GLUCKMAN, Max. 1955. “The Peace in the Feud.” Past and Present 8 (1), 1–14.

The Past and Present Society
The Peace in the Feud
Author(s): Max Gluckman
Reviewed work(s):
Source: Past & Present, No. 8 (Nov., 1955), pp. 1-14
Published by: Oxford University Press on behalf of The Past and Present Society
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/649774 .
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The Peace in the Feud'
WHENEVERAN ANTHROPOLOGICALSTUDY IS MADE OF A WHOLE SOCIETY
or of some smallersocial group,it emphasizesthe greatcomplexity
whichdevelopsin therelations
betweenhumanbeings. The customs
socialrelationships
ofeachsocietyappearto be designedto complicate
formsfor developingrelationsof
unnecessarily.Institutionalized
theobservance
forcompelling
ritualofrightrelations
kinship,
through
withthe universe,and so forth,firstdivideand thenreunitemen.
One mightexpectthata small community
of just over a thousand
souls could residetogetheron an isolatedPacificislandwitha fairly
is always
simple social organization. In fact such a community
elaboratelydividedand cross-dividedby customaryallegiances. I
how men quarrelin termsof certainof their
wish to demonstrate
customaryallegiances,but are restrainedfromviolence through
otherconflicting
allegianceswhich are also enjoinedon them by
over
in one set of relationships,
custom. The resultis thatconflicts
a widerrangeof societyor througha longerperiodof time,lead to
of social cohesion. Conflictsare a part of
the re-establishment
but in
social life and customappearsto exacerbatetheseconflicts,
the
doing so custom also restrainsthe conflictsfromdestroying
widersocialorder. I shallexhibitthisprocessthroughtheworking
of thefeud.
All overthe worldthereare societieswhichhave no governmental
institutions. That is, theylack officerswith establishedpowers
to judge on quarrelsand to enforcetheirdecisions,to legislate
action to meet emergencies,and to lead
and take administrative
wars of offenceand defence. Yet these societieshave such wellcodes of moralsand law, of convention
establishedand well-known
we may
and ritual,thateventhoughtheyhave no writtenhistories,
reasonablyassume that theyhave persistedfor manygenerations.
up in lawlessness.
Theyclearlydo notlivein unceasingfearofbreaking
We knowthatsomeofthemhaveexistedoverlongperiodswithsome
kind of internallaw and order,and have successfullydefended
themselvesagainstattacksby others:indeed theyincludeturbulent
theirneighbours. Therefore
warriors
whoraidedand eventerrorized
2Froma broadcastlecturebasedon twobooksby ProfessorE. E. Evans-Pritchard,
The Nuer (Clarendon Press, 194o) and Kinship and Marriage among the Nuer
(Clarendon Press, 1951).
2
PAST AND PRESENT
came to study these societies,they were
when anthropologists
withthe problemof wheresocial orderand
confronted
immediately
cohesionlay.
Studiesof societiesin whichprivatevengeanceand self-helpare
the main overtsanctionsagainstinjuryby others,and wherethis
exerciseof self-helpis likelyto lead to the wagingof feuds,have
led to one of the most significantcontributionswhich social
researchhas made to our understanding
of social
anthropological
relations. Anthropologists
have been able to see the situations
which give rise to internecinefights,and, more importantly,
to
examinethe mechanismswhichlead to settlements.The critical
resultof theiranalysisis that thesesocietiesare organizedinto a
so that people who are friends
seriesof groupsand relationships,
on one basis are enemieson another. Hereinlies social cohesion,
betweenmen'sdifferent
rootedin theconflicts
allegiances. I believe
it would be profitable
to apply these analysesto those periodsof
European historywhen the feud was still apparentlythe main
forredressof injury. Here I proposeto look at how
instrument
in Africansocietieswhichhave no
feudingarisesand is restrained
institutions.
governmental
The workingof the threatof privatevengeanceand the feudhas
to be exhibitedin a detailedanalysisof a singlesociety. The first
study of this situationin Africawas made by ProfessorEvansPritchardamong the Nuer, a pastoralpeople of the Upper Nile
region. He himselfdid not organize his analysis primarilyto
now,so I am going
presentthe argumentin whichI am interested
to describetheNuer witha slightly
different
emphasisfromhis own.
The Nuer dwell in the vast plain whichlies aroundthe main
Sudan. This plain floods
riversin the southernAnglo-Egyptian
in the monsoonrains untilit is a greatlake, which compelsthe
Nuer to retreatwith their cattle to patches of higherground
wheretheybuildtheirpermanent
villagesand cultivatea hazardous
crop of millet. Afterthe rains,the floodfalls,and youngpeople
spreadwidelywiththeherdson the exposedrevivedpastures,since
wateringthe beasts is easy. But the watersdrain away rapidly,
and the plain then becomes a dry, scorchedwaste. The Nuer
and theircattlein thesemostarid monthshave to congregate
again
at thoselow-lyingspotswherewateris retained,eitherin pools or
in the dried-upbeds of rivers. Thus groups of Nuer move in
homes. Groupswhich
rotationbetweenwet-seasonand dry-season
are separatedby milesof floodat one month,some timelatermay
be campingtogetherat a singlewater-hole;and to reachthisthey
THE PEACE IN THE FEUD
3
of yet
may have had to drive theircattlethroughthe territories
essentialforthese variousgroupsto
othergroups. It is therefore
termswithone another,if theyare to
be on some sortof friendly
maintain their cattle, and themselves,alive. These ecological
necessitiesforcepeopleto co-operate;and thishelpsto explainhow
the Nuer can be organizedin tribesof 6o,ooo people and more,
withoutany kind of institutedauthority.
The Nuer have a verysimpletechnology. Their countrylacks
ironand stone,and has fewtreesto providewood formanufactures.
They not only depend on theircattleformuch of theirfood,but
also theymakeimportant
-horns,and -bones.
goodsfromcattle-skins,
Since rinderpestreducedtheirherds,theylive at best just above
relatedin one of theirstories,"writes
subsistence. " It is wistfully
" how once upon a time man's stomachled an
Evans-Pritchard,
lifein thebushand livedon smallinsectsroastedbythe
independent
of
the
firing
grasses,for(Nuer say) 'Man was not createdwitha
stomach. It was created apart fromhim.' One day Man was
walkingin the bush and came acrossStomachthereand put it in its
presentplace thatit mightfeedthere. Althoughwhenit lived by
itselfit was satisfiedwith tinymorselsof food,it is now always
hungry. No matterhow muchit eats it is soon cravingformore."
This tale mustsuffice
to showhow nearthe Nuer live to starvation.
Food supplies are always short. Particularhouseholdsand even
small areas may suffersevereshortagebecause of cattledisease or
loss ofcrops. They haveto turnto othersforhelp. Again,custom
requiresthatwhena man marrieshe givesfortycattleto his bride's
relatives,thushis own familymaybecomeshortof cattle. He has
to turnto othersforhelp. The narrowmarginof subsistence,
and
naturaland social vicissitudeswhich cause crops to fluctuatein
quantityand cattlein numbers,driveNuer to associatewithothers
if theyare to live. But lest this gives a pictureof a starvedand
down-troddenpeople I must add that the Nuer were fiercely
independentwarriors,who resistedthe advance of the Dervishes
and whomthe Britishin the end subdued by bombingtheircattle
fromthe air, while the Nuer were themselvessteadilyinvading
theterritories
of othertribesand raidingtheseforcattle. They are
as bellicoseamongthemselves.
The narrowlimitsof Nuer economythusforcethemto associate
in fairlypopulous groups for the productionand distribution
of
food. In these groups they formhamletsand villages,residing
in districts
whoseinhabitants
mustbe formostof thetimein some
sortof peace withone another. Betweensome districts
theremust
4
PAST AND PRESENT
fortheirmembersto crosseach
also be sufficient
ties of friendship
other'sareas in theirmoves betweenflood-seasonand dry-season
and peace lessenas
homes. The ecologicalneedsforthisfriendship
the distancegrows greater,until, between districtson opposite
sides of a tribe,it hardlyexists. Betweenthe different
tribesbig
rivers or wide stretchesof uninhabitablecountryform natural
obstacles and political boundaries. Evans-Pritchardbrings out
the close relationbetweenthe politicalorganization
of the
strongly
Nuer and thelie oftheirland,and also thewayin whichtheyexploit
thatland.
There are no chiefsin Nuerland,but in each tribethereis an
a largenumberof menrelatedto one
agnaticclan of aristocrats,
anotherby genealogical
descentthroughmalesfroma common
ancestor.Not all the members
of a clan dwellin the
founding
tribewheretheyare aristocrats,
and eachtribecontains
members
of manyclans. The politicalsignificance
of the clan,is, first,that
a mancannot
a womanofhisownclan. Secondly,
thevarious
marry
districtsof a tribeare held to be linkedtogetherby theirplace on
theclangenealogy.It works
thisway. Twoneighbouring
districts
areassociated
twolong-dead
whileanother
three
brothers,
through
districts
are associated
anotherset of three
neighbouring
through
whosefather
wasbrother
to thefather
ofthefirst
set. In
brothers,
thisway,thevariousdistricts
ofa Nuertribelinkup in largerand
withmoredistant
ancestors
ofthe
largersections
bybeinggrouped
tribe'saristocratic
clan. If one district
is fighting
withanother,
thoserelatedto it in brotherhood
unitewithit againstits enemy,
whowillbe joinedbytheirbrother-districts.
Butall thesedistricts
ifoneofthemis involved
in fighting
mayjoinup withoneanother,
witha moredistantsection.Whiletheyare thusallied,feuds
fall undertruce. These large districtsare
amongthemselves
therefore
composedof sectionswhichmayat timesbe hostileto
one another,
butuniteagainsta moredistantenemy. Ultimately
all Nuertribesare unitedagainstforeigners;
whenforeigners
are
notinvolved,
whichmay,
sections,
theysplitintofeuding
primary
whennot fighting
each other,splitintosmallerhostilesections,
and so on.
In thisprocessof whatEvans-Pritchard
callsfusionof sections
intosectionswhennotinvolved
againstlargergroups,andfission
againstthoselargergroups,the Nuer recognizecertainchanges
in therulesofwar. Men ofthesamevillagefight
eachotherwith
clubs,notspears. Men of different
villagesfighteachotherwith
thespear. Thereis no raiding
within
thetribeforcattleandit is
THE PEACE IN THE FEUD
5
recognizedthat a man ought to pay cattle as compensationfor
thoughthisis rarelydone. Nuer tribes
killinga fellow-tribesman,
raid one anotherfor cattle,but not forwomenand childrenwho
mustnotbe killed,nor mustgranariesbe destroyed. Whenraiding
foreignpeople,womenand childrenand evenmen can be captured,
can be destroyed.
womenand childrencan be killed,and granaries
This is all I am goingto say aboutthelarge-scalepoliticalsystem
can go on, and injuriesneed not be
of the Nuer. Here fighting
the
because
recompensed,
groupslive farapart. The feud can be
waged. Peace is notnecessaryto preservelife. Butin morelimited
and so forth,menhave
areas,becauseofthecrossingof cattle-drives
to be friendsif theyare to survive. But we know onlytoo well,
fromour own experience,thatthe necessityof friendship
of itself
is not enough to achieve friendship.Men quarrel over many
things- cattle,land, women,prestige,indeed over accidents. (I
have seen two Zulu lockin armedcombatbecauseone bumpedinto
anotherin theexcitement
ofa war-dance.) Or ifmendo notquarrel,
of opinionabout the rightsand wrongsof a
theyhave differences
and thesedifferences
have to be settledby some ruleother
contract,
than that of bruteforce,if social relationsare to endure. Often,
in disputearisenot over whatis the appropriaterule in
difficulties
a dispute,but overhow the rulesapplyin particularcircumstances.
This is true even of most disputesin our highlydevelopedlegal
system. In effect,both partiesmay claim to be in the right,and
has to be reachedon whichis in theright,and howfarhe
agreement
is in the right. Nuer have an establishedcode of law whichsets
out,forexample,whata manshouldpayin cattleto get a bridefrom
her father,and whathe shouldpay to his cuckold,or to the kin of
a man whomhe has slain,or forotheroffences. They have rules
the divisionof inheritances
and of cattlereceivedfrom
controlling
the husbandsof theirkinswomen. That is, theyhave a code of
rulesaboutwhatis rightaction,and
law, as a seriesof conventional
what is wrongfulaction. But they have no legal proceduresor
in the sense that there are no authoritieschargedwith
officials,
summoningdisputants,listeningto theircases, and enforcingthe
rules of law againstwrongdoers.And as most men tend to feel
thattheyare in the rightwhenthe disputeis obscure,and plentyof
men are readyto evade theirproperobligationsif theycan, we may
wellaskhowfriendship
is maintained
despitequarrels. It is herethat
ties are important,
and the enforcement
of thoseties by
customary
beliefsin ritualpunishment. Certaincustomary
ties linka number
of mentogether
intoa group. But othertiesdividethemby linking
6
PAST AND PRESENT
some of themwithdifferent
people who maybe enemiesto thefirst
group. For the Nuer, likeall peoples,do not exploittheirland in
haphazardlots of associates,but in organizedgroups which are
which cross-linktheirmembersin other
brokenby relationships
relationships.
tieamongtheNueris thatofagnatickinshipThe mostimportant
kinshipby blood throughmales. I have describedhow the larger
districts
areassociatedtogether
bytheideaofthisbondofbrotherhood
and fatherhood. In much smallergroups,the men descended
throughmalesfroma nearbyancestorforma closelyknitcorporate
unit. They own and herdtheircattletogether. They inheritfrom
one another. And,above all, if one of theirmembersis killedthey
mustexactvengeanceforhimagainstthekilleror one of thekiller's
vengeancegroup,or theymustobtainblood-cattlein compensation
forthe deathfromthisvengeancegroup. This is the theory. But
in practice,it seems that among the Nuer this group of agnatic
- itis nota localcommunity.
avengersdoesnotalwaysresidetogether
In fact,the vengeancegroupmay well be widelyscattered. Nuer
formanyreasons. They may quarrelwith
move about frequently
theirfellowsat home,and so go elsewhere,perhapsto a maternal
uncle. Or they may just go to rich maternaluncles. A man's
mothermaygo in widowhoodto be a concubineto some man in a
distantvillage,and thereher sons grow up, thoughall of them
belongto the dead husband,even if he did not begetthem. This
scatteringof some vengeancegroupsmeans that a conflictarises
betweentheloyaltyof closeagnates,thetie whichabove all demands
and the ties whichlinka man withhis local community,
solidarity,
whom he must also supportby customas well as frominterest.
For thoughvengeanceshould be takenby the agnaticgroup,the
of thisgroupmobilizesin a battlebehindit. Now
local community
if the vengeancegroupis scatteredit may mean,especiallyin the
thatthe demandforcommunity
smallerdistricts,
requires
solidarity
thata man mobilizeswiththe enemiesof his agnates. And in the
oppositesituationsuch an emigrantmemberof the group which
has killedmay be livingamongthe avengers,and be able to have
vengeanceexecutedupon him. I suggest(because Evans-Pritchard
does notmentionthispoint)thathis exposureto killingexertssome
pressureon his kin to tryto compromisethe affair. In addition,
whetherhe remainswherehe is or escapeshome,he is likelyto urge
since he has manyinterestsin the
his kin to offercompensation,
ifa manofthegroupdemanding
placewherehe resides. Conversely,
the
resides
killers,he has an interestin securing
among
vengeance
THE PEACE IN THE FEUD
7
insteadof insistingon blood for
thathis kin accept compensation
blood. Dispersal of the vengeancegroup may lead to a conflict
betweenlocal and agnaticloyalties,and divide each group against
itself.
But divisionsofpurposein thevengeancegroupare createdabove
all by marriagerules. Practicallyeverysocietyin the worldinsists
thatthereis no matingwithinthe familyof parentsand children.
I thinktheonlyexceptionsarecertainroyalfamilies. Manysocieties
extendthebanson marriageoutsidethefamilyitself,to moredistant
call' exogamy' - marriage-out.
kin. This is theruleanthropologists
AmongtheNuer,therulesforbid,underpenaltyof disease,accident
and death,a man to marryany womanof his clan, or any woman
can be tracedin anylineup to six generations.
to whomrelationship
The firstrule, banningmarriagein the clan, compelsthe men of
each agnaticvengeancegroup to seek in otheragnaticgroupsfor
their own wives, and for husbands for their sisters. The rules
banningmarriageto othersortsof kin compelthe membersof each
group to spread their marriageswidely through,one assumes,
everyagnaticgroupin the local community.To marry
practically
withthoseother
thus,requiresfirstof all some kind of friendship
groups. Some Africanpeoplessay of groupsotherthanthe one to
whichtheybelong," They are our enemies;we marrythem"; but
aftermarriagethereis a sortof friendship,
fromthe
thoughit differs
main blood-tie. More thanthis,whena man has got a wifefrom
anothergroup,he has an interestin beingfriendswiththatgroup
do nothave,thoughtheyregardthemselves
whichhis fellow-agnates
as related. Their wives make them friendlywith other groups.
It is not just sentiment. A womanremainsattachedto her own
kin,and if herhusbandquarrelswiththemshe can makelifepretty
unpleasantforhim. But her ancestorsare also able to affecther
and her children,and hence her husband's well-being. A man's
is maternaluncle to his children,and by customis
brother-in-law
assist
themin manycriticalsituations. He can bless
to
required
his nephew,and his curse "is believedto be amongthe worst,if
not the worst,a Nuer can receive,for,unlikethe father,a maternal
unclemaycursea youth'scattle,as wellas his cropsand fishingand
hunting,if he is disobedientor refusesa requestor in some other
way offendshim. The curse may also preventthe nephewfrom
begettingmale children." So forthe welfareof his family,and
the prosperity
of his children,each man is led by his interests,
and
compelledbycustom,to seekto be on goodtermswithhiswife'skin.
And he has, as the child of a womanfromyet anothergroup,an
8
PAST AND PRESENT
interestin beingon good termswithhis own mother'skin. Again,
this interestis supportedby customaryrightsto get help, and by
if he does not conform
the dangerof suffering
mysticalretribution
withthesecustoms. The factthatmenof a singlegroupof agnates
have mothersfromdifferent
groups,and marrywives fromstill
othergroups,strikesintothe unityof each vengeance-group.The
enforcedby custom,
loyaltyof agnatesto one another,so strongly
withothercustomary
conflicts
allegiancesto othergroupsandpersons.
Some membersof each warringgrouphave an interestin bringing
of quarrels. And these differences
of loyalty,
about a settlement
are institutionalized
leadingto divisionsin one set of relationships,
and areoftenvalidatedbymystical
in customary
modesofbehaviour,
beliefs. Thus where customdivides in one set of relationships,
it producescohesion,throughsettlementof quarrels,in a wider
rangeof social life.
thesecustomary
divisions,whichput pressureon the
Underlying
is
to
settle
a
dispute, the constantpressureof common
parties
residence. For commonresidenceimpliesa necessityto co-operate
of
in maintaining
peace, and thatpeace involvessome recognition
thedemandsoflaw and morality. It also involvesmutualtolerance.
which
These demandsare backed by the constantintermarriages
go on in a limitedarea, since men do not commonlymarryat a
distance. Hence the Nuer as individualsare linkedin a wide-flung
web of kinshipties whichspreadsacrossthe land; and new meshes
in thisweb are constantly
marriage.
beingwovenwitheach fruitful
These webs of ties, centringon individuals,unite membersof
different
agnaticgroups. And alwayslocal groupshave common
local interests.
of
These commonand localinterests
are represented
bya category
who may be called on to help settledisputes. The
arbitrators,
are ritualexpertswho are called " men of the earth."
arbitrators
They have no forceful
powersof coercion. They cannotcommand
and expectthemto obey; but theyare political
mento do anything
as well as ritualfunctionaries.If a fightbreaksout, the " man of
the earth" can restorepeace by runningbetweenthe combatants
and hoeingup theearth. The slayerof a manis defiledwithblood,
and can neithereat nor drinkuntilthe " man of the earth" has let
the blood of the dead man out of his body. If' the slayerresides
with
nearthehomeofthemanhe has killed,he willlivein sanctuary
the " man of the earth" to avoid deathat the handsof his victim's
kin. The " man of the earth" willthennegotiatebetweenthetwo
groups,and tryto inducethedeceased'skinto acceptcompensation.
THE PEACE IN THE FEUD
9
This theyare bound in honourto refuse;but eventuallytheywill
to cursethem. Evansyieldwhenthe" manoftheearth" threatens
Pritchardhimselfneverobservedthisprocess;but he collectedtales
of such a curse.
ofthe direeffects
betweenpersonsare
He foundthat" withina villagedifferences
discussedby the elders of the village and agreementis generally
and easily reached and compensationpaid, or promised,for all
are relatedby kinshipand commoninterests. Disputes between
membersof nearbyvillages,betweenwhichthereare manysocial
contactsand ties can also be settledby agreement,but less easily
and with more likelihoodof resortto force." Betweensections
are less. Hence,
on oppositesides of a tribe,chancesof settlement
Evans-Pritchard
says, " law operatesvery weaklyoutside a very
limitedradius and nowhereveryeffectively."But he shows that
in the personof the
thereis a law, and as we see it is represented
also representsthe need
" man of the earth." This functionary
forcommunalpeace overa certainarea. Customarypracticeshere
the disturbance
aftera homicide:
againdividemen,by emphasizing
and they
untilthisis settled,thepartiescannoteat or drinktogether,
maynot bothuse the dishesof thirdparties. It soundsas if some
husbandsand wivesmightnot be able to eat together. In fact,to
concealthatone has killeda man is a dreadfuloffencebecauseit is
believedto put the wholedistrictunderriskof a mysticaldisaster.
Clearlytheycannotgo to theirgardensor pasturesin any security.
Some adjustmentmustbe made. it is here thatthe " man of the
earth" acts,throughhis connectionwiththe earth. it seems that
forthe Nuer,as formanyAfricansocieties,the earthhas a mystical
as well as a secularvalue. The secularvalue of the earthlies in
ofindividualsand groups
thewayit providesfortheprivateinterests
withinthe largersociety. They make theirliving offparticular
theybuild theirhomes,make
gardens,pasturesand fishing-pools;
theirfires,and eat theirmeals on theirown plots of ground;they
beget and rear theirchildrenon the earth. Their ancestorsare
buriedin theearth. Men and groupsdisputeoverparticular
pieces
of earthto serve these varied ends. But men live, work,dance,
breed,die, on theearthin thecompanyof othermen. They obtain
ofgroups,and theycan
theirrightsto earthbyvirtueofmembership
only maintainthemselvesby virtueof this membership.To live
withothermen over a certain
on the earththeyrequirefriendship
area. The earth,undivided,as the basis of society,thus comesto
and good fortune,
but
fertility,
symbolizenot individualprosperity,
and good fortune
on whichindividual
thegeneralprosperity,
fertility
10
PAST AND PRESENT
lifedepends. Raindoesnotfallon oneplot,buton an area;locust
swarmsand blightsand famineand epidemicsbringcommunal
disaster,and not individualdisasteralone. With this general
areassociated
ofa moralorder
prosperity
peaceandtherecognition
overa rangeofland. In WestAfrica
menworship
theEarth,and
whoareotherwise
inhostile
relations
inthisworship
groups
annually
unitein celebration.In Centraland SouthAfricakings,who
thepolitical
withtheearth:
areidentified
symbolize
unityoftribes,
the Barotsewordforkingmeans,'earth.' Andin someAfrican
thereis a dogmathatthekingmustbe killedwhenhisphysical
tribes
lestthepowersoftheearthdeclinesimultaneously.
powersdecline,
theNuer,theritual
in
whois connected
withtheearth,
Among
expert
itsgeneral
andwhotherefore
thecommunal
need
fertility,
symbolizes
forpeaceand therecognition
ofmoralrights
in thecommunity
of
between
sections.
men,actsas mediator
warring
Whatemerges,I think,is thatif thereare sufficient
conflicts
ofloyalties
at work,settlement
willbe achieved,
andlawandsocial
ordermaintained.It is customwhichestablishes
thisconflict
in
boundbycustom,
backedbyritualideas,
loyalties.Menaretightly
to theiragnatickin. Ritualideas sanctionthe customary
tiesto
maternal
kin. As we followEvans-Pritchard's
analysis,working
outwards
fromtheindividual
NuerintothelargerNuersociety,
we
seethatatevery
withdifferent
pointeachmanis pulledintorelations
menas alliesorenemies
tothecontext
ofthesituation.A
according
manneedshelpin herding
hiscattle:therefore
he mustbe friends
withneighbours
withwhomhemaywellquarrel
overother
matters
orindeedovertheherding
ofcattle. The herding
ofcattledemands
thatcertain
atsomeseasonsbeinamicable
relations.
separated
groups
A mancannot,
understringent
hisclosefemale
relatives:
taboos,
marry
thismeansthathe mustbe friendly
enoughwithotherpeoplefor
themto givehima wife. He marries
herin elaborate
ceremonies
andtransfers
cattlewhichhe collects
from
allhiskinandgivesto all
herkin. Theseelaborate
ceremonies
andpayments
ofcattle
establish
forhim. Andthrough
his wifehe strikes
friendships
up alliances
withrelatives-in-law
whichareinimical
toa whole-hearted
one-sided
attachment
to his own brothers
and fellow-members
of his clan.
His children
haveclosetiesofsentiment
withthekinoftheirmother.
Customsupports
thesetieswithobligations
and mystical
threats.
A man'sblood-kin
arenotalwayshisneighbours:
thetiesofkinship
and locality
conflict.Andalltheseties,I repeat,
areelaborately
set
in customand backedwithritualbeliefs.
Theseallegiances,
and a man'sallegiance
to his community
and
THE PEACE IN THE FEUD
II
its sense of rightdoing,
createconflictswhichinhibitthe spreadof
betweena man's desireto
disputeand fighting.There is a conflict
serve his own materialends, ruthlessly,
and his recognitionof a
code of law and rightdoing
underthatcode; and thisconflict
appears
in his kinsmen'swillingnessor unwillingness
to supporthim in a
quarrel. There is a conflictbetween the assertivenessof each
individualand kin-groupand the interestswhichinduce themto
come to termswiththeirneighbours. This is the conflictwhichis
theritualcurseofthe" manoftheearth." Custom
resolvedthrough
down
the
the natureof rightdoing,
code
of law whichestablishes
lays
and customordainsthat men shall recogniseties of varyingkinds
of kinship,or of locality,or of severalother sorts. But custom
is effective
in bindingthe Nuer into a community
whichmaintains
some kind of order- what Evans-Pritchardcalls "ordered
anarchy"- becausethe obligationsof customlinkmen in different
kindsof relationships.The conflicts
betweentheserelationships
in
time
of
over
wider
of
and
become
longerperiods
ranges society
cohesion.
I do notwantto givetheimpression
thatvengeanceis nevertaken
and the feudneverwaged. Feud is wagedand vengeance
taken
whentheparties
livesufficiently
farapart,or aretooweakly
related
hot-headedness
byseveralties. Evenwhentheyareclosetogether,
anddesiresforprestige
andconstant
mayleadtovengeance
fighting.
Butwheretheyareclosetogether,
andtiesoperate
manyinstitutions
to exertpressure
on thequarrellers
to reacha settlement.
Again,
thisis not to say thatsettlement
of quarrelsis alwaysachieved.
We mustremember
thatquarrelsariseout of theverytieswhich
linkmen--ties withthe wife'skin or one's own kin or one's
of
neighbours.There is onlypressuretowardsthe establishing
of peaceful
peacefulrelations
--or, rather,the re-establishing
relationsaftera breach. This pressureis exertedby common
interest
ina modicum
ofpeaceovera certain
area,whichis necessary
if menareto livein anykindofsecurity
andproducefood,marry
intoone another's
deal withone another.The conflicts
families,
between
theloyalties
heldbya manthus,ina widerrangeofrelations,
establish
orderandleadto recognition
ofobligations
andacceptance
withinlaw. As faras each typeof loyaltyis concerned,
other
loyaltieslead to divisionsin the ranksof any groupor set of
Hence the wholesystemdependsforits cohesion
relationships.
ontheexistencet
ofconflicts
insmaller
Eachvengeance
sub-systems.
is dividedby thedifferent
maternal
and
groupof agnatickinsmen
of individual
members.
conjugaland local attachments
12
PAST AND PRESENT
sourceof divisionin the groupsof kinwhich
Clearlythe primary
of primitive
are characteristic
society,is the rulethatmen mustnot
marry their clanswomenand other near relatives. But many
societiesby customprefermarriagewith certainsets of kin, and
therefore
these show a different
workingout of politicalprocess.
In one society,thatoftheBedouinof Cyrenaica,marriageis allowed
withinthe vengeancegroup itselfby Islamic law. The analysis
of the resultingsituation,and its connectionwithhabitat,will be
a good testof the above argument. Dr. EmrysPetersis at present
occupiedwiththisstudy. We knowthatthereare societieswhere
feudsoccurin comparatively
smallareas;butnoneofthesehavebeen
subjectedto adequateanthropological
analysisin termsof the many
ties establishedby custom.
Later studieshave supportedthe main pointsmade by EvansPritchardabout Nuer society. I makebriefreference
onlyto one
himselfemphasizedthe positiveaspects
study. Evans-Pritchard
of ties linkingmembersof agnaticvengeancegroupsto others:I
withinthegroup,
have myselfarguedthattheyhavea divisiveeffect
and thisis wherethe emphasiswas placed by Dr. ElizabethColson
in herstudyof the Tonga of NorthernRhodesia. I cannotpresent
of a case
the beautyof her study,but I give a summarystatement
ofthevengeance
sherecorded- thisis theclearestcaseoftheworking
threatwhichwe havefromAfrica. A manoftheEland clankilleda
man of the Lion clan. The murdererwas arrestedby the British
and sentto jail: butthe Lions brokeoffall relationswiththe Elands
who lived nearby. Eland men in Lion villages,and Lion men in
Eland villages,told Miss Colson thatin the past theywould have
theirElandfellow-villagers.
fledhome:as it was,theLions ostracised
Womenmarriedto men of the othergroupcould not cohabitwith
their husbands or cook for them--which upset the husbands.
a son ofan Eland womanbya Lion manfellill and died:
Eventually,
the divinersaid thatthe murderedman's spirithad killedthe child
because blood-moneyhad not been paid. The women began to
exercisepressureon male kin to settlethe matter. The Elands
of themselves
throughjointrelatives-in-law
proffered
compensation
and the Lions; peace was mpde,and blood-cattlewerepromisedto
compensatefor the homicide. Here again the dispersalof the
ofits womenwithmenof other
vengeancegroup,and themarriages
vengeancegroups,produceddivisionsin the ranksof each group,
and exertedpressureforsettlement.The death of a child,which
customblamedon thevengeful
compelling
spirit,createdthesituation
a meeting,at which other relativesof the two partiesacted as
intermediaries.
THE PEACE IN THE FEUD
13
I havebeenstating
hasbeenlongrecognized
The general
principle
butothershaveoverlooked
its significance.
In
by manyscholars,
Law PollockandMaitlandwrotethat
theirgreatHistory
ofEnglish
wasinthefirst
times" personal
in Anglo-Saxon
injury
placea cause
thekindreds
ofthewrongdoer
and
offeud,or private
war,between
Mediaeval
ofthepersonwronged."The Shorter
Cambridge
History
warfare
in the
private
saysthatfeud" produceda stateofincessant
themselves
whentheinjury
thekindreds
anddivided
was
community,
ofthesamegroup." I
committed
againstanother
byone member
doubtthis. The Anglo-Saxon
vengeancegroup,called the sib,
fora dead man,was
whichwas entitledto claimblood-money
throughmalesand females,
up to
composedof all his kindred,
sixthcousins. But thegroupwhichresidedand workedtogether
seemsto havebeensomeformofpatriarchal
jointfamily;
againwe
withthelocalgroup.
findthatthevengeance
groupdidnotcoincide
Andifyoutraceeachman'skinup to hissixthcousins,
a
theyform
whichcouldnot mobilize.Each man,
widelyscattered
grouping
andfull-sisters,
wasthecentre
ofhisown
withonlyhisfull-brothers
was a member
ofthesibsofmanyother
sib; and everyindividual
to suggest
thatin a long-settled
district,
people. Indeed,I venture
wheretherehad beenmuchintermarrying,
almosteveryone
would
havebeena member
ofeveryone
else'ssib. Hencewherevengeance
hadto be taken,or redress
somepeoplewouldhavebeen
enforced,
and defendant
members
ofbothplaintiff
sibs. Theywouldsurely
forjustsettlement.
Thisis theposition
haveexerted
pressure
among
Islandswhohavea similarkinship
the Kalingasof thePhillipine
between
sibsin separated
system.Feudsmayhavebeenprosecuted
localcommunities
or as battlesbetween
mobilized
behind
districts,
noblefamilies.But we mustnottakesagasand talesof feuding
as evidence,
fortheymay,likethetalesoftheNuer" manofthe
" curse,standas warnings.Or evenas historical
earth's
records
theymayhavebeenbetterwarnings.Therewas onlyone lot of
andMcCoysintheKentucky
andVirginia
hills. Generally,
Hatfields
overa limited
ofthe
area,thereis peaceas wellas warin thethreat
feud.
This peace arisesfromtheexistenceofmanykindsofrelationships,
and the values attachedto themall by custom. These ties divide
men at one point; but this divisionin a wider group and over a
of social order.
longerperiod of time leads to the establishment
In separateddistrictsmen can quarrel. The smallerthe area involved,the morenumerousthe socialties. But as the area narrows
the occasionswhichbreedquarrelsbetweenmen multiply;and here
14
PAST AND PRESENT
itis thattheirconflicting
tiesbothdrawthemapart,andbringthem
into relationship
is
withotherpeople who see thatsettlement
achieved.In thiswaycustomuniteswhereit divides,
co-operation
and conflict
eachother. At thewidestrange,cohesion
balancing
- supported
- where
is stated
inritual
terms
retribution
bymystical
valuesareunquestioned
andaxiomatic.Henceritualreconciliation
and sacrifice
of a quarrel,and ritual
oftenfollowthe settlement
methods
areusedtoreachadjustment.
Dept.ofSocialAnthropology,
University
ofManchester.
Max Gluckman.