Bushidō Baseball? Three 'Fathers' and the Invention of a Tradition Author(s): Thomas BLACKWOOD Source: Social Science Japan Journal, Vol. 11, No. 2 (Winter 2008), pp. 223-240 Published by: Oxford University Press Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/40649638 Accessed: 11-05-2018 21:20 UTC JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at http://about.jstor.org/terms Oxford University Press is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Social Science Japan Journal This content downloaded from 138.26.31.3 on Fri, 11 May 2018 21:20:26 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Social Science Japan Journal Vol. I I, No. 2, pp 223-240 2008 doi:IO.I093/ssjj/jyn032 Published online September 1 9, 2008 Bushido Baseball? Three 'Fathers' and the Invention of a Tradition Thomas BLACKWOOD* Japanese baseball is often presented as an example of an unchanging Japanese 'national character, and Japanese baseball players are depicted as contemporary versions of the samurai, living and playing baseball according to a code of 'yakyudõ' ('the way of baseball', thought to be a present-day incarnation of bushidõ, 'the way of the warrior) by both Japanese and non-Japanese commentators alike. In this paper, however, I argue that rather than Japanese baseball's ideology and practices being reflective of a unique and unchanging 'essence' of Japan, they are the result of specific individuals and institutions interacting under particular historical and social forces. Moreover, although the dominant ideology in Japanese baseball has been couched in the rhetoric of bushidõ for over 1 00 years, it is in fact closer to 1 9th-century Western notions of amateurism, sportsmanship and chivalrous masculinity than the ethos of samurai of earlier centuries. This is largely due to the efforts of Christian socialist Abe Isõ, considered to be both the 'father of Japanese socialism' and the 'father of Japanese baseball', as well as his students Tobita Suishu and Saeki Tatsuo, known as the 'father of student baseball' and the 'father of high school baseball', respectively. I. Introduction Journalists, filmmakers, scholars and others often call attention to the ways Japanese bas differ from American baseball. More frequent, rigorous and longer practices (both on and pre-game workouts and meetings, and greater commitment and self-sacrifice are among t commonly mentioned in journalists' descriptions of Japanese baseball. Furthermore, J ball players are described as being more disciplined, hard working, serious, humble a their American counterparts (Bartholet 1996; Rains 2001: 28-29; Whiting 1977 2002, 2004: 13-14, 34-35, 2006). l What is problematic, however, is the often-invok the differences are due to Japanese 'national character' or a 'bushidõ ethic' (The Econ Rains 2001; Sänket Supõtsu Shinbun 2002; Whiting 1977: 37-38; 1990; 1995; 2 2006: 107). Even the Japanese practitioners of baseball themselves often suggest a Thomas BLACKWOOD is an Associate Professor in the Institute of Social Science, the University of Tokyo ing Editor of the Social Science Japan Journal. His research interests include Japanese society, education, pop youth. He can be reached at the Institute of Social Science, University of Tokyo, Hongo 7-3-1, Bunkyo-ku, T Japan, or by e-mail at [email protected]. *The research for this paper was made possible thanks to the generous assistance of a US Department of Edu Hays Doctoral Dissertation Research Abroad fellowship and the Ito Foundation. I would also like to thank referees for their helpful feedback. Editor's Note: This manuscript was accepted for publication before Thomas Blackwood began his appointmen ing Editor of the SSJJ in September 2008. 1. With the exception, of course, being Irabu Hideki (Rains 2001: 150-151; Whiting 2004: 129-139). © The Author 2008. Published by Oxford University Press in conjunction with the University of Tokyo. All rights reserved. This content downloaded from 138.26.31.3 on Fri, 11 May 2018 21:20:26 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 224 Thomas BLACKWOOD baseball and the samurai. For example, Okamoto Takeo, former Director of the Tokyo Japan High School Baseball Federation (JHBF), claimed: The game of baseball is an exquisite mixture of silence and movement. This is similar Sword, from Japanese ancient times. I think because of this, baseball fits with the tradit of the Japanese people . . . (THBF 1988: 1). Although William Kelly (1998) argues that the differences are largely discursiv journalists, and that any real differences are due to rational responses to specific defenders of the 'bushidõ view' will continue to employ it to explain any differences ball, real or perceived, as long as the discourse itself remains unexamined. In order to spond to the argument that differences between Japanese and American b national character or a bushidõ ethic, it is necessary to understand what 'bushid means, where the ideology comes from, and how it became institutionalized in J To do this, it is necessary to examine the history of school baseball, the primary in which virtually all Japanese baseball players and coaches are socialized and attain appropriate behavior as baseball players. Moreover, since baseball was almost exclusive for its first six decades (1873-1935) in Japan, the ideology of school baseball came to tinues to maintain a strong influence over the way baseball is viewed and played. Eve school baseball that is widely considered to embody the true 'Japanese spirit' by Japa the Japanese fans that I talked to felt that baseball in Japan only reinforces their cu amateur level, primarily high school baseball far as work ethic and effort are concerned' (Ecklund 2002: 34). I ha times while conducting research, and even Whiting gives evidence baseball has in Japan, and its alleged historical roots, when he quote the national summer tournament: 'The total devotion of the players tourney is evidence that old values have not yet been swept away by th that has hit Japan' (Whiting 1990: 242, emphasis added). More rece Ochiai Hiroshi (2008) stated that the spirit of high school baseball, work, is an example of 'Japanese ethnic culture we should be prou the history of school baseball, we will gain a better understanding of the dominant ideology and practices of Japanese baseball, as well as responsible for formulating and maintaining the ideology and practices 2. Historical Background In 1868, soon after the Meiji Restoration, the newly formed Japane ambitious program to modernize the nation, beginning with key instit military, medicine and education, as well as vital industries like shipbu ments. Since the way to modernize these was to copy European and government began hiring thousands of 'foreign employees' (oyatoi and other specialists, to gain their expertise. In education, as well, the ority on Western learning, and when the first national public higher s were modeled on English and North American institutions, as opposed t institutions (Roden 1980& 71). It was during this period that baseb In 1873, five years after the Meiji Restoration and at the height of th when Western 'civilization and enlightenment' were being unabas This content downloaded from 138.26.31.3 on Fri, 11 May 2018 21:20:26 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Bushidõ Baseball? 225 teachers, Horace Wilson and G. H. Mudgett taught the game of baseball to their charges cursors of Tokyo University (Kaisei Gakkõ) and its preparatory school, Tokyo First Hi (Tõkyõ Dai Ichi Kõto Gakkõ, hereafter, Ichikõ), respectively (Ariyama 1997: 17). Contra one journalist argues, however, baseball was not 'widely interpreted by the former samurai a kind of spiritual training - a discipline for shaping young minds and bodies' (The Econ 104). In fact, the 'former samurai elite' were initially not very concerned at all with 'di shaping young minds and bodies'. According to Donald Roden, early Meiji educators were not at all convinced of the need for physical education in any form. T of the Educational Code of 1872 . . . made no mention of physical fitness; the code's articles a lowest priority to physical exercise in the primary schools and ignored the subject entirely in est ademic guidelines for secondary schools (1980#: 514). Rather, it was largely the foreign teachers' concern with their Japanese students' health, as w firm belief in the importance of a physically fit population for the development of Japan a which led some of them to encourage the Japanese government to reconsider the importanc ical character in their education policies (ibid.: 514-515). Ichikõ was one of the first public higher schools in Japan, and it was undeniably the Because of the lack of widespread appreciation for physical fitness (and foreign games) the time, however, the Ichikõ baseball team soon found itself in a difficult position. T to find a way to justify playing baseball to a skeptical public (and themselves). The way the did this was by describing baseball as being in line with 'traditional' Japanese practic 1980#: 520), and the discourse used was that of bushidõ (Ariyama 1997: 22-30). The fact that Ichikõ legitimized baseball through applying the rhetoric of bushidõ is often evidence that baseball was modified (e.g. 'samuraized') to fit with traditional Japanese Kiku 1993: 50-56, 88-100; Whiting 1990: 37; 2004: 56; 2006: 108). However, just b Ichikõ students appropriated the rhetoric of bushidõ does not mean that baseball was su changed in any way to fit with bushidõ-type practices, as Kiku (1993) suggests. While i that some of the players may have envisioned themselves as upholding a traditional bu through playing baseball, it is just as likely that the beliefs about character building, and civility (as well as Social Darwinism) that were attached to sports in England and North A at the time2 were accepted by Japanese students and teachers, who only later justified their through applying the discourse of bushidõ, when they needed to (Roden 1980#: 530-53 In fact, most of the argument put forth by Kiku and others that baseball was 'samuraized' at Ichikõ) is based on the rhetoric of school songs and the memoirs of former players, but u examination of their sources, we can see that all their quotes come from the mid- 1890s or l 1993: 88-100), more than 20 years after baseball's introduction, and precisely the time when statesmen and educators were engaged in this kind of 'traditionalizing'. Roden points o 1890s was a time, almost a quarter of a century after the rush to 'catch up' with the West b Japanese nationalist sentiment was rising and a desire to revise the 'unequal' treaties wi powers was reaching its peak: 2. For analyses of the perceived importance of sport in creating moral, masculine men in 19th-century Americ (1999, especially pp. 45-75), Crosset (1990), Kimmel (1990; 1996) and Rotundo (1993). This content downloaded from 138.26.31.3 on Fri, 11 May 2018 21:20:26 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 226 Thomas BLACKWOOD Peculiar to the nationalism of the 1890s was the convergence of Social Darwinism and neopublic spokesmen made conscious attempts to locate the values of manliness and strengt Meiji past. By so doing, Western ideas and institutions could be assimilated, rather than ad inately, thus facilitating the quest for a proud, yet discrete, national identity (Roden 198 Defining baseball as a contemporary form of bushidõ fits this pattern perfectly. Another reason to be skeptical about the veracity of claims of bushidõ ancestry in J has to do with the fact that, as pointed out by Guttmann and Thompson, '[t]he co was itself in large part a nineteenth-century product, another example of "invented tr 87). In fact, the first explicit work expounding bushidõ as a popular philosophy or Bushidõ: The Soul of Japan, by Nitobe Inazõ, was not written until 1899, almost 20 yea was introduced to Japan (Nitobe 1905). Moreover, it was originally written in English f audience by a multilingual, highly educated Japanese Christian, who conducted gr Johns Hopkins University from 1884 to 1887, married an American woman, was Japanese to enter the Society of Friends and studied at various universities in Ger to 1890. Nitobe taught at Tokyo Imperial University, Kyoto Imperial University, a cultural College, was the first president of Tokyo Women's Christian University, a 1913 he was the headmaster of Ichikõ (Shimizu 1998: 141). Nitobe was present a Peace Conference in 1918, and he subsequently became the under- secretary- gene of Nations, living in Geneva until 1926. While he has an impressive résumé (and his face now adorns the 5,000 yen bill), not have was an extensive education in Japanese history or philosophy (his specialty w economics, and his goal was to become a 'bridge over the Pacific Ocean') (Kaku 200 over, it is clear in his writings that in addition to his Christian faith, he was strongly English public school ethos, and he compares bushidõ to 'the moral code of Tom ambition was to "leave behind him the name of a fellow who never bullied a littl his back on a big one'" (Morris-Suzuki 1995: 765). Morris-Suzuki suggests that '[i]n the Samurai, with his emphasis on benevolence, courtesy, truthfulness, honor, and loy a gentleman, and Bushidõ itself is not so much an esoteric philosophy as a mildly exoti the British public school ethos' (ibid.: 765). Perhaps, through writing Bushidõ, Nitobe w of his contemporaries, trying to resolve some of his own identity- related cognitive diss mopolitan Japanese Christian. Regardless of his motives, Nitobe's writing was imp outlined a 'traditional Japanese' code of ethics which, in fact, was not entirely Japanes There were, of course, other works illustrating samurai morality before Nitobe's Bus the 18th-century Hagakure. However, rather than explicitly demarcating a specific cod or behavior, earlier treatises on bushidõ tended to simply give examples of 'good warri and were primarily obsessed with the concepts of loyalty, honor and self- discipline (t self-immolation). In fact, historian Karl Friday argues that 'bushidõ, and the notion of tuted proper samurai behavior, was a vague and imprecisely defined concept in pre-mo 3. Nitobe's work continues to promote its fictional, westernized version of bushido as historical fact eve reportedly read Bushido numerous times in preparation for his role in The Last Samurai, and the movie tributed to a boom in sales of Bushidõ, especially the Japanese translation. Its publisher, unaware of dubiousness (and thereby reflecting widespread opinion), claims that the book is 'an analysis of Japan we regard as fundamental' (Ishibashi 2004). This content downloaded from 138.26.31.3 on Fri, 11 May 2018 21:20:26 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Bushidõ Baseball? 227 modern times' (1994: 344). Whatever bushidõ was, it certainly did not dwell on such g values as emphasized by Nitobe (or by the early ideologues of baseball). Once the Ichikõ team began to describe baseball in terms of bushidõ, however, they tried that their practices conformed to this discourse, as they understood it. For the boys at meant, first and foremost, that victory was worth any cost, and since a loss indicated a lac the team emphasized extreme self- discipline and effort (Kiku 1993: 90-91). Second, th their supporters exhibited a fanatical devotion to the team that extended to the school and bols of their school, as demonstrated, for example, by the Imbrie Incident. In April 1890, t end William Imbrie, an American English teacher at Meiji Gakuin, arrived late to a ba between Ichikõ and Meiji Gakuin, and instead of entering through the main gate, climb fence surrounding the campus to see the final innings. This enraged the Ichikõ supporters, sidered the fence (like everything else associated with the school) to be 'sacred'.4 Although e accounts differ as to the degree of violence involved, a group of Ichikõ students th attacked Professor Imbrie for his apparent disrespect of the school, creating an internation (Kiku 1993: 90; Roden 1980a: 521, 1980fc 138-139).5 While we cannot deny that these things were important for the Ichikõ team at the t century, we should be careful not to overestimate either their uniqueness with regards baseball or the extent of their popularity (or longevity) in Japan. First of all, the extreme on self- discipline and loyalty shown by Ichikõ baseball players was not limited to the baseb it was a part of the higher school culture and can be similarly seen in the Spartan cult Western schools on which Ichikõ was modeled (i.e. Eton, St. Paul's, etc.) (Roden 1980&). claims that this was due to indigenous Japanese culture or bushidõ values need to be taken w of salt. Second, Ichikõ was extreme, and cannot be considered an appropriate represe Japanese school baseball teams, either at that time or today. Other schools, such as below) and Meiji Gakuin (Ichiko's opponent in the aforementioned game), were know markedly different practice and playing styles (Sakaue 2001; Whiting 2006: 53). That said, however, Ichikõ undeniably did have a lasting impact on Japanese baseball, reasons. As one of the first Japanese schools to have a baseball team, its graduates were inst in spreading baseball throughout Japan when they became teachers at other schools, so Ichik inition of 'Japanese baseball' became, more or less, the accepted definition. Because Ichi Japanese baseball with bushidõ, this would come to shape the popular discourse of bas both players and spectators. Moreover, Ichiko's unrivaled domination over Japanese sch during its first three decades in Japan (1873-1903) helped to legitimize its ideology and ogy, as well as the discourse of bushidõ. Even more importantly, Ichiko's successes a Americans representing the Athletic Club in Yokohama's foreign settlement in 1896 u played a major role in popularizing baseball in Japan (as well as being an immense sourc pride, considered to be on par with winning the Sino-Japanese War of 1894-1895) (Rod 4. The students even had an unofficial school policy requiring all students to enter only through the main gate bow before entering campus as an appropriate expression of school spirit (kdfii) (Jason G. Karlin, personal co 5. As Roden points out, far from being an isolated incident or limited to Ichiko, the booster clubs and cheer gr school teams in late 19th and early 20th-century Japan were notorious for their violence ( 1980&). This becam in the 'evils of baseball' debates of 191 1 (see below) and is the main reason the JHBF today strictly regulates t supporters, punishing teams themselves if their supporters misbehave (Shimizu 1998: 122; Whiting 1990 This content downloaded from 138.26.31.3 on Fri, 11 May 2018 21:20:26 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 228 Thomas BLACKWOOD While Ichiko's successes against other Japanese teams helped to legitimize its met within Japan and define Japanese baseball as 'bushidö yakyü' its successes against played a key role in proving the superiority of the Japanese way. Thus, by the end of t the belief that Japanese baseball should be understood as having its ideological roo that this way was superior to foreign ways of playing baseball became firmly entrenc Furthermore, even though (thanks to Nitobe) the popular understanding of bush so that the ideal Japanese man was closer to a 'gentleman' than a warrior, Ichik discipline and dogged effort remains an important part of student baseball to this day 3. Abe Iso, the 'Father of (Japanese) Baseball9 Ichikö was not the only school to have a baseball team, however, and although it domin legiate baseball in the beginning, by the early 20th century its time as national champ While Ichikö was successful in traditionalizing baseball by discursively defining Ja bushidõ baseball, and its emphasis on extreme self- discipline would remain, the not, in fact, to become the most influential team in Japanese baseball. On 1 June to the private school Waseda for the first time, and two days later they lost to anothe Keio Academy. It would take until 1918 before they would defeat either team again. Th end of the Ichikö era and the beginning of the Waseda-Keio era (Ariyama 1997: 3 and Keio would carry on a heated rivalry for national champion over the next several be Waseda that would leave the biggest mark on Japanese student baseball and ultimate main tenets of 20th-century Japanese student baseball ideology. In fact, the founder a manager of the Waseda team, Abe Isõ, was so influential to the game that he is c the 'father of (Japanese) baseball' (Katayama 1958: introduction), and he was amon people enshrined in the Japanese Baseball Hall of Fame when it opened in 1959.6 Abe, like Nitobe, had an unusual life, and quite possibly had a better understanding o for) Western concepts of character and chivalry than indigenous Japanese concepts lik Nitobe, Abe was a Christian and had spent time in America, where he attended (Connecticut) Theological Seminary from 1891 to 1894. Abe spoke Japanese learned Hebrew and Greek at Hartford. Abe loved to read (he was especially parti works by Dickens), and he claimed to have read Hugo's Les Misérables over a two- period, with tears streaming down his face as he finished it. More than any other auth tioned Tolstoy as having the biggest impact on his life and beliefs. Through Tols to have learned about the concepts of pacifism, liberty, philanthropy, humanism found within Christianity (Katayama 1958: 59). While at Hartford Abe became in problems and determined to do his duty as a Christian to help solve them. Abe impressed he was with the number of social welfare institutions in New York city, an reading Edward Bellamy's Looking Backward strengthened his belief in socialist ideals, commitment to creating a Utopian society (ibid.: 60-65). Thus, it is not surprising that in addition to being known as the father of Japanese also known as the 'father of Japanese socialism'. After returning to Japan, Abe founded Kenkyûkai (Society for the Study of Socialism) in 1898, which was the parent org 6. Abe is officially listed as number four. This content downloaded from 138.26.31.3 on Fri, 11 May 2018 21:20:26 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Bushidõ Baseball? 229 Shakai Minshutõ (Social Democratic Party), which Abe also helped to establish in 1901 was banned by the Japanese government two days later). For the rest of Abe's life he involved in a variety of socialist/utopian political causes, as intellectual (author, teacher (Diet member) and preacher. He fought for labor union rights (including supporting t at the 1907 Ashio Copper Mine Riots), farmers' rights, the eradication of poverty, the prostitution, and birth control rights (ibid.) ? Abe was a key figure in the establishmen pre-WWII socialist political parties and leftist intellectual associations, the founder of the J Society, and is considered to be 'a pioneer of Taishõ Democracy' (Meyer 2002). In 1899, Abe became a professor of international relations at Waseda University, wher establish and manage the baseball team. Abe, an ordained protestant minister, was obvio influenced by North American and English Christian thinking at the end of the 19th centu extended to his view of sports and their ability to 'build character'. He is known for o 'knowledge is cultivated through scholarship, character is cultivated through sports',8 imply the playing field is an important extension of the classroom (Katayama 1958: 171). This ues to be the chief underlying philosophy of school sports in Japan today (as expressed by k ikkan). In contrast to the practices at Ichikõ, which would later become the stuff of legend and fodder for the orientalizing impulses of journalists, Abe did not believe in beating character into his players. He was known as an egalitarian on and off the ball field (as well as in politics), who indulged his students more like an enlightened father than a coach. Abe did not believe that the team needed rules, and officially, there were none. He did not feel that he needed to restrain the players, and he wanted them to make their own independent efforts to create a good team atmosphere, conducive to learning. He believed that if the students could not behave properly, as 'sportsmen' (supdtsuman-rashi) by their own will, without being restrained by rules, they may as well abolish the baseball team (ibid.: 173). In practice, what this meant was that new players who may not know exactly how to act, or what they should refrain from, would learn from their seniors, either through explicit advice or through observing and mimicking. This still occurs on many teams today, even teams that have explicit, comprehensive rules. For example, coaches rarely raised their own voices, and instead relied on senior students, on the high school baseball teams I observed during my research (Blackwood 2005). In fact, this is a common practice throughout Japanese education, and it is an effective way to downplay authority and give the students/players a sense of agency and ownership (cf. Peak 1991; Lewis 1995). One example of Abe putting his beliefs in action, and demonstrating that he did not only apply them to his own team, can be seen in how he treated rivals. In 1920, the Waseda team came across a particularly effective coach by the name of Herbert H. Hunter while at a training camp in Nara. Seeing the results that his team got following Hunter's advice (at a time when good coaches in Japan were still quite rare), Abe strongly recommended Hunter to the team manager of Waseda's most hated rival, Keio. Although this greatly displeased Waseda supporters, Abe cooperated with other rivals as well, including Meiji and Hõsei, and he was highly respected by the coaches of other schools (Katayama 1958: 175). While the respect Abe earned from other coaches undoubtedly aided his reputation, his influence over Japanese baseball would have been minimal without a successful team. 7. Regarding birth control, Abe was attracted to the ideas of Margaret Sanger (Homei 2000). 8 . Many high school baseball coaches today continue to invoke this expression of Abe's and credit him for it, verifying that they wholeheartedly agree with and respect him (Blackwood 2005). This content downloaded from 138.26.31.3 on Fri, 11 May 2018 21:20:26 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 230 Thomas BLACKWOOD In 1904, the Waseda team defeated the national champion Ichikõ as well as the other b at the time, Keio and Gakushüin, to become the champion of interscholastic b As Ichiko's successes helped to legitimize and popularize their methods (and discou ous decades, Waseda's success and Abe's character undeniably helped to legitimiz Although Abe, like the Ichikõ team, also learned to couch his baseball ideology i bushidõ (partly because the Ichikõ team was so successful in defining Japanese baseba course of bushidõ), it was a qualitatively different bushidõ, and Abe was quick to between the kind of baseball he taught and the kind of baseball emphasized at Ich criticized the Ichikõ ideology, which emphasized winning at any cost (Kiku 1993 Ariyama 1997: 26; Shimizu 1998: 164-167), and instead, introduced the concept o purei) (Kiku 1993: 104-107). While the Ichikõ team stuck to their fanatical rheto (remaining true to their beliefs of what it meant to be a samurai), Abe claimed that of baseball were 'wisdom, benevolence and valor' (Kiku 1993: 106; Sakaue 2001: 12 baseball Abe aimed to cultivate 'gentlemanly' character. Applying the discourse of bus ner echoing Nitobe, Abe argued that 'there was no important difference between the concept of fair play and the Japanese concept of bushidõ' (Guttmann and Thomp spirit of bushidõ', wrote Abe, 'requires that when one warrior falls during a duel, th for him to get up before continuing the match. This is precisely the spirit of fa quoted in Kiku 1993: 105). Furthermore, echoing the sentiment in the expression, if you win or lose, it's how you play the game', Abe taught that 'in the true spirit of b era, it is important to act in a dignified (dõdõto) way, whether one wins or loses 168). In reality, however, Ariyama (1997) argues that when warriors battled, th death, so such chivalrous ideas as fair play were unrealistic when considering bat (and therefore, Ichiko's emphasis on winning at any cost was probably a more hi interpretation of bushidõ). In addition, Sakaue shows how several of Abe's student-players, especially Ha Oshikawa Shunrõ (as well as Tobita Suishü, who I discuss in detail below), played in defining and popularizing (Abe's character building) baseball discursively as bu and Oshikawa were both part of the Waseda team when it conducted its 1905 tour of which Hashido, at Abe's request, wrote 'The Latest Baseball Techniques', which - ironic numerous references to the ways baseball is similar to bushidõ. Oshikawa, who would an 'adventure novelist', penned the prologue of this book, in which he explained how ball should be considered the same as bushidõ in spirit, and why it needed to be (Sakaue 2001: 109-115).10 Thus, although Abe (and his students) and the Ichikõ team both described the ideolo using the same word, 'bushidõ', the word held very different connotations for each. 9. Abe's influence over student baseball in Japan was not limited to his work as manager of the Wased tablish and eventually worked as Director of the Japan Student Baseball Association [the parent organ and the Japan University Baseball Federation (JUBF)], and he spent time as Director of the Tokyo Big ball League. Furthermore, Abe helped Kano Jigoro establish the predecessor for the Japan Olympic Nihon Taiiku Kyõkai, in 1911. 10. Oshikawa's younger brother Kiyoshi was also a member of the Waseda team and would go on to play lishing professional baseball in Japan. Hashido and Oshikawa (Kiyoshi) joined Abe among the first nin the Japanese Baseball Hall of Fame in 1959. This content downloaded from 138.26.31.3 on Fri, 11 May 2018 21:20:26 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Bushidõ Baseball? 231 that this was during the same period that cosmopolitan intellectuals like Nitobe were (r bushidõ itself to make it conform to their ideas of proper manhood, which were - not coinci very similar to the popular concepts of the Victorian chivalrous gentleman or muscular Chris were in vogue in England and North America. Abe's (and his students') understanding of bush in perfect agreement with Nitobe' s new invention. This was also at a time, after several indiscriminately adopting Western practices and ideas, when Japanese statesmen and elit look inward, to try to find native roots for contemporary practices, in order to avoid compl their sense of Japanese identity. Moreover, as the rhetoric of bushidõ complemented t ment's push toward nationalism and militarization, the social atmosphere was very accom to this kind of 'invention of tradition' (Roden 1980#). 4. Tobita Suishu, The Father of Student Baseball Tobita Suishü, one of Abe's student-players and successor as coach, offered a striking illustration of Abe's egalitarianism and indulgence of his student-players. One morning, as Tobita was leaving the dormitory, he noticed that Abe's shoes were dusty, so he polished them for him. Later, Abe thanked him. The next morning, when Tobita woke up, he saw that his own filthy shoes had been brightly pol- ished, and when he thanked Abe, Abe simply replied, 'Mr. Tobita, think nothing of it!' (Tobita-kun, otagaisama desuyol) (Katayama 1958: 170).11 In Japanese society at the time, it was virtually unheard offer a teacher to polish the shoes of one of his pupils, and Abe's humility made a profound impression on Tobita. Tobita was heavily influenced by Abe (whom he called his onshi or 'respected/honored/beloved teacher'), and as Abe's successor as coach of the Waseda team he maintained the strong emphas on character- building that he inherited from Abe. While coaching at Waseda, Tobita also becam a prolific author and journalist, writing about baseball (first for Hõ chi Shinbun^ later for the Yomiur and then the Asahi), and thus was instrumental in spreading Abe's baseball philosophy to the mass (cf. Tobita 1986, vols: 1-4). Tobita, however, was of samurai lineage from conservative Ibaraki pre fecture and was neither Christian nor socialist, and therefore, he was more nationalist than Abe and more attracted to the idea of bushidõ baseball promoted by Ichikõ (Tsuboi 1986). Thus, while wri ing about the character- building qualities of baseball he learned from Abe, Tobita (like his senp Hashido and Oshikawa) strengthened its discursive ties to bushidõ (Ariyama 1997: 48; Saka 2001: 109-122). Tobita's writings were undoubtedly the most important and influential source of dissemination of amateur baseball ideology in early 20th-century Japan, and they are often referred to today as evidence of the bushidõ roots of Japanese baseball (e.g. Whiting 1990: 36-41), even though the values that Tobita wrote about were not intrinsic to bushidõ.12 It was Tobita who, after teaching and writing about bushidõ baseball for decades, coined the term 'yakyüdö' (Kanda 1986: 151), which eventually 1 1 . Although this expression is often rendered as 'you scratch my back, I scratch yours', this translation is too blatantly exchange oriented to express Abe's feelings of altruism and appreciation. Abe did not polish Tobita's shoes out of a feeling of obligation, but out of his appreciation for Tobita, as well as his firm commitment to egalitarianism. Furthermore, in '"otagaisama' there is a strong normative sense of 'that's how things are supposed to be', so by using this expression, Abe was revealing his vision of how egalitarian the world should be. 12. Moreover, since Tobita wrote after the publication of Nitobe's Westernized version of bushido, which agreed with Abe's notion of a gentleman, discrepancies would not be obvious. This content downloaded from 138.26.31.3 on Fri, 11 May 2018 21:20:26 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 232 Thomas BLACKWOOD allowed baseball to shed its explicit link to a militaristic past, but still retain its 'essentia as something different from American baseball. Thus, Tobita helped complete the inve Abe himself, Tobita is considered one of the most influential individuals in Japanese s While Abe is known as the father of Japanese baseball, Tobita is known as the father of (Baseball Magazine Sha 1989#: 194), and he was inducted into the Japanese Baseb (#11) in 1960. 5. The 'Evils of Baseball9 Debates and the Establishment of the Koshien Summer Tournament In the fall of 1911, a series of articles on the 'evils of baseball' (yakyü gaidoku) appea Asahi Shinbun. These articles argued that: baseball is harmful to the students and detrimental to the larger society too many classes for practices and for games, which means that their scho charge admission to their games, nor should they waste money on fanc have bad manners. Baseball breeds vanity and conceit (Guttmann an The articles, therefore, were most critical not of the sport itself, but popularity and commercialism. They complained of schools, like W ball teams as a means of advertising, and of star players becomin other criticism of baseball was that it bred violence and rowdiness am Imbrie incident described above). In response, Abe and his stud (Shunrõ) and others published articles (mostly) in other newspapers, to its 'physical, mental and moral benefits' (Guttmann and Thom They claimed that baseball players did not suffer academically; and t and conceit', students become 'simple and sturdy' (shitsujitsu gok described how former baseball players were praised at the military d physiques (Ariyama 1997: 54). Interestingly, one of baseball's chief detractors in the debate w baseball 'a "pickpocket's sport" where players tried to swindle th (Whiting 1990: 35; Ariyama 1997: 53). Ironically, both sides were perspectives on why baseball was either good or bad for society, yet the rhetoric of bushidõ. This debate is important for several reasons 1911 baseball was both denounced and defended in Japan using t strating the ambiguity or flexibility of the term. Second, it outline lems, either existing or potential, with baseball, and therefore helpe and Tobita included, to know what to watch out for. The debate way to run student baseball, and how to ensure that baseball maintai ful several years later, when they established the institutions to ma evils of baseball debate also made newspapers keenly aware of the abi of what aspects of baseball were considered most attractive to the m 13. In fact, the charter oath and the constitution of the JHBF address some of these ex of amateurism in school baseball (Blackwood 2005). This content downloaded from 138.26.31.3 on Fri, 11 May 2018 21:20:26 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Bushidõ Baseball? 233 In 1915, less than four years after its Tokyo affiliate ran the articles criticizing the 'evils' o the Osaka Asahi Shinbun, realizing the commercial potential of school baseball, establish national middle school (changed to high school after WWII) baseball championship tour evils of baseball debate was important to this event because it showed the Osaka Asahi what course sells, and therefore how the tournaments should be organized and run from a sales/p perspective (Ariyama 1997: 48-52). Ironically, one aspect of student baseball that the ne covered to be very important to the spectators, anti-commercialism, would become a m point. Therefore, although the Asahi in fact established the tournament as an 'event' to sell pers, they had to be careful to emphasize the amateur, non-commercial aspects of student b they 'sold' the non-commercialism). This dovetailed perfectly with the 'educational' emp on student baseball by pedagogues such as Abe and Tobita, who championed the virtues ism in the 1911 evils of baseball debate. We can see Western influence on Abe's thinking on as well, as amateurism was strongly emphasized in late 19th-century sports in the West. It this period that 'an amateur ethos stressing sport as an "end in itself and emphasizing s manly virtues" as "fair play", "character- building" and being self- controlled and generous and defeat received its highest development' in the West (Dunning 1999: 118). Although Tobita had been one of the main defenders of baseball against the Tokyo Asahi m of baseball debates, when the Osaka Asahi decided to establish the tournament, they hir write about the benefits of baseball (Hashido, Tobita's senpai from Waseda, also joine Asahi as a writer in 1916, after returning from a four-year stay in America). Moreover one of the central figures the Osaka Asahi consulted when it established the first tou 1915. The tournament, and the media coverage of it, therefore became the perfect venue fo and the Osaka Asahi to bring to fruition and display bushidõ baseball, which the Osaka tised as 'not a direct translation of American professional baseball, but Japanese baseball, ba spirit of bushidõ' (Ariyama 1997: 86). It is important to note that bushidõ baseball was defined as being different not from American baseball in general, but from American 'prof baseball. The Osaka Asahi realized that amateurism was an important reason for scho popularity and profitability. However, since Japan did not have professional baseball u instead of describing the tournament in contrast to professional baseball, they described it to American professional baseball. Thus, in one fell swoop, Tobita and the Osaka Asahi were in equating professional, commercial baseball with America; amateur, student baseball and, using the terminology of 'bushidõ' baseball, thereby linking it to Japanese hist national identity. In addition to using Ichiko's rhetoric of bushidõ, the newspaper intentionally furthered t tion to bushidõ in some of the ways they set up and ran the tournament, including, f implementing a single-elimination (a.k.a. 'sudden death') format and making both te along home plate, removing their caps and bowing to each other before and after game the way judo or kendo matches begin and end) (ibid.: 86-91 ).14 Although these practic liberately added to the tournament by the Osaka Asahi with the intention to create a p link to the past, they continue to be presented today as evidence that school baseball has its 14. Ariyama (1997: 80-103) presents a detailed discussion of how the Asahi Shinbun carefully constructed the n school baseball tournament in a way to exploit the bushidõ theme and traditionalize baseball to make it mor thereby increase sales. This content downloaded from 138.26.31.3 on Fri, 11 May 2018 21:20:26 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 234 Thomas BLACKWOOD roots in the martial arts (budd).is Of course, this ignores the fact that the modern co martial arts was itself a recent invention in Japan, contemporaneous with the invent baseball.16 Nonetheless, by establishing the first national tournament and by having presence, the Asahi and Tobita were able to effectively define Japanese baseball a amateurism, character building and gentlemanly qualities of fair play and sportsman by Abe and the self- discipline and effort emphasized by Ichikö, all couched i bushidõ. 6. The Ministry of Education and the Order Concerning the Control and Management of Baseball9 In the 1920s and 1930s, as Japanese militaristic nationalism was escalating, government authorities became increasingly concerned about Japanese youths' participation in foreign sports and the Ministry of Education began taking a more active role in administering school sports (Guttmann and Thompson 2001: 155). Baseball in particular was targeted due to its popularity, as well as the contention that players were ruining their shoulders, causing them to fail the physical exam for the military draft, contrary to what Abe had earlier claimed (Ariyama 1997: 162). Moreover, since student baseball games and tournaments were sponsored and managed by the newspapers and railway companies, popular teams were, unsurprisingly, invited to more games and tournaments, as they could generate more revenue for the sponsors. As a result, some school teams were playing in 70 or 80 official games a year, or practically every weekend and holiday, as well as some school days (THBF 1988: 57). Thus, by the 1930s, some of the complaints of the detractors of baseball in the 1911 evils of baseball debates had become reality, especially the claims that student baseball was too commercial- ized and that student-players' studies suffered. Therefore, in 1932 the Ministry of Education issued the Order Concerning the Control and Management of Baseball' (Yakyû no Tosei narabi ni Shikõ ni Kansuru Ken) (Guttmann and Thompson 2001: 156), taking control of the administration of games and tournaments away from the private sector and putting it under the control of the government.17 The Ministry's official reasons for the Order were to protect the health and safety of the student-play- ers, as well as to ensure that student baseball remained educational (as opposed to commercial). The Order itself was basically a mandate for amateurism, as it focused on limiting the number of games played, the days games could be held, players' eligibility, restrictions on the use of ticket revenues, the banning of players from club teams or the use of players in advertisements, etc.,18 as well as requiring 'all educational institutions to obtain the Ministry's permission for any and all organized baseball games' (Guttmann and Thompson 2001: 156). The Order was conceived and drafted not by faceless, nameless bureaucrats, however, but by none other than the most famous and most prolific of prewar ideologues on Japanese baseball, Abe Isõ and 15. See, for example, Sänket Supõtsu Shinbun (2002). This article also reiterates Abe's claim, now nearly a century old, that the notion of 'sportsmanship' (supõtsurnanshippu), which often appears in the 'players' oath', actually is in conformity with bushidõ and not a separate, alien notion. Another work which makes much of this bowing ceremony is Kawada (2003). 16. See Inoue (1998; 1998&) and Guttmann and Thompson (2001: 99-108). 17. The national tournaments continued to be sponsored by the newspapers until the summer of 1942, when the Ministry of Education took over completely (THBF 1988: 69-70). 18. Most of the Order can now be read online, at Wikipedia (2007). This content downloaded from 138.26.31.3 on Fri, 11 May 2018 21:20:26 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Bushidõ Baseball? 235 Tobita Suishü (among others) (Ariyama 1997: 164). Heavily influenced by Abe and Order was based on the arguments put forth in the 1911 evils of baseball debates (ibid.: p the major outcomes of the Order were the requirements that student baseball remain ed emphasize the importance of amateurism (THBF 1988: 58). Therefore, although the the administration of school baseball, the dominant ideology remained the same. In f argued that through the Order the government was only trying to enforce the educatio student baseball that the proponents had previously claimed, and for all intents and pur Abe's philosophy the government's seal of approval. It is noteworthy, as Ariyama po 165-166), that while newspapers reported on the Order, neither the Asahi nor the critical of it in their editorials or news articles, even though it required both newspaper administrative control. Finally, the Order is also important because the themes emphasized, namely education and amateurism, would later become central concepts in the Japan Student Baseball Federation, the parent organization of the JHBF. In fact, the 1946 Charter Oath of the Japan Student Baseball Federation is itself based on the Order and is very similar in many aspects (THBF 1988: 58), 19 and the issue receiving the most extensive coverage in the Japan Student Baseball Constitution is amateurism (Blackwood 2005: 106-119). 7. Saeki Tatsuo, the 'Father of High School Baseball9 and the Japan High School Baseball Federation On 15 August 1945, Japan surrendered to the Allied Forces, bringing an end to World W the chaos and devastation Japan faced during and after WWII (cf. Dower 1999), it is dif ine why anybody would think about baseball at the time, but Saeki Tatsuo, another of (Tobita's junior), was determined to get Japanese boys playing again. In fact, Sae autobiography, it was precisely because of the devastation and chaos Japan faced im the war that he felt it 'imperative' to get Japanese boys playing baseball (Saeki Due to the influence of Abe, his former teacher and coach, Saeki was convinced of of physical activity for a healthy body and healthy mind and believed that baseball was to attain these (THBF 1988: 72). Saeki describes how, on the day he heard that Jap he reasoned that baseball would be the best way to give Japanese boys hope at the time teaching them skills such as teamwork, which would be necessary to rise above self would help lift Japan out of its current misery (Saeki 1980: 110-111), and the firs should be to resuscitate the national middle school baseball tournament. Soon af broadcast of the Emperor's announcement of Japan's surrender on the radio, Saeki They say that a healthy spirit resides in a healthy body, and what is better for these than b useful in building a healthy body, but it is also the best way to cultivate a healthy heart (koko selfishly feel sorry for ourselves, we will not be able to rise from the depths of defeat. I w experience the value of teamwork (chlmuwãku). If they can do that, then they will naturall rect path, and overcome any hardships on the way. Teamwork is particularly important fo cratic society (tadashii minshu shakai) .... So first of all, we must reestablish the central pil the summer middle school baseball tournaments (THBF 1988: 72-73). 19. The Director of the JHBF, Wakimura Haruo, also mentioned this during an interview with the autho This content downloaded from 138.26.31.3 on Fri, 11 May 2018 21:20:26 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 236 Thomas BLACKWOOD The next day, 16 August, Saeki visited the Osaka Asahi Shinbun to push for th national middle school (summer) baseball tournament, which had been banned b from 1941 (the spring tournament had been banned since 1942). Then Saeki and t approached the Ministry of Education, as school baseball was still under the control o that point. In the hectic aftermath of the war, the Ministry agreed to let the Asahi junior high school baseball tournament, but required that they establish a separa handle the actual management and administration of student baseball, similar to the had managed it through the Order (which remained in effect until 1947). This le ment of the Japan Middle School Baseball Federation in February 1946 (changed School Baseball Federation after the school reforms of 1948), the revival of the nation nament in August 1946 and the establishment of the Japan Student Baseball A would become the parent organization of the JHBF and the JUBF in December o 1988: 72-76, 574). Thus, like his teacher Abe and his senpai Tobita, Saeki also beca father of high school baseball, for his role in establishing and running the JHBF Sha 1989#: 194), and he was inducted into the Japanese Baseball Hall of Fame (# was Vice Director of the JHBF until 1966, when he finally took his turn at the helm from 1946 to 1966 and Director from 1967 until his death in 1980, Saeki set the school baseball in Japan. He became known as 'Emperor Saeki' (Saeki Tenrio) for his ir especially his rigidity regarding the separation of amateur and professional, and his n of dealing with schools that broke the rules. Schools all over Japan feared receiving o (Saeki tsütatsu) (THBF 1988).20 In addition to getting the permission of the Ministry of Education, Saeki and Asahi knew they would need the approval of the Occupation authorities. Fortu a strong ally in Douglas MacArthur, who was a fan of baseball and had played at West sage he sent to Waseda and Keio on the occasion of the revival of intercollegiate baseb between Waseda and Keio (16 June 1946), MacArthur stated: I can think of no greater source of human character development than intercollegiate at and the most distinguished of these contests is the sport which has been loved for so long and Japanese alike, baseball. Baseball cultivates individual endurance and discipline for team ball inspires a spirit of competition between people and groups, which is a prerequisite fo politically, economically and socially - In baseball, I can also see valuable, great, moral help all Japanese solve the grave problems facing you in the reconstruction of your nation Sha 1989& 75).21 Joseph Svinth points out how other Supreme Commander Allied Powers (SCAP) with MacArthur and claimed that the 'introduction of American team sports into Jap to reeducating Japanese, as "Japanese sports such as kendo and judo are too indiv 2002: 5). Thus, in addition to the militaristic and ultranationalistic ideology atta martial arts, SCAP disapproved of the martial arts (the traditional Japanese sports) be 'too individualistic' (the irony, of course, being that the stereotypical traditional Jap 20. In Blackwood (2005: 106-119), I give a detailed discussion of the importance of amateurism in the J Saeki played in enforcing amateurism as a central tenet of high school baseball, clearly demonstrating prewar ideology in baseball, and the roles played by Abe and his students in institutionalizing it. 21. This is my translation of the Japanese. This content downloaded from 138.26.31.3 on Fri, 11 May 2018 21:20:26 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms Bushido Baseball? 237 to be collectivistic or group-oriented, while Americans are supposed to be 'rugged in 22 October 1945, SCAP 'notified the Ministry of Education that "... all military educ will be discontinued'" (ibid.: 2), which the Ministry took to mean not only that grenade bayonet practice should be abolished, but that martial arts should be eliminated from sc altogether. Later, when the practitioners of the martial arts wished to reinstate them in they were required by the Occupation authorities to justify their desire by addressing t questions: (1) What are the educational values of the sports: (a) What does it contribute to the physical fitness program? (b) Is it sound from a social education approach? (c) What contribution does it make from the standpoint of developing worthwhile skills? (2) Is there danger of injuries beyond the normal? (3) If these sports are to be included in the curriculum at what level should each be introduced? (ibid.: 16). This is important for baseball primarily because it shows the kind of atmosphere surrounding school sports in Japan in the early postwar years. Although Western team sports were never viewed by the occupying forces with the kind of suspicion given to the Japanese martial arts, the practitioners of baseball were well aware of what SCAP looked for when judging the value of a sport. Because SCAP's concern with the educational value of a sport resonated with the ideology advocated by Abe, Tobita and Saeki (unsurprisingly, as they originated in the same place), this gave the founders of the JHBF further incen- tive and substantial legitimizing power to push this aspect of baseball as their main concern. 8. Conclusion Although baseball in Japan has been described using bushidõ rhetoric from the 1890s to meaning of bushidõ, as employed in the early 20th century, actually had more in common w century American and English ideology about sports, character and amateurism than the eth urai of earlier centuries. Nitobe and Abe may have disagreed about the value of baseball, but both strongly influenced by English and American ideals, such as 'chivalry', fair play and am and they both utilized the discourse of bushidõ to argue that such notions were not alien to anese, but rather corresponded with Japanese tradition. In fact, they were both inventing t Evidence that Abe's version of bushidõ baseball (emphasizing fair play) won out over I sion (emphasizing winning at any cost) and became the dominant ideology of school bas seen in the results of a 2008 public opinion survey conducted by the JHBF and the Mainichi in which 61% of the respondents said that they would like for high school baseball to 'sprea of fair play', and another 13% said they thought high school baseball should completely elim over-emphasis on winning. Thus, even today over 70% of Japanese people indicate that they Abe's emphasis on sportsmanship or fair play (seiseidodo) over Ichiko's emphasis (Mainichi Shinbun 2008). Further indication that Ichiko's version of bushidõ baseball is discredited can be seen in the commotion in the mass media and the public over behavior th tegically sound, but considered 'unsportsmanlike' or 'unfair'. One recent example was th uproar over Matsui Hideki being intentionally walked in five consecutive at bats in round of the 1992 national summer high school championship tournament at Koshie (cf. Sugimoto 1994: 28-29; Shimizu 1998: 252-253). It is important to recognize, however, that contrary to popular opinion, this ideology did root in Japanese baseball simply because it resonated with indigenous values. Japane This content downloaded from 138.26.31.3 on Fri, 11 May 2018 21:20:26 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 238 Thomas BLACKWOOD practitioners were forced to legitimize and justify maintaining the sport in a way th essary in America because baseball's very existence in Japan has been threatened num its arrival. This was further exacerbated by the fact that for its first six decades in played almost entirely by students, in schools, while in America, it was chiefly an ad activity from its beginning (Burstyn 1999: 48). Furthermore, the 1911 evils of b debates not only helped Abe (and his protégés Tobita and Oshikawa) explicate and acter building, amateurist ideology of baseball, they also forced the practitioners of to their lofty claims. Then, from 1915, the newspapers' sponsorship and covera tournaments helped to strengthen the ideological discourse about (student) base 'Order Concerning the Control and Management of Baseball' set it as law, literal the establishment of the JHBF by Saeki (Abe's student) and the Osaka Asahi Shin support, guaranteed that the character- building ideology was institutionalized in Jap a way that was simply never required in America.22 Finally, because student baseball is socializing agent for adult baseball players (there is no minor league baseball in Japan has historically defined baseball for Japanese people, its ideology has played and cont important normative role in Japanese baseball. 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