‘A Tale of Two Cities’. The Memory of Ferrol, between the Navy and the Working Class.* of stratification on which society was based, and the need to defend the city from enemy attacks and to discipline workers led to the application of a spatial plan charged with violence and with the segregation of the Navy officers and the working-classes. Yet this organization of space demanded a highly costly coercive system, which clashed openly with working-class people when unfavourable economic and political circumstances reduced the financial and coercive capacity of the State. José María Cardesín ‘It was clearer than crystal to the lords of the State preserves of loaves and fishes, that things in general were settled for ever’ Charles Dickens, A Tale of Two Cities In the long term, the changes brought about by international economics and geopolitics and by the art of war had a direct impact on the viability of the city. In addition, changes in political culture and class alliances led to a redefinition of the practices of power. In the 19th century, the naval base and the enclave economy of Ferrol became obsolete. Furthermore, the new political culture of the nation state and liberal democracy complicated even further the already complex task of controlling a working class which could eventually forge an alliance with the local bourgeoisie. Ferrol’s spatial plan proved ineffective against enemy attacks or in disciplining workers, and hindered the growth of the city. The various projects aimed at reformulating the city’s spatial plan were based on different policies of memory that attempted to reinterpret the city’s history. The political culture of outright confrontation that led to the Civil War allowed for the updating of Ferrol’s spatial plan thanks to the identification of a single – and ‘accessible’ – enemy both inside and outside. The pro-Franco Navy converted the political repression against the working-class people into a major issue in the victory against ‘the red enemy’: the II Republica. The Franco regime meant the return of a segregated and militarised Ferrol, whereas in the 1980s, European integration and the transition to democracy made this model obsolete. Ever since, the difficulties the city has encountered in outlining an alternative development project and tracing a policy of memory agreed by consensus have been directly linked, and are at once both the cause and effect of the lack of stability that exists in local politics. ‘Because I do it with a little ship only, I am called a thief; you, doing it with a great navy, are called an emperor’ Augustinus, De Civitate Dei M odern political culture was formed – amongst other things- by practices of power. It was devised in the cities, because the institutions of power were founded there and, in addition to this, cities posed new challenges for the provision, logistics and control of the population. Many cities of the Age of Enlightenment - particularly those built up on a military basis - were places where the new disciplinary technologies 1 that operated through a coercive organization of space, or the policies of memory 2 that attempted to manufacture consent were to be put to the test. There, elaborate scenographies were to be organized, in order to show off the ceremonial rituals of the state and the elite. Yet the population did not remain the passive recipients of these practices of power: instead they qualified them and created limitations for their application to everyday life, openly calling them into question during times of crisis,3 and reinterpreting the ideas of official political culture to suit their own ends.4 The history of the founding of Ferrol is a clear illustration of this. The city was designed ‘ex-novo’ by military engineers to serve the Spanish monarchy of the Age of Enlightenment, housing its naval base and dockyards. The principles Ferrol 1 Urban History urban settlements apart from the small town of Ferrol, henceforth referred to as ‘Ferrol Viejo’ (Old Ferrol), with just over one thousand inhabitants. The monarchy decided to found a new city, also called ‘Ferrol’, and which became the capital of the Maritime Department of the North in 1726.5 The Shipyards of the Bourbon Monarchy (1750) Map of the inlets of Ferrol, Coruña and Betanzos, by Vicente Tofiño (1787) Source: Own work A.- A city charged throughout history with segregation and violence. Ferrol was founded as the result of a political decision. After signing the Treaty of Utrecht in 1713 the new Bourbon dynasty opted to reorganize the Navy, since it was necessary to defend the Spanish coast and the American colonies, and to protect trade. The coast of the Iberian Peninsula was divided into three maritime departments, and naval bases and dockyards were set up around their capital cities. Whilst Cartagena became the seat of the Department of Levante (the Mediterranean Sea), and Cadiz for the South [Atlantic], the capital of the Northern Department was located in the northwest of the Peninsula, on the Galician coast. The Ferrol estuary was strategically situated as regards sea traffic, and it could threaten British communications with America and the East Indies route. The deep draught estuary was easy to defend since it had a narrow mouth surrounded by mountains. The only obstacle was the absence of any Ferrol Source: Colección Carlos Martínez Barbeito de Estampas de Galicia, Ayuntamiento de A Coruña The first stage took place during the reign of Felipe V and lasted until 1740. Warehouses, offices and shipyards were provisionally located in the small village of A Graña. Two castles (San Felipe and La Palma) and seven coast batteries made the estuary impregnable. In the reign of Fernando VI and under the rule of the 2 Urban History Marquis of Ensenada (1746-54), the shipyards and the civil and military sheds were moved to their current location out at the estuary. The aim was to look for waters of deep draught and an area adjacent to the coast that was a suitable site for the new city. The city underwent periods of prosperity and decline, depending on whether the political and economic circumstances of the day were favourable for the Navy and shipbuilding industry. The expansion during the second half of the 18th century coincided with the reactivation of the colonial trade and a new naval policy during the reigns of Fernando VI and Carlos III. The shipyards, where up to twelve warships could be built at any one time, employed more than 5,000 workers. The population grew from 455 ‘vecinos’7 registered in the 1746 census to 1,208 ‘vecinos’ in 1751, and by the end of the century numbered approximately 4,100. This last figure represents a total of around 20,000 or 25,000 inhabitants. Ferrol by 1800 was the most important city in Galicia.8 The remote situation of the city set midway up the estuary surrounded by a rugged coast did not aid land communications or the diversification of the economy. The nearby city of A Coruña absorbed the trading and the administrative functions,6 and communications by land between the two cities were poor. The new enclave’s industry depended on external decisions, funds and technology. And the strategic advantages linked to the location and impregnability of the estuary would gradually vanish due to the changes brought about by international geopolitics and the art of war. In consequence, the reactivation of the facilities depended increasingly on political decisions in favour of Ferrol or of other different centres. Connections with influential national politicians became extremely important. The vessel Santísima Trinidad, launched in Havana in 1769 Ships built in Ferrol (1750-1860) Source: Museo Naval de Madrid Source: Own work Ferrol 3 Urban History During his time as Secretary of Finance, War, Navy and the Indies, the Marquis of Ensenada worked out a geo-strategic vision, a defensive naval policy and the budgetary funds for the creation of Ferrol. Naval reforms at that time gave priority to warships that could combine speed with heavy artillery. Not only were shipyards of Ferrol refitted for building this kind of vessel; its dockyards were also remodelled to fit them out and repair them.9 Installations that included specific buildings were needed to facilitate the technical and labour organization. Navy officers were sent in 1749-50 to spy on the English, French and Baltic dockyards.10 were built in 1752-70. These consisted of a large dock protected by a breakwater armed with a battery of cannons. The ‘Park Dockyard’ acted as a storehouse for the supplies of arms and equipment and the facilities where masts and spars were assembled. Maintenance and repair work was carried out in the ‘Dock Dockyard’, particularly the delicate operation of careening the ship hull. The careening docks were emptied using pumps, an exhausting –practically lethal- task. That is why a ‘Presidio’ was built in the ‘Dock Dockyard’, with a gaol which could house 1,000 convicts.11 Moreover, the authorities resorted massively to forced labour during the early stages of building: hundreds of gypsies and vagabonds, and thousands of unskilled Galician labourers, who attempted to escape en masse.12 The city of Ferrol, 1859 Park Dockyard, showing the breakwater and the Arms Hall (1850) Source: Lithograph of José Alonso Esquivel (1850), Museo Naval de Madrid. Modified by J. Gelpi The people who worked in shipyards and dockyards were called the ‘maestranza’.13 They were organized in trades, and it was not an easy task to discipline them. Indeed, discipline was made even more difficult due to the arrears of several months’ payment, a situation which would grow steadily worse towards the end of the 18th century. The paralegal practice of picking up ‘splinters’ –surplus pieces of Source: Colección Carlos Martínez Barbeito de Estampas de Galicia, Ayuntamiento de A Coruña The most urgent task was to start work on the first vessels. For this reason separate shipyards were built in advance in 1749-53, and located in Esteiro to the east. Next to the Shipyards, the Dockyards Ferrol 4 Urban History Arms Hall, in the Park Dockyard (1903) wood– became an essential complementary income, because it allowed workers to obtain immediate funds. But this fact might conceal larceny, which was the authorities’ nightmare together with the shirking of duty and insubordination. Sabotage was easy in dockyards where combustible materials abounded,14 and pamphlets containing threats of arson were common weapons in labour disputes.15 The authorities tried to suppress the habit of smoking at work, and they strived to restrict, although unsuccessfully, the popular custom of burning bonfires during the celebration of ‘Saint John’s Eve’.16 Military control was needed, either over the forced labourers or the free ‘maestranza’ workers, hence the early presence in the city of regiments of marines, a total of 3,000 soldiers in 1753. New disciplinary technologies that operated through a coercive organization of space were also developed. The naval facilities were isolated from the inhabited areas. The Esteiro shipyards were surrounded by a wall, which had a single entrance. The seven-metrehigh wall that enclosed the dockyards was surrounded by a deep and wide moat. It also had a single entrance, the ‘Dock Gate’. The wall and moat managed to prevent the theft of materials and tools, and the ‘maestranza’ from shirking their duties. They also helped to stop convicts from escaping, and if the ‘maestranza’ revolted the wall and the moat blocked the access to the Dockyard, particularly to the ‘Arms Hall’ where the cannons and guns were kept. ‘Maestranza’ and seamen were subject to military discipline. The Commander-in-chief of the Department was chief of both the squadron and the dockyards. In addition, both groups fell within the Navy’s jurisdiction. In 1785, the ‘Penal Acts for the Rule of the “Maestranza” in the Royal Dockyards of the Navy’ established the daily review, and all forms of offence were punished with imprisonment or by locking the victim’s hands and legs in the stocks situated at the Dock Gate.17 Ferrol Source: Postcard collection. Property of Ferrol City Council Such a coercive organization of space was also the basis for the development of the policies of memory. The dockyards showed an impressive architecture, proclaiming the power of Monarchy. The monumental ‘Dock Gate’, which was crowned by Carlos III’s coat of arms, not only welcomed the workers; it was also displayed before the whole population. The large clock at the top set the pace of work, as well as that of the city life, as did the siren that indicated when the ‘maestranza’ were to start and finish work. In front of the Dock Gate, a fountain-obelisk was built and crowned with an image of ‘Fame’, blowing its clarion in honour of the King. 5 Urban History Dock Gate, Ferrol’s Dockyard (c. 1900) building, was situated on a vantage point, overlooking the bay, the Dockyards, the Shipyard, and the town. The 4,000 soldiers housed in that building carried out manoeuvres in front of the barracks: they displayed their military prowess and were a warning to the ‘maestranza’. The ‘Navy Hospital’ depended on military jurisdiction. It was also funded by the collecting of ‘splinters’ -surplus pieces of wood- to the detriment of the workers’ income. Whereas Navy officers and their families were cared for in this hospital, the ‘maestranza’ could only be looked after in the event of a labour accident, whilst their families were not entitled to this hospital care. They would have to go to the ‘Charity Hospital’, situated to the north of La Magdalena.18 A 'Battalions' marine and an Artilleryman (late 18th century) Source: Postcard collection. Property of Ferrol City Council As the old town of Ferrol Viejo was very small and couldn’t house the new inhabitants, it was necessary to build a new city that also was divided into two neighbourhoods. In 1750s Esteiro was built for the ‘maestranza’, at the foot of the Shipyards. Opposite the Dockyards, the new neighbourhood called La Magdalena was to house the Navy officers. Due to the decision to build the shipyards in advance, the workers had to be accommodated in nearby areas: first, in barracks, later in wooden huts, and finally in stone houses. The military engineers created a grid design for Esteiro. It was more than a century before work on the city installations – the paving and the sewer system- got underway. The engineers designed a rectangular square between the neighbourhood and the Shipyard, called ‘Esteiro Square’. The Navy Quartermaster offices, the military church, a hospital and a barracks were built there. The ‘Battalions Barracks,’ a magnificent Ferrol Source: Watercolour on display in the Museo Naval de Madrid. A sharp division was established between the ‘maestranza’ and seamen, and the Navy officers, particularly the ‘General Corps’ – the elite in command of a troop or a vessel –. Bourbon reforms ended the standard practice of promoting seamen to officers. The latter would be required to show proof of purity of blood and noble origin as a prerequisite to join the new Royal Naval Academy. Besides, in this 6 Urban History region, where two languages coexisted unequally – Galician, spoken by most of the population, and Spanish, the prestige language spoken by the city educated elite – the alien Navy officers would speak Spanish, the ‘maestranza’ Galician. This linguistic segregation lies in the names of both neighbourhoods: Esteiro is a Galician word meaning ‘Tideland’, whereas La Magdalena – in Spanish - means ‘Mary Magdalene’. The Napoleonic Wars had a democratising effect on the social origin of the Army officers, but the consequences were different in the Navy, where an inner recruitment was reinforced by the rotation of officers between the headquarters in Ferrol, Cadiz and Cartagena. since Esteiro was a temporary solution and was set to be demolished at some future stage. But following the fall of the Marquis of Ensenada a new offensive naval policy took hold. The war expenses monopolized an increasing part of the budget, in detriment to work on the Dockyards and the new city. In 1761, the military engineer Francisco Llobet considered Esteiro a ‘fait accompli’, and designed a smaller La Magdalena, which was ‘de facto’ set apart for the military men. San Julián Church (early 20th century) Map of the city of Ferrol (1859) Source: Postcard collection. Property of Ferrol City Council In 1763, military engineer Julián Sánchez Bort came up with the final version of the plan: six longitudinal streets, nine cross-streets, identical in width and crossed rectangular blocks of equal size. Two squares were planned at each end, ‘Dolores [Our Lady of Sorrow] Square’ and the ‘Parade Ground’, which the three main streets led into. The result was a stage, suitable for civil and military parades. It also Source: VVAA, El Barrio de la Magdalena del Ferrol (Santiago de Compostela, 1980). COAG La Magdalena was designed by military engineers, and its first stage was built at around the same time as the Dockyard.19 By 1755 a city was being planned where the different social classes were mixed, Ferrol 7 Urban History facilitated the movement of troops in the event of a revolt (as prescribed by military engineering treatises). Sánchez Bort designed the first major public ‘tree-lined walk’ in Galicia, called ‘Alameda’, situated between La Magdalena and the wall surrounding the Dockyards. This would be a favourite area for strolling and the celebration of civil ceremonies until the second half of the 19th century. A careful setting was displayed before whoever walked along the ‘Alameda’: towards the Dockyards, the ‘Battalions Barracks’, the ‘Dock Gate’ and the ‘Arms Hall’; towards La Magdalena, the magnificent San Julián Church, the public Prison (1802), and the ‘Capitanía Palace’ (1760), headquarters of the Commander-in-chief of the Naval Department and watchtower over the city and the Dockyards.20 And it was Sánchez Bort himself who designed the final plans of the first four buildings, which were officially opened between 1765-66. 21 century, causing a stench that failed to be eradicated due to the inability of the Civil and Naval authorities to reach an agreement. The Navy authorities organized the provisioning of the city and imposed taxes on food and drinks. After 1769, transactions of foods were carried out around ‘Dolores Square’, near ‘Capitanía Palace’. In 1784, peddlers –most of them women- were settled there by force.23 A moral issue prevailed beyond the desire for controlling prices: to discipline women’s sexuality since it could carry syphilis, the disease that decimated the troops.24 As the “women of the town” do not want to work or serve, they look for a scandalous way to spoil humankind [...] the havoc that the Gallic disease [syphilis] has been causing for some years in Spain […] So these women damage the Royal Treasury and the State, hurt the troops and the seamen, who are always sent to Hospital, and some of them die and some of them are badly cured [...] In Ferrol there must be one hundred impure women who meet soldiers, seamen and other lustful people.25 The military authority took charge of the construction of the city. The Commander-in-chief of the Navy was the ‘Military Chief of the Fortress’, and the marines carried out police tasks until 1774.22 In that year, the city walls were finished. From a military point of view their poor construction made them useless, but they were an omnipresent reminder of the military jurisdiction, and a valuable aid in the collection of local taxes on food and drinks. Civil authority was placed in the hands of an ‘Alcalde Mayor’ (Mayor), who was appointed at first by the military authority, but from 1774 became elective. The civil power was lacking in financial resources, and for this reason the town hall was located opposite the ‘Dock Gate’ in buildings which it did not own, as occurred with both the Prison building or the ‘Cátedra de Latinidad’ (a municipal school). The weakness of the civil power and its subordination to the Navy authorities would go beyond the first stage of design and the city’s early beginnings. Indeed, the lack of funds and the thorny question of the delimitation of jurisdiction meant that the sewer system drained La Magdalena sewage into the Dockyard’s moat for more than a Ferrol Those women who went along the streets, as peddlers, walking to their jobs or taking lunch to their relatives, played havoc with the plans to divide the city into watertight compartments, as they passed on information and created possibly subversive solidarity networks. But if in peacetime this reality threatened the coercive organization of space that was displayed in Ferrol, the situation became positively explosive in wartime. As the city was unable to get supplies from the outlying areas and had to obtain most of its grain by sea, the various wars provoked food crises in the second half of the 18th century. Since the majority of the 30,000 people who lived in the city depended directly or indirectly on the salaries paid by the Navy,26 social tension rose to unprecedented heights and the coercive organization of space showed its vulnerability whenever the monarchy found itself in financial difficulties. The ‘maestranza’ revolts to protest wage arrears became more and more frequent as the century went on: a riot in 1754, strikes in 1781 and 1791, and a revolt in 1795. The situation became more 8 Urban History serious due to the Napoleonic wars, when in 1805 the Spanish fleet was destroyed at Trafalgar and many people from Ferrol lost their lives. Coinciding with the Spanish revolt against the Napoleonic occupation, convicts rioted in Ferrol in May 1808, followed by the seamen in June. underwent a series of improvements and housed the buildings that symbolized the power of the Navy. Spatial segregation increased the sense of social distance, laying the foundations for undercurrents of hatred among the social classes. As early as 1771, a royal commissioner complained about the attitude of the inhabitants of La Magdalena, calling them ‘a load of privileged people’. In 1807, a revolt of the ‘maestranza’ culminated in the burning of the Teatro de la Comedia (‘Theatre of the Comedy’) situated in La Magdalena, and exclusively reserved for Navy officers. Scene from a Spanish shipyard (1748) Launching of the frigate 'Restauración' in Ferrol (1825) Source: Royal Acts for the Rule of the Dockyards of the Navy(1748), Museo Naval de Madrid Late that same month, a ‘Board for the Pacification of Ferrol’ was created. It was formed by the most important civil and military authorities, and exceptionally comprised all jurisdictions ‘to take in advance and beforehand the necessary steps and measures to avoid the insults and disturbances of the mob, which this big town is suffering’. 27 In order to keep the population under control, the ‘Board’ organized the city into four ‘quarters’: Ferrol Viejo, Esteiro and La Magdalena (which included two districts). In this way the ‘Board’ actually sanctioned the social segregation of the city.28 Navy officers, important businessmen, and liberal professionals lived in La Magdalena, whereas most of the ‘maestranza’ and the overwhelming majority of unskilled workers and labourers lived in Esteiro.29 La Magdalena, which was built in such a way that allowed for military control and the ceremonial rituals of the state and the elite, also Ferrol Source: Museo Naval de Madrid In January 1809 a crowd attacked the house of the Commanderin-chief of the Department, accusing him of being ‘Frenchified’. Some days later, the Napoleonic army occupied Ferrol. The British army arrived in June, but left in August, taking with them all the useful vessels and equipment. The city lived in chaos, wages remained unpaid, and hunger arrived in 1810. On 10th February General Vargas, the new Commander-in-chief of the Naval Department, was murdered. 9 Urban History The Mayor of Alcoy 'dragged out' during the revolt of 1873 A group of women from the scum of society gathered riotously at the dock gate of the dockyard [demanding payment of their men’s wages...] The “maestranza” who were at the workshops […] crowded together at the inner iron gate […] that wild mob dragged the badly beaten and wounded General down the stairs that led from his room. The dreadful cry of “drag him out” rose up from amongst the mob; [they] tied a rope round the poor commander-in-chief’s feet, and in front of his soldiers they took him out through the dockyard gate and dragged him in the midst of a terrific clamour [along the “Alameda”] as far as Esteiro [Square] where they left his corpse [at the gate of the Shipyard].30 Source: La Ilustración Española y Americana' Magazine, in J. M. Jover (dir), Historia de España Tomo XXXIV: La era isabelina y el sexenio democrático (1834-1874), p. 743. Ed Espasa E.P. Thompson explored those popular rituals in which a humiliating punishment is meted out in public, and explained how often they develop and subvert the ceremonial rituals of the state and the elites.31 Lynching such as that endured by General Vargas took place in a number of Galician and Spanish cities during the three-yearperiod that followed the Napoleonic invasion, and it was usually directed against the highest authorities. These lynching were in fact adopted by the mutinous mob as their own adapted version of the ancient ritual used in capital punishment when, following execution, the criminal’s corpse would be dragged around the town to the accompaniment of insults hurled at it by the incensed crowds, before it was finally put on public display.32 In Ferrol, the 1810 riots took place throughout the borders which strictly isolated the dockyards and shipyards from the city. Notice the itinerary adopted for the lynching. The women went through the ‘Dock Gate’ which led to an area off limits to the civil population, they joined the ‘maestranza’, attacking their master’s house, from which they dragged him out along the ‘Alameda’. He was then stabbed in front of the building housing the Prison and the Town Hall, and his body dumped at the Shipyard Gate, next to the treasury office from which the wages were paid. The riot questioned the prevailing disciplinary system, in the face of the passive reaction of soldiers who also suffered the effects of the exorbitant prices of bread and late payment of their wages. Ferrol In January 1811, the ‘Audiencia’ (High Court) of A Coruña passed a sentence against two women and a man accused of being the mutiny leaders, and stated that one of them ‘is to be hanged by the neck and until dead and after the execution, her head must be cut and separated from her shoulders [… and] must be fixed on a Stick opposite the Dock Gate [... and there] the same officer must tell the crimes that she has committed and the punishment that the aforementioned was given’.33 The itinerary of the execution, which returned to the scene of the crime, tried to restore the spatial division and the initial disciplinary system. But new times demanded new solutions. Council authorities promoted a scheme of public works that offered jobs and reduced the vulnerability of the city during the food crises. The construction of ‘Carretera de Castilla’ (Castilla Road) began. The aim was to find an alternative plan to the provision of the city by sea. The new road led directly to La Magdalena through ‘Puerta Nueva’ (New Gate), which was opened through the city walls in 1811, a year after the mutiny. Therefore it avoided Esteiro, the main access to the city up till then. The two squares of La Magdalena were also being laid out, in order to organize markets.34 The public works were also the 10 Urban History basis of new policies of memory. On the Parade Ground a fountain, which was crowned by a cenotaph-obelisk, was built in honour of Brigadier Cosme Damián de Churruca in 1813. Churruca was second in command of the Spanish fleet during the Battle of Trafalgar, and since he died as heroically as Admiral Nelson, he would have supposedly saved the honour of his squadron. The cenotaph meant symbolic reparation for the murder of General Vargas, who had also commanded a warship in Trafalgar. But its meaning went far deeper than this. In the iconography of the new Spanish liberal regime, where political elites tried to throw off the yoke of subordination to an absolute monarchy, cenotaphs dedicated to the fallen heroes of the Fatherland had come to supplant the ancient ephemeral catafalques dedicated to the kings. Such a reading was reinforced in Ferrol by the fact of the similarities existing between the new fountain-obelisk that was built in the market place in honour of the Navy officer,35 and that one which had been raised in front of the Dock Gate in honour of Carlos III. B.- Looking for alternatives to social segregation and dependency on the Navy. The city of Ferrol, 1937 Parade Ground, with the Obelisk and fountain of Churruca (c. 1905) Source: Bernardo Castelo During the first half of the 19th century the population fell by 50% to less than 12,000. The paralysis of the ship industry coincided with the loss of the American colonies and the economic and political crises that affected the country. A new period of recovery in the middle of the 19th century was linked to the reconstruction of the state and to a naval policy of prestige. The city reached 21,400 inhabitants in 1864. Ferrol was suffering the effects of its inherent vulnerability to the economic dependency on the Navy. But the consequences for the working class were becoming increasingly serious due to the segregation that existed in residential areas. The neighbourhood of Esteiro had begun to deteriorate when the shipyard crisis brought about Source: Collective Work, A Memoria de Ferrol (Vigo, 2002), p. 48. Edicións Xerais Ferrol 11 Urban History unemployment among the ‘maestranza’. During the first half of the 19th century the neighbourhood lost about 1/3 of its population, whilst its demographic weight in the city fell from 40% to 30%.36 The military church was moved near ‘Capitanía Palace’ as did the offices of the Navy Quartermaster, so their staff left the neighbourhood, and therefore the Navy officers no longer had any reason to frequent the area. Shops also closed down. Only a small barracks of the new ‘Guardia Civil’,37 which was responsible for keeping public order, was established there. neighbourhood, which in 1867 had six fountains and a ‘lavadero público’.38 Meanwhile in Esteiro there were only two fountains in very poor condition, and only one street was paved and fitted with drains. Doctor Pastor Nieto described that neighbourhood in 1895 as ‘the most populous and poorest [... where] the most shameless and stray prostitution […] takes shelter […] with old, humid, dark, unventilated houses [...] without latrines and with cesspools [...] with a deficient sewer system, which has all of its streets except one without paving’.39 He also underlined how that neighbourhood alone had suffered from epidemics of measles, smallpox and diphtheria in the preceding decade. Calle Real' (Main Street), in La Magdalena district (early 20th century) Whilst the city remained vulnerable to crises and conditions in Esteiro were growing steadily worse, most working-class people now lived ‘outside the city walls’, in towns and villages by the Ferrol estuary, and commuted to the city on foot or by boat. Part-time farming, the evasion of local taxes placed on food and drinks, and the access to cheap housing, and to healthier living conditions reduced the expenses that those workers had to meet. However, the social distance was reflected in the spatial segregation between the city and its outskirts. At the end of the 19th century, the council authorities tried to force the workers, who travelled to the Dockyards or to the Shipyards from the commercial port or from the west outskirts of the city very early in the morning, not to use the central streets of La Magdalena and to walk along the Dockyard wall, so that their voices or the sound of their footsteps could not bother the sleeping neighbours.40 As new subversive political ideas spread among the working class, the move towards the outskirts reduced the chances of revolt in a city whose coercive plan was proving to be increasingly ineffective. In the 1880s Ferrol was a pioneer city in the Galician labour movement. A few years earlier in 1872, a republican insurrection had taken place in Ferrol. Non-commissioned Navy officers led about 200 marines, 1,500 seamen and 200 workers of the ‘maestranza’ and quartered for a week in the Dockyards, which were filled with arms and, as we have Source: Postcard collection. Property of Ferrol City Council Improvements to city infrastructures (a sewage system in 183146, gas lighting in 1847) were mainly carried out in La Magdalena Ferrol 12 Urban History seen, designed to be impregnable by land and sea. As the insurrection failed, the Navy authorities proceeded partly to disarm the Dockyards, filling up the moat which surrounded them, and moving part of the troops and arms to new barracks that were to be built outside the city walls.41 unveiled a monument dedicated to Sánchez Barcaíztegui, a native of Ferrol and Commander-in-chief of the North Navy forces, who had died while fighting for his monarch’s claim to the throne. In 1894 a monument was dedicated in ‘El Callao Square’ to Méndez Núñez, the Navy officer who had been acclaimed as a national hero after leading the Spanish squadron in the Battle of El Callao in Peru in 1866.42 Monument to Navy Officer Sánchez Barcaiztegui, in the 'Alameda' (2003) Ball at the 'Capitanía' Palace (1907) Source: G. Allegue, O Oficio de vivir. A Cidade (Vigo, 1996), p. 34. Ed Nigra Source: Photograph by the author However local middle-class men who remained firmly in control of the town council resented being under military tutelage. The Navy and its officers were legally exempt from council taxes. The delimitation of jurisdictions was another controversial issue. In 1859 Ferrol had lost its sea front, and its main public space had been mutilated when the closing wall of the Dockyards was moved forward and devoured part of the ‘Alameda’. The city was also oppressed by useless city walls that the Army refused to give up. Moreover, the technological and geo-strategic changes gradually eliminated the advantages of the estuary as the site for a naval base, while its During the Restoration (1875-1923), relations between the native bourgeoisie and the Navy authorities were somewhat ambiguous. During the first two decades the Ferrol town council built public monuments, developing a nationalist rhetoric linked to the Navy, which was seen as a defender of the city, the country and the colonial Empire. As early as 1869 a statue of Jorge Juan, the Navy officer who had planned the original Ferrol was placed next to ‘Capitanía Palace’. In 1881 in the ‘Alameda’ King Alfonso XII Ferrol 13 Urban History eighteenth-century fortresses became obsolete. In 1898 the Spanish fleet was annihilated in the Hispano-American War and the remnants of the colonial Empire were lost. Ferrol citizens realized that the city was openly vulnerable to enemy attacks, and even more so in the advent of air warfare. was the ‘golden age’ of a prosperous local middle-class, who, influenced as they were by the innovative ideas and habits of the newly arrived foreign experts, seemed to be able finally to rid themselves of Navy tutelage and to lead a project of coexistence on the basis of the strategies played out by political parties, employers’ organizations and trade unions. A public launching at the Spanish Society of Shipbuilding (c. 1925) English employees of the Spanish Society of Shipbuilding (c. 1910-1920) Source: Collective Work, A Memoria de Ferrol (Vigo, 2002), p. 101. Edicións Xerais Source: Cadernos Ferrol Análisis, Ferrol en fotos un século atrás (Ferrol, 1998), p. 72 New forms of management were tried out in 1909, when the Shipyards and part of the Dockyards were rented by a private company, the ‘Spanish Society of Shipbuilding’, with a British held stake that should have guaranteed the exchange of technological know-how. Together with the warships that the Navy required, the company looked for new clients in the civil sector. In 1910s and 1920s the reform of Ferrol town (electrification, water supply and sewer system) and the construction of a transport system (train, electric tramway and commercial port) were concluded, helping to connect the city to the outskirts and indeed the rest of the country. By 1930 Ferrol had 35,000 inhabitants, and was still the third most important city in Galicia. It But Spain went a different way. After the Hispano-American War the Spanish Navy received the new mission of assisting the Army in struggles against civilians, either in the Rif War in Morocco, or in order to put down any form of social conflict in Spain. Between 1910 and 1920 strike followed strike, and the Army and trade unions confronted each other openly on the streets of Ferrol. In 1918 protests against the high cost of living broke out as hundreds of women raided food warehouses and forced prices to be lowered. In 1921, the deputy mayor who also was the President of the local employer’s organization was murdered in La Magdalena.43 Ferrol 14 Urban History The Dictatorship of Primo de Rivera (1923-30) imposed a provisional truce, as the ambiguities of the local policies of memory clearly show. In 1927, the council government dedicated a plaque to the founder of Spanish socialism Pablo Iglesias, and gave his name to a square in Esteiro, where he was born in 1850.44 Some months later the council authorities unveiled another plaque dedicated to two military men at their native house in La Magdalena: the Franco brothers. Francisco Franco was an army general, and a leader among the veterans of the Rif War in Morocco. In 1926 he had visited Ferrol where he was hailed as a national hero. The ‘Industrial and Commercial Circle’ made him their honorary president, and the president of the ‘Casino [Social Club] of Ferrol’ proposed the creation of a monument dedicated to the people from the city who had died in the ‘Africa War’.45 The tributes paid to Pablo Iglesias and Francisco Franco involved two very different policies of memory: the former corresponding to a working-class city with close ties to the socialist internationalism, and the last to a military city committed to colonial ventures. From 1931 onwards, the II República underwent a radicalisation process in both Ferrol and the rest of Spain. When the ‘Frente Popular’ won the general elections in February 1936, some members of the political and financial elite decided to organize a military rising. On 18th July it was started in Morocco by troops led by Franco. Two days later the revolt triumphed in Ferrol, and the memories of violence and segregation were once again brought to the surface. Both the trade unions and the many seamen in the Dockyards tried to resist, but they were poorly armed and were eventually forced to surrender. The repression was a blood bath, its victims the shipyard workers, the seamen and non-commissioned officers. During the first two years of war 215 Navy personnel were executed following a trial by court-martial, and 239 citizens ‘died after assaulting the police’, that is, most of them were murdered without trial. The number of executions and/or murders in the whole Ferrol region would amount to 2,000 during the three years that the war lasted.46 Spanish Society of Shipbuilding workers (1931) Proclamation of the Second Republic, in front of the 'Capitanía' Palace (1931) Source: Cadernos Ferrol Análisis, Empresa Nacional Bazán: 50 Aniversario (Ferrol, 1997), p. 40 During the war, Ferrol played a strategic role as the most important pro-Franco centre for the construction, repair and Source: Cadernos Ferrol Análisis, Ferrol en fotos un século atrás (Ferrol, 1998), p. 14 Ferrol 15 Urban History provisioning of warships. It guaranteed the supremacy of the proFranco Navy in the Cantabrian Sea and played a key role in the conquest of the mining and industrial centres located between Asturias and the Basque Country, which had remained loyal to the II Republic. Ferrol’s coercive spatial plan was updated in the sense that a single -and accessible- enemy was identified both inside and outside: the political repression against the working-classes became a central issue in the victory against the Republic. The cemetery wall, the walls of San Felipe and La Palma castles and the Dockyards became favourite settings for executions. San Felipe castle, the military facilities in A Graña, the Dockyards’ breakwater, and two vessels anchored there became prisons, from which the convicts left to be executed. In the eyes of the ‘maestranza’ who worked in the Dockyards, in the eyes of those people who crossed the estuary by boat to get to work, the facilities of the Ferrol of the Age of Enlightenment became places of memory - of repression. C.- ‘El Ferrol del Caudillo’. The violent political repression lasted throughout the whole of the post-war period: a further 1,000 people would be murdered in the Ferrol region during the fifteen years immediately after the end of the Civil War.47 The Franco regime resorted to policies of memory, portraying the II Republic as a period dominated by poverty and anarchy, and the military uprising and Civil War as a ‘Crusade’ against communism and in defence of Catholicism. A segregated and militarised Ferrol returned. The construction of monuments and the organization of rituals dedicated to the ‘founding fathers’ were held in La Magdalena:48 its main street was now called ‘General Franco Street’; on 18th July 1940, ‘Anniversary of the [Military] National Rising’, a ‘Cruz de los Caídos’49 was founded in Dolores Square; in 1949, the dictator unveiled a ‘Monument to the people from Ferrol who died in the Africa campaigns’ located opposite the Dock Gate; and the Parade Ground was totally remade when a huge Town Hall was built in 1953. Last honours for Admiral Luis de Castro (1939) The Interior Minister salutes the public from the 'Capitanía' Palace (1938) Source: Cadernos Ferrol Análisis, A Guerra en Ferrol (Ferrol, 1999), p. 38 Source: Portafolio: Entierro del Almirante Luis de Castro, 1939', en Ferrol Análisis, 17 (2002), p. 260 Ferrol 16 Urban History At the same time the figure of the dictator was raised to the status of the undefeated victor who brought with him peace and prosperity, and to whom all ‘true and worthy Spaniards’ owed both obedience and gratitude. The local elite decided to take advantage of the dictator’s personal power, and exploit his personal connections with the Ferrol region where he had been born and raised. In 1938, coinciding with a visit to Ferrol by the Interior Minister, Serrano Suñer (Franco’s brother-in-law), a major gathering was organized in front of ‘Capitanía Palace’. The reason was a petition unanimously approved by the council corporation to change the city’s name. It was renamed ‘Ferrol del Caudillo’ (an honorary title given to the dictator), and the petition was quickly approved by the Cabinet. Franco’s triumphal entry into the city took place shortly after the war had finished. He disembarked from a warship wearing the uniform of Commander-in-Chief of the Navy. He returned to Ferrol on twenty more occasions.50 to Franco as a gift. Since then and up until his death, he spent much of his summer holidays there. Members of the government, members of Spain’s elite also gathered round Franco in Meirás, some decisive cabinet meetings took place there, and public funds were invested in the area.51 The State’s aid and favour was unquestionably behind the reactivation of the ship industry in Ferrol. The ‘Spanish Society of Shipbuilding’ was now nationalized and renamed Bazán: it was located in Esteiro and its main job was to supply the Navy. Astano was established in 1941, in the adjoining town called Fene, its main customer being the merchant marine. Astano experienced rapid growth, above all from 1962 onwards when the ‘First State Development Plan’ provided Ferrol with major investments. As the ship industry employed more than 20,000 workers, the city doubled its population, increasing from 35,000 inhabitants in 1935 to 77,000 in 1950.52 The Minister of Industry standing in front of the model of Astano (1964) Meirás Manor House, Franco’s summer residence (1992) Source: M.A.Pérez Rodríguez, Astano. Un estaleiro na ría (Ferrol, 2000), p. 82 Source: FOAT SL More than a half of that growth corresponded to the population of the adjoining town called Serantes, which Ferrol annexed in 1940. The extra land meant that the city now spread beyond its walls53. The suburban development work was carried out round the ‘Castilla Road’, That same year, through the ‘Diputación Provincial’ (A Coruña County Council), a local group of major figures managed to purchase Meirás Palace, situated on the outskirts of A Coruña, which they gave Ferrol 17 Urban History renamed ‘Generalísimo’ Avenue (another honorary title given to the dictator). At the end of 1940s, Recimil, a new working-class neighbourhood, sprang up on one side of the ‘Generalísimo Avenue’ and just outside the city a thousand council houses were built. The connection between the Avenue and La Magdalena was made by building a magnificent ‘España Square’.54 It was surrounded on all four sides by elegant buildings housing institutional headquarters and homes for the Navy and Army officers, as well as for the Shipyard managers. came from the propellers of an old warship, and the statue was inaugurated in ‘España Square’ in 1967.55 Spatial segregation was once again present: on one hand, around ‘España Square’, the city of the Navy and the middle-class, and on the other, the working-class city, in the adjacent neighbourhood of Recimil; and the statue of Franco standing between both of them. Equestrian statue of Franco, in España Square (1999) New Town Hall in the Parade Ground (c. 1955) Source: Postcard collection. Property of Ferrol City Council In 1959-64 some equestrian statues were built in honour of Franco in Madrid, Barcelona, Valencia and Santander. These statues showed Franco full of vitality at a moment when the physical degeneration associated with old age was starting to appear. In 1964, a ‘Commission for establishing a monument dedicated to Caudillo Franco’ was organized on the initiative of the ‘Casino de Ferrol’. The monument was financed by popular subscription. The bronze equestrian statue, which showed the dictator wearing the uniform of Commander-in-Chief of the Army, was made in Bazán. The metal Ferrol Source: Photograph by the author But hardly five years later, in 1972, the first consequences of the international economic crisis, as well as the first steps for the industrial rationalization became evident in Ferrol. Besides, the agony of the regime was taking place, as the dictator approached his own death, and political parties and trade-unions of the opposition began 18 Urban History making early tentative moves. On 10th March, Bazán workers demonstrating outside the Shipyards were shot at by the police. The result was two dead workers and sixteen wounded. The strike spread to the factories, shops closed, and the police took control of the streets. ‘España Square’, which was a symbol of the dictator’s generosity, would from then on be associated with memories of repression. In 1974, this new symbolic meaning was endorsed by the decision of the pro-Franco town council to establish a statue dedicated to Camilo Alonso Vega, a native of Ferrol, lieutenant-general of the Army, an expeditious man on whom the dictator liked to rely to coordinate political repression. Moreover, shortly after Franco’s death, the town council decided to fix a big bronze plaque on the podium of the equestrian statue, where his last will was written and he guaranteed that his regime would outlive him. D.- Between the transition to democracy and the rationalization of the shipbuilding industry. In 1975, the dictator’s death and the transition to democracy created a new political situation. The fact that the Franco regime’s political culture had fallen into disrepute, combined with the lack of organisation amongst the social forces that had formerly provided backing for it, plus the introduction of a new political culture based on public liberties, universal suffrage and free elections would result in the victory of the ‘Partido Socialista’, that was to govern Spain between 1982 and 1996. Yet the re-organisation of the State based on regional autonomy has enabled the conservative ‘Partido Popular’ to remain in power in Galicia, a markedly rural region with an ageing population. Ferrol and its neighbouring municipalities were an exception. The working class population employed mainly in the ship building industry and with a tradition in trade union movement and organisational strategies provided the electoral basis that would place left wing parties firmly in power in local authorities. From the first democratic elections held in 1979, and up until 1987, Ferrol was governed by a coalition headed by the ‘Partido Socialista’.56 Demonstration by Bazán workers, in España Square (10th of March 1972) Meanwhile, the globalisation of the Spanish economy would reveal that the enclave economic model the city had employed during the Franco period was no longer viable. Spain’s entry into the European Economic Community meant that the Spanish –Socialistgovernment implemented a programme of rationalization of the ship industry which had a major impact on Ferrol’s shipyards. The admission of Spain into NATO also caused a profound reorganization of the Navy and the Army, and a significant reduction in the number of armed forces in the city. Ferrol lost 10% of its population in just under a decade. The trade unions and citizens’ associations constantly called strikes and demonstrations, distancing themselves from the ‘Partido Socialista’ that combined local and national government.57 Source: Fundación 10 de Marzo (ed.), España século XX: escenas do traballo (Santiago de Compostela, 1999), p. 135 Ferrol 19 Urban History The city of Ferrol, 1995 Galician government, controlled by the ‘Partido Popular’, and the Spanish Socialist government. The transition to democracy was based on an agreement between the more moderate forces of the Franco regime and the opposition. Excluded from this agreement, the more radical positions on both sides opted for terrorism and military uprisings. Both phenomena would eventually have an impact on a city in which the memory of Franco’s militarism and working-class movement inevitably came into conflict, causing serious difficulties for local authorities. Until 1985, two of the most outstanding characters of the unsuccessful military coup of February 1981 were imprisoned in military installations close to the Ferrol estuary: the eighteenth-century La Palma castle housed Lieutenant-Colonel Tejero, who had taken House of Congress; and Lieutenant-General Milans del Bosch, who had sent tanks out onto the streets of Valencia, was imprisoned in the Dockyards. Adherents of the extreme right travelled long distances to the city in order to visit them, which led to clashes with anti-Franco groups and placed the Socialist local authority under considerable strain. 1987 saw the brief appearance of ‘Exército Guerrilheiro do Pobo Galego Ceibe’ (the ‘Guerrilla Army for the Galician Free People’), the only -and smallterrorist group in the history of radical Galician nationalism. Two of the group’s most significant acts were to vandalise Franco’s statue in Ferrol twice, using explosives, the first time in 1987, coinciding with the Partido Popular’s victory in the local elections, the second just a year later. 59 Source: La Voz de Galicia (modified by the authors) The new global economic and political conditions were the cause of continuing political unrest in Ferrol. In the local elections that followed, a total of six different political parties were returned, including several ‘independent’ electoral groups. This led to the need for coalition governments whose evident instability meant that they were unable to remain in power for any considerable length of time. The 1987 local elections were won by the conservative ‘Partido Popular’; in 1989, a censure motion brought the left back into power; in 1991, the council elections were won again by the ‘Partido Popular’; just six months later, yet another censure motion meant that they were unseated by the ‘Partido Socialista’; and in the 1995 elections the ‘Partido Popular’ again regained the majority.58 When such radical groups chose Ferrol for their protests, they competed for the control of the city’s history, reinterpreting it to suit their own needs. This fact provides us with a valuable insight in order to understand recent local history. Ferrol’s spatial plan, militarised, segregated and associated with an enclave economy, is the repository of a memory of conflict between the Navy and the working classes, which became even more inflamed following the military uprising of 1936 and the Franco regime. Any alternative development project for the city required an in-depth reformulation of the city map, taking This lack of stability was also partly the result of the contradictions that existed in the Spanish political situation – and not merely those arising from the tensions existing between the regional Ferrol 20 Urban History advantage of the new urban administrative powers conferred upon local authorities by the democratic constitution. This affected not only the interests of various social groups but also the city’s memory itself: in other words, it provided an opportunity to reinterpret the city’s history through the use of policies of memory that form the basis used by the various political forces in order to obtain a solid electoral base. In short, two policies of memory have coexisted in Ferrol: the first is based on a working-class memory deeply rooted in the defence of the ship building industry, which attacks the segregation of the city brought about by the Naval base and military facilities and which questions the monuments that recall the Franco regime; the second defends the continuity of those places of memory of the pro-Franco regime -considering them to be ‘apolitical monuments’- and the segregation of the Navy installations, advocating the demolition of the working class districts and the closure of the shipyards. during the Franco period, which was scarcely 100 metres from España Square. The two statues –that of the workers, that one of the dictatorwere placed practically opposite each other, each one in its own neighbourhood.61 Detail of the monument to the Victims of 10 March, in Recimil (2003) During its time in local power, in 1979-87, the left was unable to oppose the rationalisation policies of Spanish Socialist government, and made only timid attempts to question the memory of the Franco period. The socialist local authority proposed the suppression of the city’s name ‘del Caudillo’, but they did not dare to remove Franco’s equestrian statue due to the strong opposition by part of the population led by the Navy officers. Only at the end of their time in office, during 1986-7, did the town council seem to have found a means of paying tribute to its more ‘progressive’ citizens associated with the defence of the working classes. Two statues dedicated to social reformer Concepción Arenal, and Pablo Iglesias -founder of the Spanish Socialist Party- were situated at the foot of the Esteiro working-class neighbourhood.60 When in 1989, a censure motion brought the left back into power, they decided to dedicate a monument to the workers who died on 10 March 1972: people whose memory had been intensified since the democratic trade unions had named the anniversary celebration as the ‘Working Class Day in Galicia’. In 1990 the monument in honour of the ‘Victims of the 10th of March’ would be established in Recimil, the working-class neighbourhood built Ferrol Source: Photograph by the author In turn, the conservative political forces remain opposed to the idea of those places of memory of the pro-Franco regime being eliminated, and have failed to suggest alternative celebrities which could be commemorated. Only in 1999, during the final period of their term in office, did they opt to erect a monument in honour of González Llanos, the Navy officer responsible for the boom in the shipbuilding industry during Franco’s period. It was positioned in the centre of the new residential developments under construction at the time in the former Esteiro, a neighbourhood that was expropriated and demolished in 1974 by the last pro-Franco municipal corporation, claiming its urban deterioration.62 The demolition of Esteiro erased the memory of a proletarian Ferrol; La Magdalena, which averyone associated with the Navy, absorbed the memory of the Ferrol of the Age of Enlightenment. Twenty-five years later, at the end of the 1990s, 21 Urban History various political actors started to call for another working-class neighbourhood, Recimil, to be demolished. They claimed that its fifty years of history had plunged it into a disastrous situation, and that it was now located in what had become the city centre.63 this debate constituted a discussion and judgement regarding the causes of the Civil War, the harshness of the Franco regime and the ‘agreement to forget’, upon which the transition to democracy had supposedly been based.69 Ferrol’s new municipal corporation could therefore justify its plans for development within the context of a more solid memory policy. Indeed, the start of its term of office was marked by the erection in 1999 of a statue in the ‘Alameda’ in honour of Camilo Díaz Baliño, a member of local intelligentsia who was shot during the early stages of the military uprising. Nearby, the first plaque in honour of the victims of the pro-Franco repression was inaugurated in 2002. And finally, a project to remodel ‘España Square’ was designed, which involved the suppression of the equestrian statue. The new Town Hall of Democracy would be built instead, and the demolition of Franco period’s town hall in La Magdalena would recreate the original plan of the ‘Parade Ground’. After a long debate,70 in July 2002 the council corporation moved the statue of Franco to a less visible place. Most fittingly, this was to be the Navy Museum – in the Dockyards, near the Dock Gate! The 1999 council elections brought a mayor from the ‘Bloque Nacionalista Galego’ (Galician Nationalist Party) to power, supported by the Socialist Party. The new council government designed an innovative urban policy based on four strategies. First, the reactivation of the shipbuilding industry and the service activities related to the Navy, all of which seemed to be favoured in 2000 by the fusion of the civil and military sections of the Spanish public naval industry. The integration of Astano and Bazán was finally consolidated in Ferrol.64 Besides, rumours claimed that Ferrol could be promoted as a NATO naval base. Secondly, in 2001 the possibility arose to overcome the city’s secular isolation, thanks to the commencement of work on a large exterior port at the mouth of the estuary. This also coincided with the start of work on the final section of the motorway that would connect Ferrol with the Iberian Peninsula’s motorway network.65 Thirdly, the city was to become a hub for services and urban tourism thanks to the fortresses, military installations, and La Magdalena, ‘an example of a city of the Age of Enlightenment’. The demolition of the Dockyard wall was seen as the starting point for a programme aimed at ‘opening the city up to the sea’.66 In December 2000, a campaign was launched for the district to be declared a World Heritage Site by UNESCO.67 And finally, urban renewal was promoted, but trying to keep residents, thereby weakening the process of ‘gentrification’. A ‘Plan of Reform of La Magdalena’ was passed. And a rehabilitation plan was drawn up for the neighbourhood of Recimil, which included ownership, previously held by the council, being conferred upon the tenants. In spite of this, and following the elections held in May 2003, the left-wing coalition that had governed Ferrol fell victim to its internal conflicts, and lost its power to a right-wing coalition. Today, the debate regarding the demolition of the Recimil working class district is once again the order of the day, but the ‘Plan of Reform of La Magdalena’ remains on course, and even though the plan to demolish the Town Hall has long since been abandoned, there are no plans to move the statue back to its original place. The monument to Franco, situated in such a prominent position as ‘España Square’, was not only a symbol that stigmatised the city and caused controversy among the political forces and the citizens,71 but also an emblem of dubious appeal to a NATO naval base and its recognition as a World Heritage Site. Paraphrasing Paul Krugman we could say, ‘It’s the economy, stupid!’. Anyway, it could also be argued to be quite simply a question of dignity. During 1999-2000, both the academic world and the media began to debate regarding the overriding presence of places of memory that recalled the Franco period to be found all over Spain.68 Essentially, Ferrol 22 Urban History Proposal to remove Franco’s equestrian statue (1983) BIBLIOGRAPHY General Bibliography Allegue, G., O Oficio de vivir. A Cidade, Vigo, 1996. Alvarez Junco, J., ‘El nacionalismo español: las insuficiencias en la acción estatal’, in La construcción imaginaria de las identidades nacionales, Historia Social, 40 (2001), 29-52. Artola, M., Los orígenes de la España contemporánea, Madrid, Centro de Estudios Políticos y Constitucionales, 2001. Bajtin, M., La cultura popular en la Edad Media y el Renacimiento, Madrid, Alianza, 1987. Barker, F. & Jackson, P., London. 2000 years of a city and its people, Londres, 1974. 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I would like to thank Philip Ethington for the patience he has shown by reading and exhaustively commenting the successive versions of the original text and translation. I also would like to thank Xan Moreno, Iñaki Mendizábal, José Javier Ruiz Ibáñez and Ester Nasarre for their comments on the text, and Marisa López Schmidt for drawing the illustrations I-V, and for the generous help and assistance she has given me in general. 1 M. Foucault, Surveiller et punir (Paris, 1975). 2 P. Nora, Les lieux de mémoire, 3 Volumes (Paris, 1984-93). 3 M. Gluckman, ‘An analysis of a social situation in Modern Zululand’, African Studies, 14 (1940), 1-30, 147-74. 4 E.P. Thompson, ‘The Moral Economy of the English Crowd in the Eighteenth Century’, Past and Present, 50 (1971), 76-136. The author shows how traditions of popular protest were associated with a set of political ideas regarding people’s rights. 5 E.C. Cubillas, Desarrollo urbano y crisis social en Ferrol (Santiago de Compostela, 1984). 6 It was headquarters of the Real Audiencia de Galicia until the early 19th century, and later the capital of the new province of La Coruña. 7 ‘Neighbours’. The meaning of the Spanish term is similar to that of ‘head of the household’. 8 At the end of 18th century, Galicia, a 29,400 km² region, had 1,340,000 inhabitants. A mere 10% of the population lived in urban areas with more than 2,000 inhabitants. 9 See A. Vigo Trasancos, Arquitectura y urbanismo en el Ferrol del S.XVIII (Santiago de Compostela, 1984) for the design and building of the Dockyards. See also J.A. Rodríguez-Villasante, Arte e tecnoloxía na construcción de Ferrol, in the Collective Work, Historia de Ferrol (A Coruña, 1988), 232-303. 10 J.L. Gómez Urdáñez, El proyecto reformista de Ensenada (Lleida, 1996). Ferrol After 1795, the introduction of steam pumps meant that convicts were no longer needed. 12 A. Martín, ‘Levas honradas y levas de maleantes: los trabajadores forzosos en un arsenal del Antiguo Régimen’, Obradoiro de Historia Moderna, 8 (1999), 231-260. 13 For the organization of the ‘maestranza’ see M. Santalla, La familia obrera, Ferrol 1750-1936 (unpublished Universidad de Santiago de Compostela Ph.D. thesis, 1995), Chapter 4. 14 In 1750, two vessels caught fire, in 1794 the sailcloth and rope factory were burned down. J. Montero y Arostegui, Historia y descripción de la ciudad de Ferrol (Ferrol, 1859), 45, 52-53. 15 Santalla, La familia obrera, 161. 16 M. Sánchez, ‘Ferrol 1750-1800’, Estudios Mindonienses, 7 (1991), 227-292. 17 ‘Appendix II’, in Santalla, La familia obrera, 455-8 18 Ibid, 136. 19 By 1789, 2/3 of La Magdalena were built. See Vigo Trasancos, Arquitectura y urbanismo, the reference work for the history and design of La Magdalena neighbourhood. In the reign of Carlos III the Military Engineer Corps had been created and its corresponding Academy, where future engineers learnt how to design new cities. B. Castelo, ‘A nova poboación: o barrio da Magdalena’, in J.R. Soraluce &X. Fernández (dirs.), Arquitecturas da provincia da Coruña. Vol. XIV: Ferrol (A Coruña, 2001), 136. 20 Vigo Trasancos, Arquitectura y urbanismo, 237. There was a sentry box on ‘Capitanía Palace’ roof from where signals from the Dockyard’s guardsmen could be received. 21 Ibid, 206, 255-8. 22 Santalla, La familia obrera, 401. 23 Ibid, 399. 24 Continuous provisions with regard to this matter are found in Sánchez, ‘Ferrol 1750-1800’. 25 ‘Apéndice III: Hospicio para mujeres’, 1782. Quoted in Santalla, La familia obrera, 458. 28 Urban history 45 26 Ibid, 177-8 B. Maíz, Resistencia, guerrilla e represión. Causas e Consellos de Guerra: Ferrol, 1934-1955 (Vigo, 2003). 47 Ibid. The research, carried out using military archives, only goes as far as 1954, since legislation prevents access to documents that are less than 50 years old. 48 B. Castelo, ‘A expansión urbana: O Ferrol del Caudillo’, in J.R Soraluce & X. Fernández (dirs.), Arquitecturas, 212. 49 A monument dedicated to the dead who fought on the pro-Franco side during the Civil War. 50 Llorca, ‘Ferrol Contemporáneo’, 381-382. 51 R. Villares, ‘Un truncado lugar de memoria’, La Voz de Galicia (12 November 2000), 28-30. 52 Cubillas, Desarrollo urbano, 63-4. 53 B. Castelo, ‘A la manera de epílogo: 1936-1940. La involución urbanística’, in Ferrol: Morfología urbana, 483-500. 54 ‘España Square’ had already been planned in 1940 around a monument dedicated to Franco. As it surpassed the most urgent needs –and budget- of the city, the square was not established until 1953. 55 J. González, ‘La escultura pública de Ferrol’, Estudios Mindonienses, 7 (1991), 293-330. 56 J.M. Cardesín, ‘Redes flexibles y redes rígidas: urbanización, producción, y transporte en la Galicia litoral’, in B. Ruiz & J.M. Cardesín (coord.), Antropología Hoy: Teorías, técnicas y tácticas (Murcia, 1999), 117-135. 57 Ibid. 58 Ibid. 59 J.M. Cardesín, ‘Que faire de la statue de Franco? Mémoire historique et action politique à Ferrol (Espagne)’, Histoire Urbaine, 6 (2002), 131-150. 60 Castelo, ‘A expansión urbana’, 264, 268. And González, ‘La escultura pública de Ferrol’. 61 M. Santalla, Los sucesos de Marzo de 1972 (Santiago de Compostela, 1996). In 1797, 61% of the ‘vecinos’ were paid by the Navy. A. Martín, Una sociedad en cambio. Ferrol a finales del Antiguo Régimen (Ferrol, 2003), 34. 27 ‘Archivo Histórico Nacional, Estado’, File 74-A. In A. Martín, ‘Espacio urbano, población y sectores profesionales en El Ferrol del Antiguo Régimen’, Estudios Mindonienses, 18 (2002), 1098-9. 28 Ibid, 1099. This division was legally sanctioned in 1845. 29 Ibid, 1106-9. The most skilled workers of the ‘maestranza’, the Navy noncommissioned officers and the Quartermaster Staff lived in both neighbourhoods. 30 Montero y Arostegui, Historia y descripción, 104-5. 31 E.P. Thompson, ‘Rough Music’, in Customs in Common (New York, 1993). 32 F. Tomás y Valiente, El derecho penal de la Monarquía Absoluta (Siglos XVI, XVII y XVIII), (Madrid, 1992). I am currently working on an article that discusses this topic. 33 ‘Archivo del Reino de Galicia, Real Audiencia, Causas’, File 73, nº 20. I found the reference in Santalla, La familia obrera, 171. 34 Castelo, ‘A nova poboación’, 150-1. 35 In Ferrol, in 1805 the Navy had dedicated an ephemeral tumulus to the Spanish victims of the battle of Trafalgar. See J. Varela, ‘La muerte del héroe’, Historia Social, 1 (1988), 19-28. 36 Martín, ‘Espacio urbano’, 1114-16. 37 The police force created in Spain in 1844. 38 A public washing place where women would wash clothes. 39 P. Nieto, Memoria acerca de las condiciones higiénicas y estado sanitario de El Ferrol (Ferrol, 1895), 32. 40 Santalla, La familia obrera, 348-9. 41 A. Gomis, La insurrección de Ferrol de 1872 (A Coruña, 2000). 42 C. Reyero, La escultura conmemorativa en España (Madrid, 1999). 43 G. Llorca, ‘Ferrol Contemporáneo’, in Collective Work, Historia de Ferrol (A Coruña, 1998), 344-6. 44 B. Castelo, Ferrol: Morfología urbana y arquitectura civil, 1900-1940 (A Coruña, 1991), 175. Ferrol 46 29 Urban history 62 Castelo, ‘A expansión urbana’, 252-3. Three years later, 500 families of Esteiro, who had been temporarily accommodated in prefabricated huts, were still waiting for the council houses under construction on the new housing estate called Polígono de Caranza. All these families would participate in a mass squat in the new dwellings. 63 See ‘Nuevo Barrio de Recimil’, in Un proyecto de ciudad (political manifesto). 64 La Voz de Galicia (19 July 2000), 45-7. 65 Dossier ‘Comunicados con el futuro’, La Voz de Galicia (15 February 2003). 66 J. Gelpi, Una ciudad irrepetible. Ferrol ante el futuro. Conversión de infraestructuras Navales Militares (A Coruña, 1994). 67 Fundación Ferrol Metrópoli, Ferrol de la Ilustración hacia el Patrimonio de la Humanidad (Ferrol, 2001). The text is a catalogue for the exhibition organised that same year by the Foundation, which received the institutional backing of both the municipal corporation and the Autonomous Government of Galicia. 68 Cardesín, ‘Que faire de la statue de Franco?’. 69 This question was the subject of two monographic issues of the annual journal of the ‘Asociación [Española] de Historia Contemporánea’. E. Moradiellos (ed.), ‘Dossier La Guerra Civil’, Ayer, 50 (2003), 11-234. And C. Mir (ed.), ‘Dossier La represión bajo el Franquismo’, Ayer, 43 (2001), 11-190. 70 Cardesín, ‘Que faire de la statue de Franco?’. 71 A survey carried out by the newspaper La Voz de Galicia in November 2000, showed that the population was divided by almost 50% about the issue whether it was convenient to suppress the statue or not. Ferrol 30 Urban history