a magical, mythical world. After studying Des Knaben Wunderhorn and marking in it his favourite poems for the benefit of August Campe's wife, Elise, Bohl wrote to him in 1807: 'Es wird mich freuen, wenn sie sich dadurch, sowie ich, der triiben Gegenwart entrissen und in jenes wunderbar poetische Land versetzt fiihlen wird (Versuch, 52). It was Goethe, however, who best helped him to understand himself. Recognizing his inner spiritual reality, he writes to Julius on 6 April 1810. Lange habe ich dieses geahnt, aber nicht gewagt, es auszusprechen, bis ich in den unvergleichlichen 'Wahlverwandschaften' fand: 'Und so finden wir die Menschen, iiber deren Veranderlichkeit soviel Klage gefiihrt wird, nach vielen Jahren zu unserm Erstaunen unverandert, und nach aupern und innern unendlichen Anregungen unveranderlich'. 10 Goethe's novel had enabled Bohl to recognize the innate spirituality which he felt his own education had repressed, and he remained a strong influence on him: even after returning to Spain Bohl continued 8 Roger Paulin has summed up this Romantic reaction in Ludwig Tieck as follows: 'it is perhaps the reaction . . to a decade which had earlier planted distinctly humanist trees and enthroned a decidedly un-Christian Supreme Being', R. Paulin, Ludwig Ticck: A Literary Biography (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1986), 137. 9 The unpublished letters are held in the Staats- und Umversitatsbibliothek Hamburg. 10 Bohl quotes from chapter seventeen, in the second part of Die Wahlrerwandtschaflen. 108 BULLETIN JOHN RYLANDS LIBRARY to read his works and to profit from the 'Lebensweisheit' of the great Olympian. In April 1815, whilst reading the third part of Goethe's autobiography, Dichtung und Wahrheit, he wrote to Campe: 'Niemand heitert mich so auf als Goethe [. . .] ich fiihle mich selbst doppelt, nachdem ich ihn gelesen, ich werde zufriedener mit mir selbst, weil ich mich besser kennen und meine Eigentiimlichkeit mehr ehren lerne' (Versuch, 82). The inner struggle ended for Bohl when he was accepted into the Catholic Church in 1813. 11 Shortly before his departure from Gbrslow, Bohl asked August Campe to find the whereabouts of August Wilhelm Schlegel and relay to him an 'essay' which his wife Frasquita had written after reading Schlegel's 'Vienna Lectures' and his praise of the Spanish theatre. 12 The letter to Schlegel also enclosed three poems written in romance metre by their young poet-friend, Jose Joaquin de Mora, whom Frasquita admired for his patriotism. 13 Frasquita thanks Schlegel in her letter for his pronouncements on Spain and requests an acknowledgement from him, which she duly obtains. 14 Schlegel's letter contains significant concepts of Romantic theory; I quote it in full, uncorrected: II est impossible de vous exprimer I'impression que j'ai eprouvee en recevant la lettre aussi spirituelle que pleine de grace que vous m'avez fait 1'honneur de m'ecrire. Depuis que j'ai tache de me faire un nom en litterature, il ne m'est rien arrive qui m'ait flatte davantage. Chacune de ces lignes que je relis sans cesse porte 1'empreinte d'une belle ame, faite pour se nourrir de toutes les idees sublimes et de tous les sentiments eleves. Vos remarques sur le caractere et le genie critique de votre nation sont aussi justes que pleines d'un enthousiasme poetique. Les Espagnols ont peu participe aux seductions brillantes du 18me siecle. Les bouleversements politiques amenes par le relachement de tous les principes et 1'audace irreligieuse d'un raisonnement superficiel, ces bouleversements sont aussi tombes sur 1'Espagne: son reveil subit a etc terrible, mais, je 1'espere, salutaire dans ses suites. Louis XIV avail deja dit: Desormais il n'y aura plus de Pyrenees; Boccage 1'a repete das un sens plus atroce et plus despotique. Mais c'est Dieu meme qui a embelli le globe par la diversite des nations: il n'est pas donne a un tyran de defaire cette oeuvre divine. Les Pyrenees existent et existeront toujours: elles eleveront plus que jamais leurs cimes glacees vers le ciel comme une barriere insurmontable pour votre independence et votre originalite nationale. Apres la liberte reconquise les arts de la paix fleuriront de nouveau dans votre patrie: 1'agriculture, le commerce, les sciences et les beaux arts, surtout la poesie, car les poetes viennent d'ordinaire a la suite des heros. Le danger qui vous menac.ait depuis quelque temps de voir etabli chez vous la domination du gout 11 Bohl would probably have remained under the influence of Goethe but for his conversion to Catholicism, after which his models became the Schlegel brothers. 12 Josef Korner analyses the correspondence relating to this episode, 'J.N. Bohl von Faber und August Wilhelm Schlegel', Die Neueren Sprachen, xxxvii (1929), 53-8. 13 Mora was to turn from friend to bitter enemy and lead the polemic against Bohl. The reasons for his volte-face remain a mystery to scholars. 14 Also reprinted in Oskar Walzel's 'Neue Quellen zur Geschichte der alteren romantischen Schule', Zeitschrift fur die osterreichischen Gymnasien, xlii (1891), 103-5. See QuereUe, 75 and Origenes, 161-2. Neither Pitollet nor Carnero comments on the contents. A.W. SCHLEGEL AND BOHL VON FABER 109 frangais, a disparu pour toujours. La symetrie compressee et la gene conventionnelle de la poesie franc, aise ne pouvait nullement convenir au genie audacieux, aux passions profondes et silencieuses, et a 1'imagination ardente de votre nation. En general, 1'imitation servile ne vaurait jamais a rien de grand. Lorsque la poesie d'un pays a mis son elan et qu'elle est devenue sterile il faut la regenerer en puisant au puits de sa propre antiquite. Je suis done tout a fait d'accord avec votre poete captif sur la valeur de vos anciennes romances et je I'approuve fort de vouloir faire retentir de nouveau ses simples accents de la nature. Us sont reveur et melancolique, mais cette teinte primitive a etc un peu eclipsee sous la pompe de votre poesie artificielle. La communaute de la cause de la liberte fondera une nouvelle fraternite entre les Espagnols et les Allemands, qui de tout temps ont eu plus d'analogie entre eux qu'avec les Frangais ou les Italiens. Les Espagnols connaitront la litterature Anglaise et Espagnole15 ils y puiseront une certaine universalite de vues et surtout le conseil et 1'exemple de s'abandonner a leur propre genie. Ce que j'ai ecrit sur la poesie et le theatre de 1'Espagne reclame 1'indulgence; Madame, je manquais de livres et mes connaissances etaient fort imparfaites. Toutefois j'ai eu le bonheur de contribuer a repandre en Allemagne la lecture des poetes espagnols. Si le ciel m'accorde jamais a voir cette contree si belle et a present si devastee et ensanglantee, si je puis me promener sous les oranges de Valence, monter a 1'Alhambra des Maures, visiter la cathedrale gothique de Tolede, ces lieux renommes par le pelerinage, j'essayerai de mieux parler de votre nation et de sa poesie, surtout si j'y suis encourage comme je 1'ai etc par votre lettre (Querelle, 75). The letter reveals Schlegel's interest in Frasquita's recognition of his work. He received the letter in Stockholm, during his period as private secretary to Crown Prince Bernadotte. Yet, in spite of the geographical and cultural distance, Schlegel's views of Spain and his ideas on Romantic theory were evidently still clear in his mind. His letter is almost a restatement of the Romantic philosophies he had advanced ten years earlier in his essay on the Spanish theatre16 and which had led him to proclaim Calderon as the pinnacle of Romantic drama. Those notions are, amongst others: the concept of national genius; the nationalist, anti-French stance; his call for literary tolerance and the acceptance of the diversity of national cultures; his concept of poetic enthusiasm; the inherent literary originality of the Spanish people and the rejection of external rules and cold servile imitation. Schlegel also restates his call for a cultural regeneration based on the revival of each country's cultural heritage, i.e. what he refers to in the letter as 'sa propre antiquite', as opposed to classical antiquity. Schlegel's concept of 'Naturpoesie' (with the romances of the 'poete captif') 17 also appears here, for Schlegel, following Herder, considered popular poetry as the origin of all poetry. Schlegel's letter, with its encomiastic appraisal of Spain and her literature, must have been music to the ears of the Romantic Bohls, for it reinforced in no uncertain terms their innermost 15 Pitollet points to a lapsus calami by Schlegel. The text should read 'Allemande' 16 August Wilhelm Schlegel, 'Uber das spanische Theater', Europa: Eine Zeitschnft rFrankfurt, 1803-05; reprinted, Stuttgart: Cotta, 1963), 1, 72-87. 17 Mora had been imprisoned by the French during the War of Independence. 110 BULLETIN JOHN RYLANDS LIBRARY convictions regarding Spanish literature: its originality and the fact that it was completely unnecessary for it to imitate other literature. But most important, it proclaimed the need for a spiritual and cultural regeneration, something the Bohls considered was the only means to offset the damage caused in Spain by neo-classicism, afrancesamiento, materialist Enlightenment thinking, in short, all the evils which the Bohls felt had infiltrated Spain through French influence. On 14 September 1814, in the Cadiz newspaper Mercurio Gaditano, Bohl published his translation of Schlegel's 'Vienna Lectures'. It was reprinted later under the title Sobre el teatro espanol. Extractos traducidos del alemdn de A.W. Schlegel por un apasionado de la nation espanola. 18 Bohl's article translated lectures number twelve (parallels between English and Spanish drama) and number fourteen (a discussion of Spanish drama) in one article. 19 The two lectures contained some of the most significant aspects of Romantic theory in their relation to Spain. Pitollet qualified Bohl's first article as 'en realite, beaucoup moins d'une traduction que d'un resume assez arbitraire, coupe de points de suspension frequents' (Querelle, 93) and indeed, at first sight, there is much to agree with in his assessment. 20 The work is a highly summarized mixture of the two lectures. However, Pitollet's criticism of arbitrariness is not entirely justified, for it does not take sufficient account of Bohl's model. For Bohl's article imitated Schlegel's revolutionary method of case analysis. Schlegel's twelfth lecture presented his theory of Romantic drama and, in scholarly fashion, demonstrated it through a case-study of Shakespeare. Bohl's article follows the same method but substitutes Calderon for Shakespeare, as Shakespeare was irrelevant to him. For that reason, Bohl had to break off in the middle of the twelfth lecture and move to the fourteenth (Schlegel's study of Spanish drama and Calderon) and graft that study on to the former, to produce a case analysis similar to Schlegel's. Juretschke's criticism, however, is more justified. He discusses the linguistic difficulties, which Bohl compounded by his insufficient understanding of the underlying aesthetic principles of the 'Vienna Lectures'. Bohl was a learned man, but he was treading difficult and often unknown territory. To Juretschke, the unfamiliarity of Bohl's audience with German aesthetics also meant that Schlegel's theories could often sound paradoxical and obscure. 18 1 quote from the reprint in Vindicaciones de Calderon, Bohl's edition of his writings, also extremely rare. There is a copy in the Biblioteca Nacional, Madrid. 19 I quote from August Wilhelm Schlegel's Sammtliche Werke, ed. Eduard Bocking (12 vols., Leipzig: Weidmann, 1846-47), vols. v and vi, where the lectures appear as 25 and 35 respectively. 20 Bohl was to publish various articles on the subject of Romanticism, but only one other one translates Schlegel directly, namely 'Lo que entiende Schlegel por poesia romancesca, extractado de su obra sobre el arte y literatura dramatica, impresa en Heidelberg 1809', published in 1819, where Bohl translates the first lecture. A.W. SCHLEGEL AND BOHL VON FABER 111 Bohl's initial intentions are not difficult to assess. In his later Pasatiempo, he wrote: 'A mi vuelta a Cadiz (1813), pense dar un testimonio de amor a Espana y a los espanoles publicando algunas reflexiones de aquel excelente critico'. 21 It is difficult to reject his statement as untrue. Bohl's love of Spain is evident in most of his writings. Moreover, whilst in Gorslow, he had become increasingly drawn into the current of German Hispanist studies, which centred around the revival of the Spanish comedia and the Spanish ballad. Therefore, like Juretschke, I disagree with Guillermo Carnero's reductive criteria, which condemn Bohl's writings as purely 'el camuflage de sus ideas politicas' (Origenes, 58). However, Bohl's defence of German Romantic ideas, of Calderon and of traditional Spanish literature is intertwined (in best Romantic fashion) with aspirations of cultural, social and even political reform. He defended a spiritual, as much as an aesthetic, system. SchlegePs assessment of the merits of Spain's literature, as much as his rejection of Enlightened ideals and French Republicanism reflected Bohl's own. Yet, as Juretschke has stated, his ardour did not aid the aesthetic debate, but in fact confused it even more. At worst, Bohl made Calderon into the symbol for a glorious bygone age, which Bohl desperately wanted to return. Because of this, Juretschke concludes: 'Die erste spanische Reaktion auf die Botschaft der deutschen Romantik gewinnt so zunachst eine politische Farbung und Bedeutung' (DuD, 162). How far Bohl managed to transmit in his first article the message of German Romanticism into Spain, can only be assessed by analysing his rendition of the salient Romantic ideas contained in the lectures he deals with. I furnish below a comparative textual analysis of some of those significant points. Neither Bohl nor Schlegel's order is kept in my comparison. Schlegel begins his comparison of English and Spanish drama by arguing that both had arisen, not from the imitation of classical models, but from the seed of national culture. For Schlegel they had grown as organically as Greek theatre had done before them. Bohl omits this long section and mentions the parallel between Spain and English only in passing, beginning by attacking the 'critico que solo estudia los modelos antiguos' and his lack of understanding of the peculiar originality of the Spanish comedia. Schlegel had written: Ware die Behauptung richtig, so wurde Alles, was die Werke der vollendetsten englischen und spanischen Dramatiker, eines Shakspeare und Calderon, unter21 'Segunda parte del Pasatiempo critico, Apendice', Vindicacwnes, 4. See also Derek Flitter's work Romantic Traditionalism: Directions in Literary Theory and Criticism in Spain, 1814-1850, 17: 'His principal concern was the defence of Calderon and other Spanish authors against the attacks of Classicists'. Flitter's work is shortly to be published by Cambridge University Press. I am indebted to Dr Flitter for the loan of his typescript. 112 BULLETIN JOHN RYLANDS LIBRARY scheidet, sie blop unter die Alten herabsetzen; sie wiirden auf keine Weise fur die Theorie wichtig sein, und konnten hochstens durch die Annahme merkwiirdig scheinen, der Eigensinn dieser Nationen, sich durchaus nicht nach den Regeln bequemen zu wollen, mochte den Dichtern desto unbeschrankteren Spielraum gelaflen haben, ihre angestammte Originalitat, wiewohl gleichsam hinter dem Riicken der Kunst, zu offenbaren. Allein selbst diese Annahme diirfte bei naherer Beleuchtung sehr zweifelhaft werden. Der dichterische Geist bedarf allerdings einer Umgranzung, urn sich innerhalb derselben mit schoner Freiheit zu bewegen, wie es alle Volker schon bei der ersten Erfindung des Silbenmafies gefuhlt haben; er rnufi nach Gesetzen, die aus seinem eignen Wesen herfliefien, wirken (vi. 156-7). Bohl summarizes thus: Es muy natural que los criticos que solo estudian los modelos antiguos, menosprecien el teatro ingles y el espanol. Admiraran quizas algunos de sus rasgos brillantes, pero no por eso dejara de parecerles barbara y absurda la economia del conjunto. En vano procuraran reducir a sus reglas estas creaciones originales, y mas bien las condenaran por hereticas, que poner en duda la infalibilidad de Aristoteles. Muy lejos estamos de querer quitar toda traba a la fantasia del poeta; el ritmo, companero inseparable del verso, es tambien el primer simbolo de una sujecion (1-2). Heavily reduced, the text sounds much more polemical, as through the use of hereticas' and the mention of Aristotle, which Schlegel had avoided. Furthermore, it plays down the importance of metre, in Schlegelian theory one of the three main components of 'Naturpoesie'. 22 Schlegel's revolutionary statement that the creative spirit would move more freely within boundaries arising from its own nature is avoided. Bohl, instead, offers a generalization. Schlegel pre-empts the charge of formlessness by redefining the term. He writes: Formlos zu sein darf also den Werken des Genius auf keine Weise gestattet werden [. . .] Um dem Vorwurfe der Formlosigkeit zu begegnen, verstandige man sich nur iiber den Begriff der Form, der von den Meisten, namentlich von jenen Kunstrichtern, welche vor Allem auf steife Regelmapigkeit dringen, nur mechanisch, und nicht, wie er sollte, organisch gefafk wird. Mechanisch ist die Form, wenn sie durch au(3re Einwirkung irgend einem Stoffe blop als zufallige Zuthat, ohne Beziehung auf dessen Beschaffenheit ertheilt wird, wie man z. B. einer weichen Masse eine beliebige Gestalt giebt, damit sie solche nach der Erhartung beibehalte. Die organische Form hingegen ist eingeboren, sie bildet von innen heraus, und erreicht ihre Bestimmtheit zugleich mit der vollstandigen Entwickelung des Keimes. Solche Formen entdecken wir in der Natur uberall [. . .] von der Krystallisation der Salze und Mineralien an bis zur Pflanze und Blume und von dieser bis zur menschlichen Gesichtsbildung hinauf. Auch in der schonen Kunst, wie im Gebiete der Natur, der hochsten Kunstlerin, sind alle achten Formen organisch, d.h. durch den Gehalt des Kunstwerkes bestimmt. Mit Einem Worte, die Form ist nichts anders, als ein bedeutsames Aeufires die sprechende, durch keine storenden Zufalligkeiten entstellte Physiognomic jedes Dinges, die von dessen verborgnem Wesen ein wahrhaftes Zeugnip ablegt (vi. 157-8). 22 See Ralph W. Ewton, The Literary Theories of August Wilhelm Schlegel (De proprietatibus litterarum, series practica, Paris, The Hague: Mouton, 1972), 37. A.W. SCHLEGEL AND BOHL VON FABER 113 Bohl summarizes again: Exigiremos, pues, de toda produccion poetica una forma determinada, pero esta forma no debera ser mecdnica (como lo entienden los sectarios de las tres unidades) sino orgdnica. Llamamos/onmz mecdnica la que se labra con moldes, y forma orgdnica la que es innata. De esta clase son las formas que nos ofrece la naturaleza desde la cristalizacion de las sales hasta la figura humana, y que se pueden llamar fisionomias expresivas, que nos revelan las cualidades ocultas de todas las cosas (2). In more polemical tone, Bohl synthesizes Schlegel's explanation of the terms 'organisch'/'mechanisch', and offers an example. Schlegel's revolutionary application of scientific terms to poetry must have perplexed Bohl's audience. Juretschke has also criticized Bohl's significant omission of Schlegel's concept of nature as 'die hochste Kiinstlerin' for it was a central idea in Romantic theory. Schlegel's concept of 'Physiognomic' conceptualized the idea of organism as a unified whole whose outer form reflects its inner essence; the outer form of 'Poesie' was determined by the whole itself, thus intertwining form and content. Each thing was a symbol for itself; each object had an exterior which reflects its inner essence. 23 Bohl renders this concept as 'fisionomias expresivas', which is an acceptable version, though much impoverished. Schlegel continues to discuss that 'poetic essence', that 'verborgenes Wesen' of art and poetry moving through the ages, reappearing each time with a different outer form. He writes: 'Hieraus leuchtet ein, dafi der unvergangliche, aber gleichsam durch verschiedne Korper wandernde Geist der Poesie, so oft er sich im Menschengeschlechte neu gebiert, aus den Nahrungsstoffen eines veranderten Zeitalters sich auch einen anders gestalteten Leib zubilden murV (vi. 158). Bohl's contracted version sounds much more categorical. He writes: 'La poesia, semejante a la metemsicosis [sic], renace en distintos tiempos en cada pueblo y en cada idioma; pero forma su cuerpo de los elementos que cada vez la rodean' (2). As Bohl was not following Schlegel's comparison of the drama of Spain and England, he omits Schlegel's theory that an essential kinship existed between England and Spain, which was the spirit of Romantic poetry; their formal difference, however, was the different nature of their imagination: the English had a gloomy ('ahndungsvoll') imagination, whilst the Spaniards' was glowing ('gliihend'). Schlegel characterizes Romantic art and poetry, which mix the genres, by contrasting them with Classical art, which separated them. In a passage reminiscent of Friedrich Schlegel's famous Athenaeumsfragment 116, A.W. Schlegel writes: " See Kntische Fnednch-Schlegel-Ausgabe, ed. Ernst Behler et al. (Munich, Paderborn, Vienna, Zurich: Schoningh, 1958 - in progress), ii. 319. 114 BULLETIN JOHN RYLANDS LIBRARY Die antike Kunst und Poesie geht auf strenge Sonderung des Ungleichartigen, die romantische gefallt sich in unaufloslichen Mischungen; alle Entgegengesetzten, Natur und Kunst, Poesie und Prosa, Ernst und Scherz, Erinnerung und Ahndung, Geistigkeit und Sinnlichkeit, das Irdische und Gottliche, Leben und Tod, verschmilzt sie auf das innigste mit einander (vi. 161). Bohl renders the passage thus: El arte antiguo separaba con severidad todas las especies; el arte moderno pretende combinar todos los opuestos, y asi se complace en amalgamar la naturaleza y la compostura, la poesia y la prosa, la memoria y la esperanza, el alma y los sentidos, lo terrestre y lo divino, la vida y la muerte (2). This is an important concept. For Schlegel modern civilization was a product of the fusion of various components, with amongst them northern traits and fragments of antiquity. Greek civilization had been more homogeneous. Schlegel, therefore, proposed that Romantic art should thus delight in the union of different elements. Furthermore, the Greeks had delighted in the perfection of human powers; their art was more sensual and worldly. In the modern era, however, Christianity had introduced an element of dissatisfaction into life. But, because modern civilization still bore traces of Hellenic thought, Romantic art should incorporate elements from it, mixing them with those which were inherently Romantic: 'Geistigkeit und Sinnlichkeit, das Irdische und Gottliche, Ernst und Scherz'. Bohl was familiar with the writings in Athenaeum and would therefore understand Schlegel's propositions. But he was dealing here with theories which deserved interpretation for an uninitiated audience (or full translation). Thus, it is not surprising that these utterances elicited sardonic criticism from Mora, who replied: 'Llamele como quiera, este genero es menester que sea detestable, puesto que, segun Ud. mismo, pretende combinar todos los opuestos; combination absurda en las artes de imitation, en las que no debe haber opuestos sino contrastes' (Querelle, 95). Again, contrasting classical with modern art, Schlegel had written: so ist die gesammte alte Poesie und Kunst gleichsam ein rhythmischer Nomos, eine harmonische Verkiindigung der auf immer festgestellten Gesetzgebung einer schon geordneten und die ewigen Urbilder der Dinge in sich abspiegelnden Welt. Die romantische hingegen ist' der Ausdruck des geheimen Zuges zu dem immerfort nach neuen und wundervollen Geburten ringenden Chaos, welches unter der geordneten Schopfung, ja in ihrem Schoofie sich verbirgt (vi. 161). For Schlegel, ancient art could produce perfected works of art, whereas Romantic art delighted in chaos. The term 'chaos' appeared often in Romantic writings. Friedrich Schlegel had written: 'Denn das ist der Anfang aller Poesie, den Gang und die Gesetze der verniinftig denkenden Vernunft aufzuheben und uns wieder in die schone Verwirrung der Fantasie, in das urspriingliche Chaos der mensch- A.W. SCHLEGEL AND BOHL VON FABER 115 lichen Natur zu versetzen . . . ' 'Chaos' was meant to denote the chaos of genesis, prior to the emergence of consciousness, the infinite variety of forms underlying God's creation. Romantic poetry should express the poet's attraction to that creative chaos. Thus Romantic art, though apparently fragmentary, could offer a key to the secrets of the universe. It is not difficult to imagine that these revolutionary and abstract notions, coming as they did into a culture still firmly based on an Aristotelian world-view, could sound preposterous. The difficulty of this passage leads Bohl into a trap when he translates: 'El arte antiguo es mas sencillo, mas claro y coincide mas con la naturaleza en sus obras aisladas; el arte moderno se acerca mas al secreto del universe, aunque a veces no ofrece mas que un caos' (my italics) (3). Bohl's clumsy attempt to reflect Schlegel's idea of the creative chaos made Schlegel's text sound incoherent and elicited Mora's bitter sarcasm: 'Una friolera! El secreto del universo estaba reservado al sublime descubrimiento del drama sin reglas . . . Es verdad que despues se nos asegura que a veces el arte moderno no nos ofrece mas que un caos; pero Schlegel y sus elegantes traductores sacaran de este caos la luz'. This kind of disparaging comment from Mora against Schlegel and Bohl illustrates the tone of the entire polemic, for during it Mora often referred to Schlegel as the author of 'paradoxas germanicas'. Schlegel's revolutionary comparison of Greek tragedy with sculpture and Romantic drama with painting was one of the high points of the lectures. In sculpture the eyes of the beholder are attracted to one isolated group, whereas painting presents the entire scene, with surrounding minor details and perspective. Romantic art should likewise offer a mirror to the universe in its rich variety. In drama, Schlegel writes: verglichen wir die antike Tragodie mil einer Gruppe in der Skulptur, die Figuren entsprechen dem Charakter, ihre Gruppierung der Handlung [. . .] Das romantische Drama denke man sich hingegen als ein grofies Gemalde, wo aufier der Gestalt und Bewegung in reicheren Gruppen auch noch die Umgebung der Personen mitabgebildet ist, nicht blof* die nachste, sondern ein bedeutender Ausblick in die Feme (vi. 161-2). Here Bohl encounters new difficulties with the technical terms used by Schlegel. Juretschke points out that Bohl could have borrowed from the French translation, where Mme Necker de Saussure utilizes the terms 'genie statuaire'/'genie pittoresque'. 24 Yet, Bohl omits the reference to Classical art as 'plastic' and, unsure of his ground, paraphrases Schlegel's categories as: 'El drama romancesco es un 24 Juretschke also states: 'Mit dem Verzicht auf diesen Vergleich hat sich Bohl von vornherein eines Argumentes begeben, das in anderen Landern viel zur Aufnahme der Ideen Schlegels beigetragen hat'. See DuD, 156, and 'Presencia', 14. 116 BULLETIN JOHN RYLANDS LIBRARY cuadro, en el cual ademas del colorido brillante de las figuras, se ven los derredores y los lejos' (3). Whilst Schlegel continues at length to illustrate his argument, and then moves to the study of Shakespeare, Bohl breaks to translate the lecture on Spanish drama. The fourteenth lecture was a reworking of Schlegel's aforementioned essay of 1803, which had arisen from his translations of five of Calderon's plays. The text of the lecture was meant to be provisional, but, in fact, was never expanded. Schlegel himself was aware of the text's shortcomings, as his preface to the second edition and his letter to Frasquita demonstrate. Bohl begins translating from the middle section which studied the origins of Spanish literature, in order to keep the historical approach Schlegel had utilized. However, he does not respect the economy of Schlegel's work, for he leaps from one section of the lecture to another, sometimes lifting single sentences from a passage as he sees fit, in order to construct his apology of the comedia. Schlegel's lecture on the Spanish theatre contains some very important Romantic ideas. It introduces the notion of a medieval mythology, to be found in the romances of chivalry with their characteristic motifs: love, honour, religious feeling, and heroism. This new mythology, wrote Schlegel, underpins modern culture and, therefore, should become the source of modern (Romantic) poetry and art. In a passage heavily overlaid with Herderian echoes, Schlegel presented a socio-historical interpretation of Spain's past, and adduced that Spain's poetic enthusiasm had grown hand in hand with the fame of her heroic deeds, aided by the proud awareness of her people. Spain had played a glorious role in history, defending Europe's frontiers from Moorish invasions in the 'Reconquista', an episode which Schlegel defined as 'ein einziges langes Abenteuer'. He wrote: Mit dem Thatenruhm dieses [. . .] so freien Heldenvolkes wuchs auch der Strom der dichterischen Begeisterung, angeschwellt von einem stolzen Bewufitsein. Die Spanier spielen in der Geschichte des Mittelalters eine glorreiche Rolle, welche der neidische Undank der neueren Zeit allzu sehr vergefien hat. Als eine verlorne Vorwacht des bedrohten Europa gegen die Einbriiche der Alles uberschwemmenden Araber, lagen sie auf ihrer pyrenaischen Halbinsel wie im Felde, ohne fremden Beistand, zu immer erneuerten Kampfen bereit. Die Grundung ihrer christlichen Konigreiche, Jahrhunderte hindurch [. . .] war ein einziges langes Abenteuer; ja die Rettung des Christenthums in diesem Lande gegen solche Uebermacht schien das Wunderwerk einer hoheren als blofi menschlichen Lenkung zu sein (vi. 389-90). It is perhaps not surprising that Bohl, though intensifying the Catholic element, translated all the main ideas of this passage; for the patriotic ring of Schlegel's text fitly conveyed his own feelings. Bohl also often applies his own knowledge of Spanish literature, and for example here, he adds the name of Pelagius, the first Visigothic king, not mentioned by Schlegel: A.W. SCHLEGEL AND BOHL VON FABER 117 Al par de las hazanas de esta nacion heroica, crecio el nervio de su poesia. Los espanoles ban hecho un papel en la historia, que la mezquina envidia de los tiempos modernos se ha esmerado en oscurecer. Haciendo de vanguardia de la Euro pa contra la irruption de los fieros musulmanes, no cesaban de oponerles una barrera viva, de continue renovada. La fundacion de sus reynos, desde Pelayo hasta la conquista de Granada, fue una sola aventura caballeresca . . . Y debemos confesar que la religion de Jesucristo, triunfante de tan grande superioridad de enemigos, es cosa prodigiosa (4). Schlegel, however, would not have discussed Spain's past without a reference to the Habsburg age, for it had left an ominous memory in the minds of Europeans. In Germany the 'leyenda negra' had recently been evoked by Goethe and Schiller in their respective plays Egmont and Don Carlos. Schlegel's condemnation of this era is uncompromising. He describes Philip II's policies as 'arglistig' and 'tyrannisch'. Bohl, however, omits this long passage. Of all the distortions which Bohl was to perpetrate on Schlegel's text this was the most grievous, for, coming as it did at the time of the restoration of the Bourbon monarchy, with a particularly repressive regime, Bohl's tacit endorsement of the Habsburg kings could effectively place Schlegel's name in the middle of a virulent political controversy, and so in a very questionable position indeed. Schlegel stated that the chivalric spirit of tie Middle Ages had remained imprinted on the Spanish character as on no other nation, and had resulted in the subsequent flowering of Spain's literature: Nirgends hat der ritterliche Geist die politische Existenz des Ritterthums langer iiberlebt als in Spanien. Noch lange nachdem durch Philipps des Zweiten verderbliche Fehltritte das innere Wohlsein zugleich mit dem auswartigen Einflupe tief gesunken war, pflanzte sich dieser Geist bis in die bliihende Periode ihrer Litteratur fort, und driickte ihr unverkennbar sein Geprage auf. Hier erneuerte sich bei weit hoherer Geistesbildung in gewissem Grade jene glanzende Erscheinung des Mittelalters, wo Fursten und Herrn die Kunst des Minne- und Helden-Gesanges iibten, wo die Ritter, ihre Geliebte neben der Andacht zum heiligen Grabe im Herzen, freudig auf die gefahrlichsten Abentheuer zum gelobten Lande wallfahrteten, wo selbst ein lowenherziger Konig die zartliche Laute zu Liebesklagen ruhrte (vi. 391). This Bohl, again avoiding Schlegel's critical reference to Philip II, renders thus: Solo en Espana ha sobrevivido el espiritu caballeresco a la caida de la misma caballeria. Cuando en el tiempo de Felipe II descrecian juntamente la prosperidad interior y el influjo exterior de la nacion, este espiritu renacio en la literatura y reprodujo en alguna manera aquella edad en que los reyes y los principes eran trovadores, y en que los caballeros veneraban con igual entusiasmo el Santo Sepulcro y a su dama (5). Schlegel was carefully creating a theory of the organic development of Spanish literature: from primitive and simple forms to mature, highly artistic ones, aided by improved intellectual development. He thus states that Romantic poetry, a natural concomitant of 118 BULLETIN JOHN RYLANDS LIBRARY the commingling in Spain of all the cultural elements, was to have its highest expression there: Wenn Religionsgefiihl, biedrer Heldenmuth, Ehre und Liebe die Grundlagen der romantischen Poesie sind, so mu(3te sie in Spanien, unter solchen Auspicien geboren und herangewachsen, wohl den hochsten Schwung nehmen. Die Phantasie der Spanier war kiihn wie ihre Thatkraft, kein geistiges Abenteuer schien ihr zu gefahrlich. Schon friiher hatte sich in den Ritterromanen die Vorliebe des Volkes fur das ausschweifendste Wunderbare kund gegeben. Diefi wollten sie auf der Biihne wieder sehen, und da nun ihre Dichter, ganz auf der Hohe der kiinstlerischen und geselligen Bildung stehend, es darnach umschufen, ihm eine musikalische Seele einhauchten, es ganz von grober Korperlichkeit gereinigt zu Farbe und Duft hinauf lauterten, so entsteht eben aus dem Kontrast des Stoffes und der Form ein unwiderstehlicher Reiz (vi. 392-3). Bohl's translation of 'romantisch' as 'moderna' is significant and demonstrated his clear understanding of Schlegel's categories. He writes: Si la poesia moderna se funda sobre los sentimientos religiosos, sobre el heroismo, el honor y el amor, en Espana precisamente habia de adquirir su mas aha perfection nacida y desarrollada bajo esos auspicios. Ninguna hazaria del entendimiento arredraba la imagination espanola, no menos arrojada que lo eran sus paladines. Su predilection hacia lo maravilloso se habia ya manifestado en sus libros de caballeria. Faltabale a su teatro alguna cosa semejante, y cuando los grandes poetas de aquel tiempo, adornados con todas las galas de la mas noble civilization, trasladaron a la escena el caracter caballeresco purificado de toda liga material, y sublimado hasta la semejanza aerea de un perfume matizado (si se nos permite la expresion), el espectador quedo contento (5-6). However, Bohl's rendering of the final part of this passage, of some difficulty for him as an untrained translator, attracted some of the severest criticism from Mora. For his translation of 'es ganz von grober Korperlichkeit gereinigt zu Farbe und Duft hinauf lauterten' as 'y sublimado hasta la semejanza aerea de un perfume matizado', even in the presence of his rider 'si se nos permite la expresion', was to shock his critics, who condemned it as 'expresion absurdamente ridicula' and used the phrase 'perfume matizado' in their writings as a sample of the kind of metaphysical nonsense which Schlegel had written about their theatre. Schlegel also discusses Spain's main dramatists, though in a rather unrepresentative fashion, for he overvalues Calderon, at the expense of Lope. Cervantes receives a more objective appraisal. Schlegel writes: Wenn es bei dem Bisherigen, namlich den Werken des Lope und seiner vorziiglicheren Zeitgenofien [. . .] ein Bewenden gehabt hatte, so mufite man an dem spanischen Theater mehr den grofien Entwurf und die versprechenden Anlagen, als die reife Vollendung loben. Aber nun trat Don Pedro Calderon de la Barca auf, ein eben so fruchtbarer Kopf [. . .] ein Dichter, wenn je einer den Namen verdient hat [. . .] Ich weifi keinen Dramatiker, der den Effekt so zu poetisieren gewufit hatte, der zugleich so sinnlich kraftig und so atherisch ware (vi. 384, 386). A.W. SCHLEGEL AND BOHL VON FABER 119 Which Bohl translates, again paraphrasing, as: Si el teatro espanol hubiese parado en esto, celebrariamos mas bien lo que prometia que lo que cumpliera, pero vino Calderon, que con tanto ingenio y no menos facundia que Lope, tenia mas dotes de poeta y mas inteligencia del arte dramatico. Todos sus dramas manifiestan una perfecta correspondencia entre los medios y fines, y la mas acabada maestria en los efectos escenicos (7). It is difficult to understand why Bohl omits the sentence which declares Calderon the poet most deserving of that title, though his omission of Schlegel's classification of Calderon's plays is more understandable. The best historical plays, says Schlegel, are those set in Spain, for Calderon's imagination was too eminently Spanish to identify with the history of another nation. Schlegel wrote that Calderon had taken the representation of Classical themes: 'daher ganz phantastisch genommen, wie ihm iiberhaupt die griechische Mythologie ein liebliches Marchen und die romische Geschichte eine majestatische Hyperbel ist' (vi. 386). Bohl follows him closely: 'Los historicos (exceptuando los que tratan de la historia nacional) no satisfacen tanto, porque Calderon era demasiado espanol para identificarse con una invididualidad agena. Asi para el, la mitologia griega es un juego fantastico y la historia romana una hiperbole majestuosa' (7). Schlegel continues to explain that Calderon's spirit is most distinctly expressed in his religious dramas. Love, says Schlegel, is only painted in broad terms, for Calderon's real love is religion. He writes: Sein Gemiith aber spricht sich am meisten in der Behandlung der religiosen Gegenstande aus. Die Liebe schildert er nur mit allgemeinen Ziigen, er redet ihre dichterische Kunstsprache. Die Religion ist seine eigentliche Liebe, das Herz seines Herzens. Nur fur sie erregt er die erschiitterndsten bis in die innerste Seele dringenden Riihrungen. Bei blofi weltlichen Begebenheiten scheint er diefi vielmehr nicht gewollt zu haben. Sie sind ihm, wie triibe sie auch an sich sein mogen, schon durch die religiose Ansicht bis zur Klarheit aufgehellt. Dieser Gliickselige hat sich aus der labyrinthischen Wildnifi der Zweifel in die Burgfreiheit des Glaubens gerettet, von wo aus er die Sturme des Weltlaufs mit ungestorter Seelenruhe ansieht und schildert; ihm ist das menschliche Dasein kein dustres Ratsel mehr. Selbst seine Thranen, wie die im Sonnenglanz blitzenden Thautropfen an einer Blume, spiegeln den Himmel in sich ab (vi. 397). Bohl renders this passage, much reduced, as: Pero sus composiciones religiosas o autos, son las que mas lo caracterizan. Fuerte en su fe, contempla sin turbarse las revoluciones humanas; para el la suerte del hombre no es ya un enigma. Hasta sus lagrimas reflejan la imagen del cielo, como el rocio recogido en el caliz de una flor (8). Schlegel continues: Seine Poesie, was auch scheinbar ihr Gegenstand sein moge, ist ein unermudlicher Jubel-Hymnus auf die Herrlichkeiten der Schopfung; darum feiert er mit immer 120 BULLETIN JOHN RYLANDS LIBRARY neuem freudigem Erstaunen die Erzeugnisse der Natur und der menschlichen Kunst, als erblickte er sie eben zum ersten Male in noch unabgenutzter Festpracht (vi. 397). Again, intensifying the religious element through the use of 'Criador' instead of 'Creation', Bohl renders the passage as 'Su poesia, sea cual fuere su objeto, es un himno continuado a la gloria del Criador. Asi es que no se cansa de celebrar las bellezas de la naturaleza y del arte' (8). The exchange then develops thus: [Schlegel]: Es ist Adams erstes Erwachen, gepaart mit einer Beredsamkeit und Gewandtheit des Ausdrucks, mit einer Durchdringung der geheimsten Naturbeziehungen, wie nur hohe Geistesbildung und reife Beschaulichkeit sie verschaffen kann (vi. 397). [Bohl]: Es el despertar de Adan, pero acompanado de una penetration de las relaciones mas secretas de la naturaleza, cual solo podria darla una contemplation ejercitada (8). 25 [Schlegel]: Wenn er das Entfernteste, das Grofite und Kleinste, Sterne und Blumen zusammenstellt, so ist der Sinn aller seiner Metaphern der gegenseitige Zug der erschaffnen Dinge zu einander wegen ihres gemeinschaftlichen Ursprungs, und diese entziickende Harmonic und Eintracht des Weltalls ist ihm wieder nur ein Widerschein der ewigen Alles umfassenden Liebe (vi. 397). [Bohl]: Cuando juntaba las cosas mas distantes y mas opuestas, las mas grandes y las mas pequenas, las estrellas y las flores, el sol y lo ojos, las perlas y las lagrimas, no veia en ellas sino las hijas de una misma madre, que debian bajo este supuesto, simpatizar entre si; y toda esta armonia encantadora de la creation, no era para el mas que una sombra del amor eterno que abrasa el gran todo (8). 25 This seems to be a suitable place to clear up the general misconception by which some Hispanist critics discard Bohl's particular form of Romanticism for not representing the new 'Weltanschauung'. Bohl was reflecting in his writings the views of the German 'Friihromantiker'. They had also experienced the Romantic 'Angst' which to some modern critics is the indispensable hallmark of Romanticism. Tieck's William Lovell, Novalis' Hymnen an die Nacht, Friedrich Schlegel's Uber die Franzosische Revolution, Fichte's supremely subjectivist work Wissenschafislehre, all reflect in some way the loss of a point of gravity, a disillusion with rationalist thinking, a longing for the infinite. Indeed, as we have seen, Bohl himself experienced that inner disintegration, and desperately sought wholeness. But it is the response to that intense feeling which sets Romantic writers into different categories. The 'Vienna Lectures' were the product of a second stage in German Romanticism, when, after the initial shock-encounter with their inner void, the strategy of the 'Fruhromantiker' had been to resolve the conflict through art and religion. In their adoption of an artistic posture to life, their model became the poet who for them most successfully represented the mingling of religion and art, namely Calderon. The passages just quoted are an example of the redemptive quality of German Romantic theory, where the chaos of the world and the inner self find their resolution through art and religion. By the time the 'Vienna Lectures' were given, Romantic strategy for re-integration had been encoded in terms such as 'Chaos', 'poetic enthusiasm', 'new mythology'. German Romanticism intended to 'synthesize' all conflicting aspects of life: reality and imagination, belief and unbelief, life and death, and thus to resolve the conflict. The Romanticism of Espronceda, the Duque de Rivas and Larra, to quote but three Spanish writers, was more akin to the 'rebellion' of Sturm und Drang, which, by the time A.W. Schlegel was writing the 'Vienna Lectures', had been digested and absorbed into a more positive system (although there were also to remain some adepts to that darker side of Romanticism, which German criticism refers to as 'die Kehrseite der Romantik', in authors such as Bonaventura, E.T.A. Hoffmann, and Clemens Brentano, again to quote only three). A.W. SCHLEGEL AND BOHL VON FABER 121 Again, at this stage, Bohl leaps through the text, to arrive at the section where Schlegel discusses the decline of Spain's theatre in the eighteenth century; this gives Bohl ample ammunition to attack the 'apostates' of the Spanish tradition. Schlegel writes: 'Diejenigen Spanier, welche dem alten National-Geschmack abtriinnig geworden sind, machen viel Wesens von den prosaischen und moralischen Dramen des Moratin: allein wir finden keinen Grund, in Spanien zu suchen was wir zu Hause eben so gut, oder richtiger gesprochen, eben so schlecht haben konnen' (vi. 398). 26 Bohl translates: 'Los espanoles que han abandonado su genero nacional hacen mucho caso de los dramas naturales de Moratin. Pero las demas naciones no tienen que envidiarles unas composiciones sin poesia, tan comunes entre todas ellas' (8-9). Schlegel decries Spain's inexplicable desire to take up what in other countries has been taken for advancement, defining certain cultural currents (the Enlightenment) as 'epidemics', against which nations have to become inoculated by exposure to them. Bohl suppresses Schlegel's critical reference to clerical censorship and concludes by repeating the notion, familiar to us from Schlegel's letter, that Spain had 'slept' through the eighteenth century. 27 Bohl, understandably in a passage which attacks neo-classicism, remains fairly close to the text: [Schlegel]: Wenn sich in einem Lande aufiere Umstande, z.B. der Einflufi der Geistlichkeit, Censur-Zwang, selbst die eifersiichtige Wachsamkeit des Volkes auf die Beibehaltung der alten Sitten, der freien Einfuhrung dessen widersetzen was in benachbarten Landern fur einen Fortschritt in der Geistesbildung gilt, so geschieht es oft, dafi die befieren Kopfe nach den verbotnen Frtichten ungebiihrlich liistern werden, und etwas Verkehrtes erst dann recht zu bewundern anfangen, wenn es anderswo schon wieder aus der Mode gekommen ist (vi. 399). [Bohl]: Cuando las circunstancias exteriores, sea una censura arbitraria, o sea el mismo apego de la mayor parte de los habitantes de un pais a sus habitos nacionales, se oponen a la introduction de lo que se califica de progreso del entendimiento humano entre los vecinos, sucede que las buenas cabezas se prendan de aquellos frutos prohibidos, y se empenan con tenacidad en ciertos errores literarios, al tiempo que ya no son moda en otras partes (9). [Schlegel]: Gewisse Geisteskrankheiten sind so epidemisch in einem Zeitaker, daft eine Nation niemals vor einem Anfalle davon sicher ist, bis man sie ihr inokuliert hat. 26 This passage is evidence that Schlegel was up to date with the literary debates in Spain. 27 This constitutes further proof of Schlegel's insufficient knowledge of the history of Spain, still informed by his Enlightened education. For Spain had participated to a certain extent in the Enlightenment, especially under Charles III, and had been undergoing economic, industrial, and social reforms. The reforms also touched the religious sphere. Under Aranda, the minister to Charles III, the Jesuits were expelled for opposing certain political reforms. However, Schlegel could be forgiven for thinking the way he did, for the conservative lobby in Spain which opposed reform was much stronger than elsewhere. The Church still exercised very strong power, especially over the uneducated masses, who were still being exhorted by the clergy to oppose and reject change. The Enlightened regime had also banned Calderon's autos sacramentalfs as being pernicious and sacrilegious. The comedia could only be staged in neo-classical recastings. 122 BULLETIN JOHN RYLANDS LIBRARY Indessen sind die Spanier, wie es scheint, in Absicht auf die leidige Aufklarung des letzten Geschlechts mit den Windpocken abgekommen, wahrend die entstellenden Blattergruben in den Ziigen andrer Nationen nicht zu verkennen sind (vi. 399). 28 [Bohl]: Hay enfermedades del entendimiento tan epidemicas, que no se puede librar de ellas una nation, sino por la inoculation. Tal es la filosofia moderna. Los espanoles parecen haberse libertado con solo unas viruelas volantes o locas, mientras que las senales de una irruption maligna desfiguran las fisonomias de las demas naciones (9). [Schlegel]: In ihrer etwas insularischen Existenz haben sie das achtzehnte Jahrhundert verschlafen, und wie konnte man im Grunde seine Zeit befler anwenden? [. . .] Was sie bis jetzt aus angeborner Neigung geliebt, miifiten die Spanier mit klarer Erkenntnifi verehren lernen, und, unbekiimmert um die dazwischen aufgekommene Kritik, aus Grundsatz im Geist ihrer grofien Dichter zu schaffen fortfahren (vi. 399). [Bohl]: En su existencia peninsular han pasado en modorra el siglo XVIII; y en efecto, ique mejor podian haber hecho? Si la poesia espanola despierta algiin dia, sea en Europa, sea en las Indias, no hay duda que solo un paso tendra que dar desde el instinto ciego al conocimiento meditado. Los espanoles admiraran entonces por convencimiento lo que han amado hasta aqui por inclination; y sin hacer caso de la critica bastarda del siglo filosofico, pondran todo su conato en componer en el mismo sentido que los grandes modelos de su siglo de oro (9-10). It is easy to understand that Bohl should have translated this final passage almost in its entirety, for it strongly attacked neo-classicism in Spain. Again, however, Bohl intensifies Schlegel's tone by the translation of 'die dazwischen aufgekommene Kritik' as 'critica bastarda', a line with which he concludes the translation. An assessment of Bohl's translation of Schlegel's lectures would have to condemn various aspects, not least his translating technique. Although the article did not claim to be a full version of the original, it did purport to be a translation (and not a paraphrase) of Schlegel's work. Bohl had sub-titled his article 'Extractos traducidos del aleman de A.W. Schlegel'. The Spanish reader was left with no reason to doubt that he was reading Schlegel's work in translation, if summarized. For the translator, the charge of inaccuracy is a serious one. The haphazard and hasty treatment Bohl gave to Schlegel's text cannot be excused. Similarly inexcusable is his omission of points of ideology which were of political significance in Spain as in the rest of Europe, such as the contemporary revaluation of the Habsburg dynasty. As a German, Schlegel was offering his own contribution to the 'leyenda negra' debate! Bohl had no right to amend his text for ideological reasons. His good intentions to propagate German ideology were marred by his inability to remain faithful to the text when relaying it to a Spanish audience. His penchant for summarizing is, perhaps, less 28 Cf. Friedrich Schlegel's similar phraseology in his Gesprach iiber die Poesie, Kritische Friedrich-Schlegel-Ausgabe, ii. 209-10. A.W. SCHLEGEL AND BOHL VON FABER 123 serious, though sometimes it renders the text unintelligible. He also escalated the polemical tone, thus souring the literary debate. However, on a positive note, it is impossible not to acknowledge the vision which Bohl's personal introduction to Spain of the most up-to-date aesthetic thinking in Europe implied. In this context, the assessment by various Hispanists of Bohl as 'retrograde' loses its force. Bohl was bringing into Spain the body of thought of one of the most visionary group of thinkers. Schlegel had used Kantian and Fichtean philosophies, combined them with art history and thereby arrived at a new system of art criticism. His method was 'state of the art' aesthetics. That was the reason why Bohl could never reconcile in his own mind why in Spain the pseudo-classicists were still hanging on to their outmoded criteria and stubbornly following Luzan (the Spanish Gottsched) and his unimaginative poetics. Bohl was aware of the huge European success of the 'Vienna Lectures', but he also felt somehow personally involved in the adventure. Whilst on Spanish soil, he had learned to love the great Spanish tradition which Schlegel was apotheosizing in them. In Germany, he also followed the development of the Romantic group and read their writings with keen interest. His natural wish to participate in the dissemination of those ideas, so akin to his own, cannot lightly be dismissed as spurious. He felt himself to be the right person at the right time to bring to Spain the good news that Calderon was once again in his rightful place of honour. His method was questionable, too polemical and biased, but his modest article conveyed the essential message of 'Fruhromantik'. His translation did communicate to the Spanish public that, in Germany, a man named August Wilhelm Schlegel was redefining the canons of art criticism; that the doctrines of 'the neo-classical rules' did not have to apply to modern literature, for the work of art had rules of its own, set by the creative artist; that these were organic forms, likely to differ according to time and place; that modern art should mix the genres; that Spain was unique in her artistic originality; that religion was important in the development of culture; that literature had to arise from the national character and the national cultural traditions; and, last but not least, that Calderon had been elevated to the pinnacle of artistic merit and Spain could again look Europe in the face, and cease denigrating her 'irregular' dramatists. Indeed, Bohl's efforts bore fruit, for very soon other Romantic writers followed him, first in Barcelona, with the group who published the journal with that most Romantic name El Europeo,29 and later in Madrid, with Agustin Duran,30 whose Discurso of 1828 is now considered the first manifesto of Spanish Romanticism. 29 See J.L. Alborg, Histona de la literatura espanola, 4: El romanticism) (Madrid: Credos, 1980), 90. 30 D.T. Gies has discussed Duran's debt to the German Romantics in his Agustin Durdn: A Biography and Literary Appreciation (London: Tamesis, 1975), 57ff. Flitter's Romantic Traditionalism conclusively demonstrates also the long-lasting effect of Bohl's Schlegelian writings. 124 BULLETIN JOHN RYLANDS LIBRARY Bohl often attempted to obtain the kind of acknowledgement which once Frasquita had attracted from Schlegel, but to no avail. Though Cadiz had remained fresh in Schlegel's memory (boasting about the fame the lectures had given him, he once wrote: 'das literarische Europa weifi es von Cadiz bis Edinburg'),31 yet he never addressed the Bohls again. It is perhaps not difficult to agree with previous students of the Querelle that the polemical tone Bohl had given to Schlegel's lectures went far to discourage Schlegel from acknowledging his efforts, a fact which Bohl was to lament for a long time to come. 31 Cited by Paulin, Ludvng Tieck, 377, n.86.