Fragmenta Sullanae SALL., Iug., 95. Ceterum, dum ea res geritur, L. Sulla quaestor cum magno equitatu in castra venit, quos uti ex Latio et a sociis cogeret, Romae relictus erat. Sed quoniam nos tanti viri res admonuit, idoneum visum est de natura cultuque eius paucis dicere. Neque enim alio loco de Sullae rebus dicturi sumus et L. Sisenna, optime et diligentissime omnium, qui eas res dixere, persecutus, parum mihi libero ore locutus videtur. Igitur Sulla gentis patriciae nobilis fuit, familia prope iam extincta maiorum ignavia, litteris Graecis atque Latinis iuxta [atque doctissime] eruditus, animo ingenti, cupidus voluptatum, sed gloriae cupidior; otio luxuriose esse, tamen ab negotiis numquam voluptas remorata, nisi quod de uxore potuit honestius consuli; facundus, callidus et amicitia facilis, ad simulanda negotia altitudo ingeni incredibilis, multarum rerum ac maxime pecuniae largitor. Atque illi felicissimo omnium ante civilem victoriam numquam super industriam fortuna fuit, multique dubitavere, fortior an felicior esset. Nam postea quae fecerit, incertum habeo pudeat an pigeat magis disserere. [95] 1During the progress of this affair, Lucius Sulla, Marius' quæstor, arrived in the camp with a numerous body of cavalry, which he had been left at Rome to raise among the Latins and allies. 2Of so eminent a man, since my subject brings him to my notice, I think it proper to give a brief account of the character and manners; for I shall in no other place allude to his affairs 1; and Lucius Sisenna2, who has treated that subject the most ably and accurately of all writers, seems to me to have spoken with too little freedom. 3Sulla, then, was of patrician descent, but of a family almost sunk in obscurity by the degeneracy of his forefathers. He was skilled, equally and profoundly, in Greek and Roman literature. He was a man of large mind, fond of pleasure, but fonder of glory. His leisure was spent in luxurious gratifications, but pleasure never kept him from his duties, except that he might have acted more for his honor with regard to his wife3. He was eloquent [p. 182] and subtle, and lived on the easiest terms with his For I shall in no other place allude to his affairs. Neque enim alio loco de Sullœ rebus dicturi sumus. These words show that Sallust, at this time, had not thought of writing Histories, but that he turned his attention to that pursuit after he had finished the Jugurthine war. For that he spoke of Sulla in his large history is apparent from several extant fragments of it, and from Plutarch, who quotes Sallust, Vit. Syll., c. 3. Kritzius. 2 He wrote a history of the civil wars between Sulla and Marius, Vell. Paterc. ii. 9. Cicero alludes to his style as being jejune and puerile, Brut., c. 64, De Legg. i. 2. About a hundred and fifty fragments of his history remain. 3 Nisi quod de uxore potuit honestius consuli. As these words are vague and indeterminate, it is not agreed among the critics and translators to what part of Sulla's life Sallust refers. I suppose, with Rupertus, Aldus, Manutius, Crispinus, and De Brosses, that the allusion is to his connection with Valeria, of which the history is given by Plutarch in his life of Sulla, which the English reader may take in Langhorne's translation: "A few months after Metella's death, he presented the people with a show of gladiators; and as, at that time, men and women had no separate places, but sat promiscuously in the theatre, a woman of great beauty, and of one of the best families, happened to sit near Sulla. She was the daughter of Messala, and sister to the orator Hortensius; her name was Valeria; and she had lately been divorced from her husband. This woman, coming behind Sulla, touched him, and took off a little of the nap of his robe, and then returned to her place. Sulla looked at her, quite amazed at her familiarity, when she said, ' Wonder not, my lord, at what I have done; I had only a mind to share a little in your good fortune.' Sulla was far from being displeased; on the contrary, it appeared that he was flattered very agreeably, for he sent to ask 1 1 friends4. His depth of thought in disguising his intentions, was incredible; he was liberal of most things, but especially of money. 4And though he was the most fortunate5 of all men before his victory in the civil war, yet his fortune was never beyond his desert6; and many have expressed a doubt whether his success or his merit were the greater. As to his subsequent acts, I know not whether more of shame or of regret must be felt at the recital of them. 96 Igitur Sulla, uti supra dictum est, postquam in Africam atque in castra Mari cum equitatu venit, rudis antea et ignarus belli, sollertissimus omnium in paucis tempestatibus factus est. Ad hoc milites benigne appellare, multis rogantibus, aliis per se ipse dare beneficia, inuitus accipere, sed ea properantius quam aes mutuum reddere, ipse ab nullo repetere, magis id laborare, ut illi quam plurimi deberent, ioca atque seria cum humillimis agere, in operibus, in agmine atque ad vigilias multus adesse, neque interim, quod praua ambitio solet, consulis aut cuiusquam boni famam laedere, tantummodo neque consilio neque manu priorem alium pati, plerosque antevenire. Quibus rebus et artibus brevi Mario militibusque carissimus factus. [96] When Sulla came with his cavalry into Africa, as has just been stated, and arrived at the camp of Marius, though he had hitherto been unskilled and undisciplined in the art of war, he became, in a short time, the most expert of the whole army. He was besides affable to the soldiers; he conferred favours on many at their request, and on others of his own accord, and was reluctant to receive any in return. But he repaid other obligations more readily than those of a pecuniary nature; he himself demanded repayment from no one; but rather made it his object that as many as possible should be indebted to him. He conversed, jocosely as well as seriously, with the humblest of the soldiers; he was their frequent companion at their works, on the march, and on guard. Nor did he ever, as is usual with depraved ambition, attempt to injure the character of the consul, or of any deserving person. His sole aim, whether in the council or the field, was to suffer none to excel him; to most he was superior. By such conduct he soon became a favourite both with Marius and with the army. her name, and to inquire into her family and character. Then followed an interchange of amorous regards and smiles, which ended in a contract and marriage. The lady, perhaps, was not to blame. But Sulla, though he got a woman of reputation, and great accomplishments, yet came into the match upon wrong principles. Like a youth, he was caught with soft looks and languishing airs, things that are wont to excite the lowest of the passions." Others have thought that Sallust refers to Sulla's conduct on the death of his wife Metella, above mentioned, to whom, as she happened to fall sick when he was giving an entertainment to the people, and as the priest forbade him to have his house defiled with death on the occasion, he unfeelingly sent a bill of divorce, ordering her to be carried out of the house while the breath was in her. Cortius, Kritz, and Langius, think that the allusion is to Sulla's general faithlessness to his wives, for he had several; as if Sallust had used the singular for the plural, uxore for uxoribus, or re uxoriâ; but if Sallust meant to allude to more than one wife, why should he have restricted himself to the singular? 4 Facilis amicitiâ. The critics are in doubt about the sense of this phrase. I have given that which Dietsch prefers, who says that a man facilis amicitiâ is "one who easily grants his friends all that they desire, exacts little from them, and is no severe censor of their morals". Cortius explains it facilis ad amicitiam, and Facciolati, in his Lexicon, facilè sibi amicos parans, but these interpretations, as Kritzius observes, are hardly suitable to the ablative case. 5 Felicissumo. Alluding, perhaps, to the title of Felix, which he assumed after his great victory over Marius. 6 Industriam. That is, the efforts which he made to attain distinction. 2 [Bates, Memoirs and perceptions of history in the Roman Republic, p. 327, n. 101] Sallust's portrait of Sulla seems to be derived from the impression Sulla attempted to give in his own Memoirs. Sulla would not, of course, have described himself in language bearing the usually negative overtones of Sallustian innuendo. SALL. Iug., 101 Igitur quarto denique die haud longe ab oppido Cirta undique simul speculatores citi sese ostendunt, qua re hostis adesse intellegitur. Sed quia diuersi redeuntes alius ab alia parte atque omnes idem significabant, consul incertus, quonam modo aciem instrueret, nullo ordine commutato aduersum omnia paratus ibidem opperitur. Ita Iugurtham spes frustrata, qui copias in quattuor partis distribuerat, ratus ex omnibus aeque aliquos ab tergo hostibus venturos. Interim Sulla, quem primum hostes attigerant, cohortatus suos turmatim et quam maxime confertis equis ipse aliique Mauros invadunt, ceteri in loco manentes ab iaculis eminus emissis corpora tegere et, si qui in manus venerant, obtruncare. Dum eo modo equites proeliantur, Bocchus cum peditibus, quos Volux, filius eius, adduxerat neque in priore pugna, in itinere morati, affuerant, postremam Romanorum aciem invadunt. Tum Marius apud primos agebat, quod ibi Iugurtha cum plurimis erat. Dein Numida cognito Bocchi adventu clam cum paucis ad pedites conuertit. Ibi Latine--nam apud Numantiam loqui didicerat--exclamat nostros frustra pugnare, paulo ante Marium sua manu interfectum, simul gladium sanguine oblitum ostentans, quem in pugna satis impigre occiso pedite nostro cruentauerat. Quod ubi milites accepere, magis atrocitate rei quam fide nuntii terrentur, simulque barbari animos tollere et in perculsos Romanos acrius incedere. Iamque paulum a fuga aberant, cum Sulla profligatis iis, quos aduersum ierat, rediens ab latere Mauris incurrit. Bocchus statim auertitur. At Iugurtha, dum sustentare suos et prope iam adeptam victoriam retinere cupit, circumventus ab equitibus, dextra sinistraque omnibus occisis solus inter tela hostium vitabundus erumpit. Atque interim Marius fugatis equitibus accurrit auxilio suis, quos pelli iam acceperat. Denique hostes iam undique fusi. Tum spectaculum horribile in campis patentibus: sequi fugere, occidi capi; equi atque viri afflicti, ac multi uulneribus acceptis neque fugere posse neque quietem pati, niti modo ac statim concidere; postremo omnia, qua visus erat, constrata telis armis cadaueribus, et inter ea humus infecta sanguine. [101] At length, on the fourth day of his march, when he was not far from the town of Cirta, his scouts suddenly made their appearance from all quarters at once; a circumstance by which the enemy was known to be at hand. But as they came in from different points, and all gave the same account, the consul, doubting in what form to draw up his army, made no alteration in it, but halted where he was, being already prepared for every contingency. Jugurtha's expectations, in consequence, disappointed him; for he had divided his force into four bodies, trusting that one of them, assuredly,7 would surprise the Romans in the rear. Sulla, meanwhile, with whom they first came in contact, having cheered on his men, charged the Moors, in person and with his officers,8 with troop after troop of cavalry, in the closest order possible; while the rest of his Ratus ex omnibus œquè aliquos ab tergo hostibus ventures. By œquè Sallust signifies that each of the four bodies would have an equal chance of coming on the rear of the Romans. 8 Ipse aliique. "The alii are the prœfecti equitum, officers of the cavalry." Kritzius. 7 3 force, retaining their position, protected themselves against the darts thrown from a distance, and killed such of the enemy as fell into their hands. While the cavalry was thus engaged, Bocchus, with his infantry, which his son Volux had brought up, and which, from delay on their march, had not been present in the former battle, assailed the Romans in the rear. Marius was at that moment occupied in front, as Jugurtha was there with his largest force, The Numidian king, hearing of the arrival of Bocchus, wheeled secretly about, with a few of his followers, to the infantry,9 and exclaimed in Latin, which he had learned to speak at Numantia, "that our men were struggling in vain; for that he had just slain Marius with his own hand;" showing, at the same time, his sword besmeared with blood, which he had, indeed, sufficiently stained by vigorously cutting down our infantry. 10 When the soldiers heard this, they felt a shock, though rather at the horror of such an event, than from belief in him who asserted it; the barbarians, on the other hand, assumed fresh courage, and advanced with greater fury on the disheartened Romans, who were just on the point of taking to flight, when Sulla, having routed those to whom he had been opposed, fell upon the Moors in the flank. Bocchus instantly fled. Jugurtha, anxious to support his men, and to secure a victory so nearly won, was surrounded by our cavalry, and all his attendants, right and left, being slain, had to force a way alone, with great difficulty, through the weapons of the enemy. Marius, at the same time, having put to flight the cavalry, came up to support such of his men as he had understood to be giving ground. At last the enemy were defeated in every quarter. The spectacle on the open plains was then frightful;11 some were pursuing, others fleeing; some were being slain, others captured; men and horses were dashed to the earth; many, who were wounded, could neither flee nor remain at rest, attempting to rise, and instantly falling back; and the whole 9 Clam--ad pedites convortit. What infantry are meant, the commentators can not agree, nor is there any thing in the narrative on which a satisfactory decision can be founded. As the arrival of Bocchus is mentioned immediately before, Cortius supposes that the infantry of Bocchus are signified; and it may be so; but to whatever party the words were addressed, they were intended to be heard by the Romans, or for what purpose were they spoken in Latin? Jugurtha may have spoken the words in both languages, and this, from what follows would appear to have been the case, for both sides understood him. Quod ubi milites (evidently the Roman soldiers) accepere--simul barbari animos tollere, etc. The clam signifies that Jugurtha turned about, or wheeled off, so as to escape the notice of Marius, with whom he had been contending. 10 Satis impigrè occiso pedite nostro. "A ces mots il leur montra son épéc teinte du sang des nôtres, dent il venait, en effet, de faire une assez cruelle boucherie." De Brosses. Of the other French translators, Beauzée and Le Brun render the passage in a similar way; Dotteville and Dureau Delamalle, as well as all our English translators, take pedite as signifying only one soldier. Sir Henry Steuart even specifies that it was "a legionary soldier." The commentators, I should suppose, have all regarded the word as having a plural signification none of them, except Burnouf, who expresses a needless doubt, say any thing on the point. 11 Tum spectaculum horribile campis patentibus, etc. The idea of this passage was probably taken, as Ciacconius intimates, from a description in Xenophon, Agesil. ii. 12, 14, part of which is quoted by Longinus, Sect. 19, as an example of the effect produced by the omission of conjunctions: Kai sumbalontes tas aspidas eôthounto, emachonto, apekteinon, apethnêskon.... Epei ge mên elêxen hê machê, parên dê theasasthai entha sunepeson allêlois, tên men gên haimati pephurmenên, nekrous de keimenous philious kai polemious met' allêlôn, aspidaz de diatethrummenas, dorata suntethrausmena, encheiridia gumna kouleôn ta men chamai, ta d' en sômasi, ta d' eti meta cheiras. "Closing their shields together, they pushed, they fought, they slew, they were slain. . . . . . But when the battle was over, you might have seen, where they had fought, the ground clotted with blood, the corpses of friends and enemies mingled together, and pierced shields, broken lances, and swords without their sheaths, strewed on the ground, sticking in the dead bodies, or still remaining in the hands that had wielded them when alive." Tacitus, Agric. c. 37, has copied this description of Sallust, as all the commentators have remarked: Tum vero patentibus locis grande et atrox spectaculum. Sequi, vulnerare, capere, atque eosdem, oblatis aliis, trucidare.. Passim arma et corpora, et laceri artus, et cruenta humus. "The sight on the open field was then striking and horrible; they pursued, they inflicted wounds, they took men prisoners, and slaughtered them as others presented themselves.... Every where were seen arms and corpses, mangled limbs, and the ground stained with blood." 4 field, as far as the eye could reach, was strewed with arms and dead bodies, and the intermediate spaces saturated with blood. SALL. Iug., 102 Post ea loci consul haud dubie iam victor pervenit in oppidum Cirtam, quo initio profectus intenderat. Eo post diem quintum, quam iterum barbari male pugnauerant, legati a Boccho veniunt, qui regis verbis ab Mario petiuere, duos quam fidissimos ad eum mitteret, velle de suo et de populi Romani commodo cum iis disserere. Ille statim L. Sullam et A. Manlium ire iubet. Qui quamquam acciti ibant, tamen placuit verba apud regem facere, ut ingenium aut auersum flecterent aut cupidum pacis vehementius accenderent. Itaque Sulla, cuius facundiae, non aetati a Manlio concessum, pauca verba huiusce modi locutus: "Rex Bocche, magna laetitia nobis est, cum te talem virum di monuere, uti aliquando pacem quam bellum malles neu te optimum cum pessimo omnium Iugurtha miscendo commaculares, simul nobis demeres acerbam necessitudinem, pariter te errantem atque illum sceleratissimum persequi. Ad hoc populo Romano iam a principio imperi melius visum amicos quam seruos quaerere, tutiusque rati volentibus quam coactis imperitare. Tibi vero nulla opportunior nostra amicitia, primum quia procul absumus, in quo offensae minimum, gratia par ac si prope adessemus; dein quia parentis abunde habemus, amicorum neque nobis neque cuiquam omnium satis fuit. Atque hoc utinam a principio tibi placuisset: profecto ex populo Romano ad hoc tempus multo plura bona accepisses, quam mala perpessus es[ses]. Sed quoniam humanarum rerum fortuna atque, uti coepisti, perge. licet placuit et vim et gratiam nostram te experiri, nunc, quando per illam licet, festina atque, uti coepisti, perge. multa atque opportuna habes, quo facilius errata officiis superes. Postremo hoc in pectus tuum demitte, numquam populum Romanum beneficiis victum esse. Nam bello quid valeat, tute scis." Ad ea Bocchus placide et benigne, simul pauca pro delicto suo verba facit: se non hostili animo, sed ob regnum tutandum arma cepisse. Nam Numidiae partem, unde vi Iugurtham expulerit, iure belli suam factam; eam vastari a Mario pati nequiuisse. Praeterea missis antea Romam legatis repulsum ab amicitia. Ceterum uetera omittere ac tum, si per Marium liceret, legatos ad senatum missurum. Dein copia facta animus barbari ab amicis flexus, quos Iugurtha, cognita legatione Sullae et Manli metuens id, quod parabatur, donis corruperat. [102] At length the consul, now indisputably victor, arrived at the town of Cirta, whither he had at first intended to go. To this place, on the fifth day after the second defeat of the barbarians, came messengers from Bocchus, who, in the king's name, requested of Marius to send him two persons in whom he had full confidence, as he wished to confer with them on matters concerning both the interest of the Roman people and his own. Marius immediately dispatched Sulla and Aulus Manlius; who, though they went at the king's invitation, thought proper, notwithstanding, to address him first, in the hope of altering his sentiments, if he were unfavourable to peace, or of strengthening his inclination, if he were disposed to it. Sulla, therefore, to whose superiority, not in years but in eloquence, Manlius yielded precedence, spoke to Bocchus briefly as follows: "It gives us great pleasure, King Bocchus, that the gods have at length induced a man, so eminent as yourself, to prefer peace to war, and no longer to stain your own excellent character by an alliance with Jugurtha, the most infamous of mankind; and to relieve us, at the same time, 5 from the disagreeable necessity of visiting with the same punishment your errors and his crimes. Besides, the Roman people, even from the very infancy12 of their state, have thought it better to seek friends than slaves, thinking it safer to rule over willing than forced subjects. But to you no friendship can be more suitable than ours; for, in the first place, we are at a distance from you, on which account there will be the less chance of misunderstanding between us, while our good feeling for you will be as strong as if we were near; and, secondly, because, though we have subjects in abundance, yet neither we, nor any other nation, can ever have a sufficiency of friends. Would that such had been your inclination from the first; for then you would assuredly, before this time, have received from the Roman people more benefits than you have now suffered evils. But since Fortune has the chief control in human affairs, and it has pleased her that you should experience our force as well as our favour, now, when she gives you this fair opportunity, embrace it without delay, and complete the course which you have begun. You have many and excellent means of atoning, with great ease, for past errors by future services. Impress this, however, deeply on your mind, that the Roman people are never outdone in acts of kindness; of their power in war you have already sufficient knowledge." To this address Bocchus made a temperate and courteous reply, offering a few observations, at the same time, in extenuation of his error; and saying " that he had taken arms, not with any hostile feeling, but to defend his own dominions, as part of Numidia, out of which he had forcibly driven Jugurtha,13 was his by right of conquest, and he could not allow it to be laid waste by Marius; that when he formerly sent embassadors to the Romans, he was refused their friendship; but that he would say nothing more of the past, and would, if Marius gave him permission, send another embassy to the senate." But no sooner was this permission granted, than the purpose of the barbarian was altered by some of his friends, whom Jugurtha, hearing of the mission of Sulla and Manlius, and fearful of what was intended by it, had corrupted with bribes. SALL., Iug., 103 Marius interea exercitu in hibernaculis composito cum expeditis cohortibus et parte equitatus proficiscitur in loca sola obsessum turrim regiam, quo Iugurtha perfugas omnis praesidium imposuerat. Tum rursus Bocchus, seu reputando quae sibi duobus proeliis venerant, seu admonitus ab aliis amicis, quos incorruptos Iugurtha reliquerat, ex omni copia necessariorum quinque delegit, quorum et fides cognita et ingenia validissima erant. Eos ad Marium ac deinde, si placeat, Romam legatos ire iubet, agendarum rerum et quocumque modo belli componendi licentiam ipsis permittit. Illi mature ad hiberna Romanorum proficiscuntur, deinde in itinere a Gaetulis latronibus circumventi spoliatique pauidi sine decore ad Sullam profugiunt, quem consul in 12 The reading of this passage, before the edition of Cortius, was this: Ad hoc, populo Romano jam a principio inopi melius visum amicos, quàm servos, quœrere. Gruter proposed to read Ad hoc populo Romano inopi melius est visum, etc., whence Cortius made Ad hoc, populo Romano jam inopi visum, etc. But the Bipont editors, observing that inopi was not quite consistent with quœrere servos, altered the passage to Ad hoc, populo Romano iam a principio reipublicœ melius visum, etc., which seems to be the best emendation that has been proposed, and which I have accordingly followed. Kritzius and Dietsch adopt it, except that they omit rei publicœ, and put nothing in the place of inopi. Gerlach retains inopi, on the principle of "quo insolentius, eo verius," and it may, after all, be genuine. Cortius omitted melius on no authority but his own. 13 Unde vi Jugurtham expulerit [expulerat]. There is here some obscurity. The manuscripts vary between expulerit and expulerit. Cortius, and Gerlach in his second edition, adopt expulerat, which they of necessity refer to Marius; but to make Bocchus speak thus, is, as Kritzius says, to make him speak very foolishly and arrogantly. Kritzius himself, accordingly, adopts expulerit, and supposes that Bocchus invents a falsehood, in the belief that the Romans would have no means of detecting it. But Bocchus may have spoken truth, referring, as Müller suggests, to some previous transactions between him and Jugurtha, to which Sallust does not elsewhere allude. 6 expeditionem proficiscens pro praetore reliquerat. Eos ille non pro uanis hostibus, uti meriti erant, sed accurate ac liberaliter habuit. Qua re barbari et famam Romanorum auaritiae falsam et Sullam ob munificentiam in sese amicum rati. Nam etiam tum largitio multis ignota erat; munificus nemo putabatur nisi pariter volens; dona omnia in benignitate habebantur. Igitur quaestori mandata Bocchi patefaciunt; simul ab eo petunt, uti fautor consultorque sibi assit; copias fidem magnitudinem regis sui et alia, quae aut utilia aut beneuolentiae esse credebant, oratione extollunt. Dein Sulla omnia pollicito docti, quo modo apud Marium, item apud senatum verba facerent, circiter dies quadraginta ibidem opperiuntur. [103] 1Marius, in the mean time, having settled his army in winter quarters, set out, with the light-armed cohorts and part of the cavalry, into a desert part of the country, to besiege a fortress of Jugurtha's, in which he had placed a garrison consisting wholly of Roman deserters. 2And now again Bocchus, either from reflecting on what he had suffered in the two engagements, or from being admonished by such of his friends as Jugurtha had not corrupted, selected, out of the whole number of his adherents, five persons of approved integrity and eminent abilities, whom he directed to go, in the first place, to Marius, 3and afterward to proceed, if Marius gave his consent, as embassadors to Rome, granting them full powers to treat concerning his affairs, and to conclude the war upon any terms whatsoever. [contra APP., Num., fr.5] 4These five immediately set out for the Roman winter-quarters, but being beset and spoiled by Getulian robbers on the way, fled, in alarm and ill plight,14 to Sulla, whom the consul, when he went on his expedition, had left as pro-prætor with the army. 5Sulla received them, not, as they had deserved, like faithless enemies, but with the greatest ceremony and munificence; from which the barbarians concluded that what was said of Roman avarice was false, and that Sulla, from his generosity, must be their friend. 6For interested bounty,15 in those days, was still unknown to many; by whom every man who was liberal was also thought benevolent, and all presents were considered to proceed from kindness. 7They therefore disclosed to the quæstor their commission from Bocchus, and asked him to be their patron and adviser; extolling, at the same time, the power, integrity, and grandeur of their monarch, and adding whatever they thought likely to promote their objects, or to procure the favor of Sulla. Sulla promised them all that they requested; and, being instructed how to address Marius and the senate, they tarried in the camp about forty days.16 104 Marius postquam infecto quo intenderat negotio Cirtam redit et de adventu legatorum certior factus est, illosque et Sullam [ab Utica] venire iubet, item L. Bellienum praetorem Vtica, praeterea omnis undique senatorii ordinis, quibuscum mandata Bocchi cognoscit. legatis potestas Romam eundi fit, et ab consule interea indutiae postulabantur. Ea Sullae et plerisque placuere; pauci ferocius decernunt, scilicet ignari humanarum rerum, quae fluxae et mobiles semper in aduersa mutantur. Ceterum Mauri impetratis omnibus rebus tres Romam profecti duce Cn. Octauio Rusone, qui quaestor stipendium in Africam portauerat, duo ad regem redeunt. Ex iis Bocchus cum cetera tum maxime benignitatem et studium Sullae libens accepit. Romaeque legatis eius, postquam errasse regem et Iugurthae scelere lapsum deprecati sunt, amicitiam et foedus 14 Sine decore. Largitio. "The word signifies liberal treatment of others vith a view to our own interest; without any real goodwill." Müller. "He intends a severe stricture on his own age, and the manners of the Romans." Dietsch. 16 Waiting, apparently, for the return of Marius. 15 7 petentibus hoc modo respondetur: "Senatus et populus Romanus benefici et iniuriae memor esse solet. Ceterum Boccho, quoniam paenitet, delicta gratiae facit: foedus et amicitia dabuntur, cum meruerit." [104] 1When Marius, having failed in the object17 of his expedition, returned to Cirta, and was informed of the arrival of the embassadors, he desired both them and Sulla to come to him, together with Lucius Bellienus, the prætor from Utica, and all that were of senatorial rank in any part of the country, with whom he discussed the instructions of Bocchus to his embassadors; to whom permission to proceed to Rome was granted by the consul. 2In the mean time a truce was asked, a request to which assent was readily expressed by Sulla and the majority; the few, who advocated harsher measures, were men inexperienced in human affairs, which, unstable and fluctuating, are always verging to opposite extremes.18 3The Moors having obtained all that they desired, three of them started for Rome with Cneius Octavius Rufus, who, as quæstor, had brought pay for the army to Africa; the other two returned to Bocchus, who heard from them, with great pleasure, their account both of other particulars, and especially of the courtesy and attention of Sulla. 4To his three embassadors that went to Rome, when, after a deprecatory acknowledgment that their king had been in error, and had been led astray by the treachery of Jugurtha, they solicited for him friendship and alliance, the following answer was given: "The senate and people of Rome are wont to be mindful of both services and injuries; they pardon Bocchus, since he repents of his fault, and will grant him their alliance and friendship when he shall have deserved them." 105 Quis rebus cognitis Bocchus per litteras a Mario petiuit, uti Sullam ad se mitteret, cuius arbitratu communibus negotiis consuleretur. Is missus cum praesidio equitum atque [peditum] funditorum Baliarium. Praeterea iere sagittarii et cohors Paeligna cum uelitaribus armis, itineris properandi causa, neque his secus atque aliis armis aduersum tela hostium, quod ea levia sunt, muniti. Sed in itinere quinto denique die Volux, filius Bocchi, repente in campis patentibus cum mille non amplius equitibus sese ostendit, qui temere et effuse euntes Sullae aliisque omnibus et numerum ampliorem vero et hostilem metum efficiebant. Igitur se quisque expedire, arma atque tela temptare, intendere; timor aliquantus, sed spes amplior, quippe victoribus et aduersum eos, quos saepe vicerant. Interim equites exploratum praemissi rem, uti erat, quietam nuntiant. [105] 1When this reply was communicated to Bocchus, he requested Marius, by letter, to send Sulla to him, that, at his discretion,19 measures might be adopted for their common interest. 2Sulla was accordingly dispatched, attended with a guard of cavalry, infantry, and Balearic slingers, besides some archers and a Pelignian cohort, who, for the sake of expedition, were furnished with light arms, which, however, protected them, as efficiently as any others, against the light darts of the enemy. 3As he was on his march, on the fifth day after he set out, Volux, the son of Bocchus, suddenly appeared on the open plain with a body of cavalry, which 17 Infecto, quo intenderat, negotio. Though this is the reading of most of the manuscripts, Kritzius, Müller, and Dietsch, read confecto, as if Marius could not have failed in his attempt. 18 Semper in advorsa mutant. Rose renders this "are always changing, and constantly for the worse;" and most other translators have given something similar. But this is absurd; for every one sees that all changes in human affairs are not for the worse. Adversa is evidently to be taken in the sense which I have given. 19 Arbitratu. Kritzius observes that this word comprehends the notion of plenary powers to treat and decide: “der mit unbeschränkter Vollmacht unterhandeln könnte”. 8 amounted in reality to not more than a thousand, but which, as they approached in confusion and disorder, presented to Sulla and the rest the appearance of a greater number, and excited apprehensions of hostility. 4Every one, therefore, prepared for action, trying and presenting20 his arms and weapons; some fear was felt among them, but greater hope, as they were now conquerors, and were only meeting those whom they had often overcome. After a while, however, a party of horse sent forward to reconnoiter, reported, as was the case, that nothing but peace was intended. 106 Volux adveniens quaestorem appellat dicitque se a patre Boccho obviam illis simul et praesidio missum. Deinde eum et proximum diem sine metu coniuncti eunt. Post ubi castra locata et diei uesper erat, repente Maurus incerto uultu pauens ad Sullam accurrit dicitque sibi ex speculatoribus cognitum Iugurtham haud procul abesse. Simul, uti noctu clam secum profugeret, rogat atque hortatur. Ille animo feroci negat se totiens fusum Numidam pertimescere: virtuti suorum satis credere; etiam si certa pestis adesset, mansurum potius, quam, proditis quos ducebat. Turpi fuga incertae ac forsitan post paulo morbo interiturae vitae parceret. Ceterum ab eodem monitus, uti noctu proficisceretur, consilium approbat; ac statim milites cenatos esse in castris ignisque quam creberrimos fieri, dein prima vigilia silentio egredi iubet. Iamque nocturno itinere fessis omnibus Sulla pariter cum ortu solis castra metabatur, cum equites Mauri nuntiant Iugurtham circiter duum milium interuallo ante consedisse. Quod postquam auditum est, tum vero ingens metus nostros invadit; credere se proditos a Voluce et insidiis circumventos. Ac fuere qui dicerent manu vindicandum neque apud illum tantum scelus inultum relinquendum. [106] 1Volux, coming forward, addressed himself to Sulla, saying that he was sent by Bocchus his father to meet and escort him. The two parties accordingly formed a junction, and prosecuted their journey, on that day and the following, without any alarm. 2But when they had pitched their camp, and evening had set in, Volux came running, with looks of perplexity, to Sulla, and said that he had learned from his scouts that Jugurtha was at hand, entreating and urging him, at the same time, to escape with him privately in the night. 3Sulla boldly replied, "that he had no fear of Jugurtha, an enemy so often defeated; that he had the utmost confidence in the valor of his troops; and that, even if certain destruction were at hand, he would rather keep his ground, than save, by deserting his followers, a life at best uncertain, and perhaps soon to be lost by disease." 4Being pressed, however, by Volux, to set forward in the night, he approved of the suggestion, and immediately ordered his men to dispatch their supper,21 to light as many fires as possible in the camp, and to set out in silence at the first watch. 5When they were all fatigued with their march during the night, and Sulla was preparing, at sunrise, to pitch his camp, the Moorish cavalry announced that Jugurtha was encamped about two miles in advance. 6At this report, great dismay fell upon our men; for they believed themselves betrayed by Volux, and led into an ambuscade. Some exclaimed that they ought to take vengeance on him at once, and not suffer such perfidy to remain unpunished. 107 At Sulla, quamquam eadem existimabat, tamen ab iniuria Maurum prohibet. Suos hortatur, uti fortem animum gererent: saepe antea a paucis strenuis 20 Intendere. The critics are in doubt to what to refer this word; some have thought of understanding animum; Cortius, Wasse, and Müller, think it is meant only of the bows of the archers; Kritzius, Burnouf, and Allen, refer it, apparently with better judgment, to the arma and tela in general. 21 Cœnatos esse. "The perfect is not without its force; it signifies that Sulla wished his orders to be performed with the greatest expedition." Kritzius. He orders them to have done supper. 9 aduersum multitudinem bene pugnatum; quanto sibi in proelio minus pepercissent, tanto tutiores fore; nec quemquam decere, qui manus armauerit, ab inermis pedibus auxilium petere, in maximo metu nudum et caecum corpus ad hostis vertere. Dein Volucem, quoniam histilia faceret, Iouem maximum obtestatus, ut sceleris atque perfidiae Bocchi testis adesset, ex castris abire iubet. Ille lacrimans orare, ne ea crederet: nihil dolo factum, ac magis calliditate Iugurthae, cui videlicet speculanti iter suum cognitum esset. Ceterum quoniam neque ingentem multitudinem haberet et spes opesque eius ex patre suo penderent, credere illum nihil palam ausurum, cum ipse filius testis adesset. Qua re optimum factu videri per media eius castra palam transire; sese vel praemissis vel ibidem relictis Mauris solum cum Sulla iturum. Ea res, uti in tali negotio, probata; ac statim profecti, quia de improuiso acciderant, dubio atque haesitante Iugurtha incolumes transeunt. Deinde paucis diebus, quo ire intenderant, perventum est. [107] 1But Sulla, though he had similar thoughts, protected the Moor from violence; exhorting his soldiers to keep up their spirits; and saying, "that a handful of brave men had often fought successfully against a multitude; that the less anxious they were to save their lives in battle, the greater would be their security; and that no man, who had arms in his hands, ought to trust for safety to his unarmed heels, or to turn to the enemy, in however great danger, the defenseless and blind parts of his body."22 2Having then called almighty Jupiter to witness the guilt and perfidy of Bocchus, he ordered Volux, as being an instrument of his father's hostility, 23 to quit the camp. 3Volux, with tears in his eyes, entreated him to entertain no such suspicions, declares "that nothing in the affair had been caused by treachery on his part, but all by the subtilty of Jugurtha, to whom his line of march had become known through his scouts. 4But as Jugurtha had no great force with him, and as his hopes and resources were dependent on his father Bocchus, he assuredly would not attempt any open violence, when the son of Bocchus would himself be a witness of it. He thought it best for Sulla, therefore, to march boldly through the middle of his camp, and that as for himself, he would either send forward his Moors, or leave them where they were, and accompany Sulla alone." 5This course, under such circumstances, was adopted; they set forward without delay, and, as they came upon Jugurtha unexpectedly, while he was in doubt and hesitation how to act, they passed without molestation. 6In a few days afterward, they arrived at the place to which their march was directed. 108 Ibi cum Boccho Numida quidam Aspar nomine multum et familiariter agebat, praemissus ab Iugurtha, postquam Sullam accitum audierat, orator et subdole speculatum Bocchi consilia; praeterea Dabar, Massugradae filius, ex gente Masinissae, ceterum materno genere impar--nam pater eius ex concubina ortus erat--, Mauro ob ingeni multa bona carus acceptusque. Quem Bocchus fidum esse Romanis multis ante tempestatibus expertus ilico ad Sullam nuntiatum mittit: paratum sese facere quae populus Romanus vellet; colloquio diem locum tempus ipse deligeret, neu Iugurthae legatum pertimesceret; consulto Cœcum corpus. Imitated from Xenophon, Cyrop. iii. 3, 45: Môron gar to kratein boulomenous, ta tuphla, tou sômatos, kai aopla, kai acheira, tauta enantia tattein tois poleuiois pheugontas. "It is folly for those that desire to conquer, to turn the blind, unarmed, and handless parts of the body, to the enemy in flight. 23 Quoniam hostilia faceret. "Since he wished to deceive the Romans by pretended friendship." Müller. 22 10 sese omnia illo integra habere, quo res communis licentius gereretur; nam ab insidiis eius aliter caueri nequiuisse. Sed ego comperior Bocchum magis Punica fide quam ob ea, quae praedicabat, simul Romanos et Numidam spe pacis attinuisse multumque cum animo suo voluere solitum, Iugurtham Romanis an illi Sullam traderet; libidinem aduersum nos, metum pro nobis suasisse. [108] 1There was, at this time, in constant and familiar intercourse with Bocchus, a Numidian named Aspar, who had been sent to him by Jugurtha, when he heard of Sulla's intended interview, in the character of embassador, but secretly to be a spy on the Mauretanian king's proceedings. There was also with him a certain Dabar, son of Massugrada, one of the family of Masinissa,24 but of inferior birth on the maternal side, as his father was the son of a concubine. Dabar, for his many intellectual endowments, was liked and esteemed by Bocchus, who, having found him faithful25 on many former occasions, sent him forthwith to Sulla, to say "that he was ready to do whatever the Romans desired; 2that Sulla himself should appoint the place, day, and hour,26 for a conference; that he kept all points, which he had settled with him before, inviolate 27 ; and that he was not to fear the presence of Jugurtha's embassador as any restraint 28 on the discussion of their common interests, since, without admitting him, he could have no security against Jugurtha's treachery." 3I find, however, that it was rather from African duplicity29 than from the motives which he professed, that Bocchus thus allured both the Romans and Jugurtha with the hopes of peace; that he frequently debated with himself whether he should deliver Jugurtha to the Romans, or Sulla to Jugurtha; and that his inclination swayed him against us, but his fears in our favor. 109 Igitur Sulla respondit se pauca coram Aspare locuturum, cetera occulte nullo aut quam paucissimis praesentibus. Simul edocet, quae sibi responderentur. Postquam, sicuti voluerat, congressi, dicit se missum a consule venisse quaesitum ab eo, pacem an bellum agitaturus foret. Tum rex, uti praeceptum fuerat, post diem decimum redire iubet, ac nihil etiam nunc decrevisse, sed illo die reponsurum. Deinde ambo in sua castra digressi. Sed ubi plerumque noctis Ex gente Masinissœ. Massugrada was the son of Masinissa by a concubine. Fidum. After this word, in the editions of Cortius, Kritzius, Gerlach, Allen, and Dietsch, follows Romanis or esse Romanis. These critics defend Romanis on the plea that a dative is necessary after fidum, and that it was of importance as Castilioneus observes that Dabar should be well disposed toward the Romans, and not have been corrupted, like many other courtiers of Bocchus, by the bribes of Jugurtha. Glareanus, Badius Ascensius, the Bipont editors, and Burnouf, with most of the translators, omit Romanis, and I have thought proper to imitate their example. 26 Diem, locum, tempus. Not only the day, but the time of the day. 27 Consulta sese omnia cum illo integra habere. Kritzius justly observes that most editors, in interpreting this passage, have erroneously given to consulta the sense of consulenda; and that the sense is, "that all that he had arranged with Sulla before, remained unaltered, and that he was not drawn from his resolutions by the influence of Jugurtha." 28 Neu Jugurthœ legatum pertimesceret, quo res communis licentius gereretur. There is some difficulty in this passage. Burnouf makes the nearest approach to a satisfactory explanation of it. " Sulla," says he, " was not to fear the envoy of Jugurtha, quo, on which account (equivalent to eoque, and on that account, i.e. on account of his freedom from apprehension) their common interests would be more freely arranged." Yet it appears from what follows that fear of Jugurtha's envoy could not be dismissed, and that there could be no freedom of discussion in his presence, as Sulla was to say but little before him, and to speak more at large at a private meeting. These considerations have induced Kritzius to suppose that the word remoto, or something similar, has been lost after quo. The Bipont editors inserted cautum esse before quo, which is without authority, and does not at all assist the sense. 29 Punicâ fide. "Punica fides was a well-known proverbial expression for treachery and deceit. The origin of it is perhaps attributable not so much to fact, as to the implacable hatred of the Romans toward the Carthaginians." Bernouf. 24 25 11 processit, Sulla a Boccho occulte accersitur. Ab utroque tantummodo fidi interpretes adhibentur, praeterea Dabar internuntius, sanctus vir et ex sententia ambobus. Ac statim sic rex incipit: 110 "Numquam ego ratus sum fore uti rex maximus in hac terra et omnium, quos novi, privato homini gratiam deberem. Et mehercule, Sulla, ante te cognitum multis orantibus. Aliis ultro egomet opem tuli, nullius indiguus. Id imminutum, quod ceteri dolere solent, ego laetor. Fuerit mihi eguisse aliquando pretium tuae amicitiae, qua apud meum animum nihil carius est. Id adeo experiri licet. Arma viros pecuniam, postremo quicquid animo libet, sume utere, et, quoad viues, numquam tibi redditam gratiam putaueris: semper apud me integra erit; denique nihil me sciente frustra uoles. Nam, ut ego aestimo, regem armis quam munificentia vince minus flagitiosum est. Ceterum de re publica vestra, cuius curator huc missus es, paucis accipe. Bellum ego populo Romano neque feci neque factum umquam volui; at finis meos aduersum armatos armis tutatus sum. Id omitto, quando vobis ita placet. gerite quod uultis cum Iugurtha bellum. Ego flumen Muluccham, quod inter me et Micipsam fuit, non egrediar neque id intrare Iugurtham sinam. Praeterea si quid meque vobisque dignum petiueris, haud repulsus abibis." 111 Ad ea Sulla pro se breviter et modice, de pace et communibus rebus multis disseruit. Denique regi patefacit, quod polliceatur, senatum et populum Romanum, quoniam armis amplius valuissent, non in gratiam habituros; faciendum ei aliquid, quod illorum magis quam sua rettulisse videretur. Id adeo in promptu esse, quoniam copiam Iugurthae haberet. Quem si Romanis tradidisset, fore ut illi plurimum deberetur; amicitiam foedus Numidiae partem, quam nunc peteret, tum ultro adventuram. Rex primo negitare: cognationem, affinitatem, praeterea foedus interuenisse; ad hoc metuere, ne fluxa fide usus popularium animos auerteret, quis et Iugurtha carus et Romani inuisi erant. Denique saepius fatigatus lenitur et ex voluntate Sullae omnia se facturum promittit. Ceterum ad simulandam pacem, cuius Numida defessus bello auidissimus erat, quae utilia visa constituunt. Ita composito dolo digrediuntur. [109] 1Sulla replied, "that he should speak on but few particulars before Aspar, and discuss others at a private meeting, or in the presence of only a few"; dictating, at the same time, what answer should be returned by Bocchus.30 2Afterward, when they met, as Bocchus had desired, Sulla stated, "that he had come, by order of the consul, to inquire whether he would resolve on peace or on war." 3Bocchus, as he had been previously instructed by Sulla, requested him to come again at the end of ten days, since he had as yet formed no determination, but would at that time give a decisive answer. Both then retired to their respective camps.31 4But when the night was far advanced, Sulla was secretly sent for by Bocchus. At their interview, none but confidential interpreters were admitted on either side, together with Dabar, the messenger between them, a man of honor, and held in esteem by both parties. The king at once commenced thus: 30 That is, in the presence of Aspar. Deinde ambo in sua castra digress. Both, i.e. Bocchus and Sulla, not Aspar and Sulla, as Cortius. imagines 31 12 [110] 1"I never expected that I, the greatest monarch in this part of the world, and the richest of all whom I know, should ever owe a favor to a private man. 2Indeed, Sulla, before I knew you, I gave assistance to many who solicited me, and to others without solicitation, and stood in need of no man's assistance. 3But at this loss of independence, at which others are wont to repine, I am rather inclined to rejoice. It will be a pleasure to me 32 to have once needed your friendship, than which I hold nothing dearer to my heart. Of the sincerity of this assertion you may at once make trial; 4take my arms, my soldiers, my money, or whatever you please, and use it as your own. But do not suppose, as long as you live, that your kindness to me has been fully requited; my sense of it will always remain undiminished, and you shall, with my knowledge, wish for nothing in vain. 5For, as I am of opinion, it is less dishonorable to a prince to be conquered in battle than to be surpassed in generosity. 6With respect to your republic, whose interests you are sent to guard, hear briefly what I have to say. I have neither made war upon the Roman people, nor desired that it should be made; I have merely defended my territories with arms against an armed force. 7But from hostilities, since such is your pleasure, I now desist. Prosecute the war with Jugurtha as you think proper. The river Mulucha, which was the boundary between Miscipsa and me, I shall neither pass myself, nor suffer Jugurtha to come within it. 8And if you shall ask any thing besides, worthy of me and of yourself, you shall not depart with a refusal." [111] 1To this speech Sulla replied, as far as concerned himself, briefly and modestly; but spoke, with regard to the peace and their common concerns, much more at length. He signified to the king “that the senate and people of Rome, as they had the superiority in the field, would think themselves little obliged by what he promised; that he must do something which would seem more for their interest than his own; and that for this there was now a fair opportunity, since he had Jugurtha in his power, for, if he delivered him to the Romans, they would feel greatly indebted to him, and their friendship and alliance, as well as that part of Numidia which he claimed33, would readily be granted him”. 2Bocchus at first refused to listen to the proposal, saying that affinity, the ties of blood34, and a solemn league, connected him with Jugurtha; and that he feared, if he acted insincerely, he might alienate the affections of his subjects, by whom Jugurtha was beloved, and the Romans disliked. 3But at last, after being frequently importuned, his resolution gave way35, and he engaged to do every thing in accordance with Sulla's wishes. They then concerted measures for conducting a pretended treaty of peace, of which Jugurtha, weary of war, was extremely desirous. Having settled their plans, they separated. 112 At rex postero die Asparem, Iugurthae legatum, appellat dicitque sibi per Dabarem ex Sulla cognitum posse condicionibus bellum poni: quam ob rem regis sui sententiam exquireret. Ille laetus in castra Iugurthae proficiscitur. Deinde ab illo cuncta edoctus properato itinere post diem octauum redit ad Bocchum et ei nuntiat Iugurtham cupere omnia quae imperarentur facere, sed Mario parum confidere; saepe antea cum imperatoribus Romanis pacem conventam frustra fuisse. Ceterum Bocchus si ambobus consultum et ratam pacem vellet, daret operam, ut una ab omnibus quasi de pace in colloquium veniretur, ibique sibi Sullam traderet. Cum talem virum in potestatem habuisset, tum fore uti iussu 32 Fuerit mihi. Some editions, as that of Langius, the Bipont, and Burnouf's, have fuerit mihi pretium. Something of the kind seems to be wanting. Res in bonis numeranda fuerit mihi. Bernouf. Allen, who omits pretium, interprets, Grata mihi egestas sit, quæ ad tuam, amicitiam confugiat; but who can deduce this sense from the passage, unless he have pretium, or something similar, in his mind? 33 Numidiœ partem quam nunc peteret. See the second note on c. 102. Bocchus continues, in his speech in the preceding chapter, to signify that a part of Numidia belonged to him. 34 Cognationem. To this blood-relationship between him and Jugurtha no allusion is elsewhere made. 35 Lenitur. Cortius, whom Gerlach and Müller follow, reads leniter, but, with Kritzius and Gerlach, I prefer the verb to the adverb; which, however, is found in the greater number of the manuscripts. 13 senatus aut populi foedus fieret; neque hominem nobilem non sua ignavia sed ob rem publicam in hostium potestate relictum iri. 113 Haec Maurus secum ipse diu voluens tandem promisit; ceterum dolo an vere cunctatus, parum comperimus. Sed plerumque regiae voluntates ut vehementes sic mobiles, saepe ipsae sibi aduersae. Postea tempore et loco constituto, in colloquium uti de pace veniretur, Bocchus Sullam modo, modo Iugurthae legatum appellare, benigne habere, idem ambobus polliceri. Illi pariter laeti ac spei bonae pleni esse. Sed nocte ea, quae proxima fuit ante diem colloquio decretum, Maurus adhibitis amicis ac statim immutata voluntate remotis ceteris dicitur secum ipse multum agitauisse, uultu colore motu corporis pariter atque animo varius; quae scilicet ita tacente ipso occulta pectoris patefecisse. Tamen postremo Sullam accersi iubet et ex illius sententia Numidae insidias tendit. Deinde ubi dies advenit et ei nuntiatum est Iugurtham haud procul abesse, cum paucis amicis et quaestore nostro quasi obvius honoris causa procedit in tumulum facillimum visu insidiantibus. Eodem Numida cum plerisque necessariis suis inermis, uti dictum erat, accedit, ac statim signo dato undique simul ex insidiis invaditur. Ceteri obtruncati, Iugurtha Sullae vinctus traditur et ab eo ad Marium deductus est. [112] 1On the next day Bocchus sent for Aspar, Jugurtha's envoy, and acquainted him that he had ascertained from Sulla, through Dabar, that the war might be concluded on certain conditions; and that he should therefore make inquiry as to the sentiments of his king. 2Aspar proceeded with joy to Jugurtha's camp, and having received full instructions from him, returned in haste to Bocchus at the end of eight days, with intelligence "that Jugurtha was eager to do whatever might be required, but that he put little confidence in Marius, as treaties of peace, concluded with Roman generals, had often before proved of no effect; 3that if Bocchus, however, wished to consult the interests of both,36 and to have an established peace, he should endeavor to bring all parties together to a conference, as if to settle the conditions, and then deliver Sulla into his hands, for when he had such a man in his power, a treaty would at once be concluded by order of the senate and people of Rome; as a man of high rank, who had fallen into the hands of the enemy, not from want of spirit; but from zeal for the public interest, would not be left in captivity. [113] 1The Moor, after long meditation on these suggestions, at length expressed his assent to them, but whether in pretense or sincerity I have not been able to discover. 2But the inclinations of kings, as they are violent, are often fickle, and at variance with themselves. 3At last, after a time and place were fixed for coming to a conference about the treaty, Bocchus addresssed himself at one time to Sulla and at another to the envoy of Jugurtha, treating them with equal affability, and making the same professions to both. Both were in consequence equally delighted, and animated with the fairest expectations. 4But on the night preceding the day appointed for the conference; the Moor, after first assembling his friends, and then, on a change of mind, dismissing them, is reported to have had many anxious struggles with himself, disturbed alike in his thoughts and his gestures, which, even when he was silent, betrayed the secret agitation of his mind. At last, however, he ordered that Sulla should be sent for, and, according to his desire, laid an ambush for Jugurtha. 5As soon as it was day, and intelligence was brought that Jugurtha was at hand, Bocchus, as if to meet him and do him honor, went forth, attended by a few friends, and our quæstor, as far as 36 Ambobus. Both himself and Jugurtha. 14 a little hill, which was full in the view of the men who were placed in ambush. 6To the same spot came Jugurtha with most of his adherents, unarmed, according to agreement; when immediately, on a signal being given, he was assailed on all sides by those who were lying in wait. 7The others were cut to pieces, and Jugurtha himself was delivered bound to Sulla, and by him conducted to Marius. ____________ VAL. MAX. 6.9.6. L. uero Sulla usque ad quaesturae suae comitia uitam libidine, uino, ludicrae artis amore inquinatam perduxit. quapropter C. Marius consul moleste tulisse traditur, quod sibi asperrimum in Africa bellum gerenti tam delicatus quaestor sorte obuenisset. eiusdem uirtus quasi perruptis et disiectis nequitiae, qua obsidebatur, claustris catenas Iugurthae manibus iniecit, Mitridatem conpescuit, socialis belli fluctus repressit, Cinnae dominationem fregit eumque, qui se in Africa quaestorem fastidierat, ipsam illam prouinciam proscriptum et exulem petere coegit. quae tam diuersa tamque inter se contraria si quis apud animum suum attentiore conparatione expendere uelit, duos in uno homine Sullas fuisse crediderit, turpem adulescentulum et uirum, dicerem fortem, nisi ipse <se> felicem appellari maluisset. ____________ PLUT. Sull. 1 4And afterwards, when he had at last become absolute in power, and was putting many to death, a freedman, who was thought to be concealing one of the proscribed, and was therefore to be thrown down the Tarpeian rock, cast it in his teeth that they had long lived together in one lodging house, himself renting the upper rooms at two thousand sesterces,37 and Sulla the lower rooms at three thousand. The difference in their fortunes, therefore, was only a thousand sesterces, which are equivalent to two hundred and fifty Attic drachmas. Such, then, is the account we find of Sulla's earlier fortune. PLUT. Sull. 2 3For when Sulla was once at table, he refused to be serious at all, but, although at other times he was a man of business and wore an austere look, he underwent a complete change as soon as he betook himself to good-fellowship and drinking, so that comic singers and dancers found him anything but ferocious, and ready to listen and yield to every request. It was this laxity, as it seems, which produced in him a diseased propensity to amorous indulgence and an unrestrained voluptuousness, from which he did not refrain even in his old age, 4but continued his youthful love for Metrobius, an actor. He also had the following experience. He began by loving a common but wealthy woman, Nicopolis by name, and such was the charm of his intimacy and youthful grace that in the end he was beloved by her, and was left her heir when she died. He also inherited the property of his step-mother, who loved him as her own son. By these means he became moderately well off. PLUT., Sull. 3 1Having been appointed quaestor to Marius in his first consulship,38 he sailed with him to Libya, to make war upon Jugurtha. He was put in charge of the camp, and won great credit for himself, especially by improving a favourable opportunity and making a friend of Bocchus, the king of Numidia. For he hospitably entertained ambassadors of the king, who had escaped from Numidian robbers, and sent them on their way with gifts and a safe escort. 2Now Bocchus had for a long time hated and feared his son-in-law, Jugurtha, who had been defeated and had fled to him for safety, and was then plotting against him. He therefore invited Sulla to come to him, wishing to have the seizure and surrender of Jugurtha effected through 37 In Sulla's time the sestertius was a silver coin worth between two and three pence, or about five cents. The attic drachma was a silver coin worth about eight pence, or twenty cents. 38 107 B.C. 15 Sulla rather than through himself. Sulla imparted the matter to Marius, and taking with him a few soldiers, underwent the greatest peril; he put faith in a Barbarian, and one who was faithless towards his own relations, and to secure his surrender of another, placed himself in his hands. 3However, Bocchus, now that he had both in his power, and had laid himself under the necessity of proving false to one or the other, although he vacillated long, finally decided upon his original betrayal, and handed Jugurtha over to Sulla. It is true that the one who celebrated a triumph for this was Marius, but those who envied him attributed the glory of the success to Sulla, and this secretly annoyed Marius. 4And indeed Sulla himself was naturally vainglorious, and now that he had for the first time emerged from his lowly and obscure condition and become of some account among his countrymen, and was enjoying a taste of honour, he was arrogant enough to have a representation of his exploit engraved on a seal-ring which he wore, and continued to use it ever after. The device was, Bocchus delivering, and Sulla receiving, Jugurtha. PLUT., Sull., 5 1Sulla now thought that the reputation which he had won in war was sufficient to justify political activities, and therefore at once exchanged military service for public life,39 offered himself as a candidate for the city praetorship, and was defeated. The responsibility for his defeat, however, he lays upon the populace. They knew, he says, about his friendship with Bocchus, and expected that if he should be made aedile before his praetorship, he would treat them to splendid hunting scenes and combats of Libyan wild beasts, and therefore appointed others to the praetorship, in order to force him into the aedileship. 2But subsequent events would seem to show that Sulla does not confess the real reason for his failure. For in the following year he obtained the praetorship, partly because he was subservient to the people, and partly because he used money to win their support. And so it happened that, during his praetorship, when he angrily told Caesar40 that he would use his own authority against him, Caesar laughed and said: "You do well to consider the office your own, for you bought it." PLUT. Sull. 6 1Moreover, Sulla's quarrel with Marius broke out afresh on being supplied with fresh material by the ambition of Bocchus, who, desiring to please the people at Rome, and at the same time to gratify Sulla, dedicated on the Capitol some images bearing trophies, and beside them gilded figures representing Jugurtha being surrendered by Bocchus to Sulla. 2Thereupon Marius was very angry, and tried to have the figures taken down, but others were minded to aid Sulla in opposing this, and the city was all but in flames with their dispute, when the Social war,41 [339] which had long been smouldering, blazed up against the city and put a stop for the time being to the quarrel. In this war, which proved of the greatest moment and most varied fortunes, and brought innumerable mischiefs and the gravest perils upon the Romans, Marius was unable to render any great service, and proved that military excellence requires a man's highest strength and vigour. Sulla, on the other hand, did much that was memorable, and achieved the reputation of a great leader among his fellow-citizens, that of the greatest of leaders among his friends, and that of the most fortunate even among his enemies. 3But he did not feel about this as Timotheus the son of Conon did, who, when his adversaries ascribed his successes to Fortune, and had him represented in a painting as lying asleep, while Fortune cast her net about the cities, was rudely angry with those who had done this, because, as he thought, they were robbing him of the glory due to his exploits, and said to the people once, on returning from a campaign in which he was thought to have been successful: "In this campaign, at least, men of Athens, Fortune has no share." 4Upon Timotheus, then, who had shown himself so covetous of honour, the deity is said to have requited his youthful petulance, so from that time on he did nothing brilliant, but miscarried in all his undertakings, gave offence to the people, and was finally banished from the city; whereas Sulla not only accepted with pleasure such felicitations and admiration, but actually joined in magnifying the aid of Heaven in what he did, and gave the credit of it to Fortune, either out of boastfulness, or because he had 39 He returned to Rome in 101 B.C., and was elected praetor in 93 B.C. Not the dictator, who was only seven years old at the time. 41 90-9 B.C., following the revolt of Rome's Italian allies. 40 16 such a belief in the divine agency. 5For in his Memoirs he writes [341] that, of the undertakings which men thought well-advised, those upon which he had boldly ventured, not after deliberation, but on the spur of the moment, turned out for the better. And further, from what he says about his being well endowed by nature for Fortune rather than for war, he seems to attribute more to Fortune than to his own excellence, and to make himself entirely the creature of this deity, since he accounts even his concord with Metellus, a man equal in rank, and a relative by marriage, a piece of divine felicity; for whereas he expected much annoyance from him as a colleague in office, he found him most obliging. 6And still further, in the dedication of his Memoirs to Lucullus, he advises him to deem nothing so secure as what the divine power enjoins upon him in his dreams. And he relates that when he was dispatched with an army to the Social war, a great chasm in the earth opened near Laverna, from which a great quantity of fire burst forth and a bright flame towered up towards the heavens; 7whereupon the soothsayers declared that a brave man, of rare courage and surpassing appearance, was to take the government in hand and free the city from its present troubles. And Sulla says that he himself was this man, for his golden head of hair gave him a singular appearance, and as for bravery, he was not ashamed to testify in his own behalf, after such great and noble deeds as he had performed. So much, then, regarding his attitude towards the divine powers. In others he seems to have been of very uneven character, and at variance with himself; he robbed much, but gave more; bestowed his honours unexpectedly, as unexpectedly his insults; fawned on those he needed, but gave himself airs towards those who needed him; so that one cannot tell whether he was more inclined by nature to disdain or flattery. 8For as regards the irregularity of his punishments, cudgelling to death as he did on any chance grounds, and again gently submitting to the greatest wrongs; readily open to reconciliation after the most irreparable injuries, but visiting small and insignificant offences with death and confiscation of goods; here one might decide that he was naturally of a stern and revengeful temper, but relaxed his severity out of calculating regard for his interests. 9In this very Social War, for example, when his soldiers with clubs did to death a legate, a man of praetorian dignity, Albinus by name, he passed over without punishment this flagrant crime, and solemnly sent the word about that he would find his men more ready and willing for the war on account of this transgression, since they would try to atone for it by their bravery. To those who censured the crime he paid no heed, but purposing already to put down the power of Marius and, now that the Social War was thought to be at an end, to get himself appointed general against Mithridates, he treated the soldiers under him with deference. […] 12 [Marriage] To Metella, however, he always showed great deference in all things, so that the Roman people, when it longed for the restoration of the exiled partisans of Marius, and Sulla refused it, in its need called upon Metella for aid. It was thought also that when he took the city of Athens, he treated its people more harshly because they had scurrilously abused Metella from the walls. But this was later.42 PLUT. Sull. 36 1However, even though he had such a wife at home, he consorted with actresses, harpists, and theatrical people, drinking with them on couches all day long. For these were the men who had most influence with him now: Roscius the comedian, Sorex the archmime, and Metrobius the impersonator of women, for whom, though past his prime, he continued up to the last to be passionately fond, and made no denial of it. 2By this mode of life he aggravated a disease which was insignificant in its beginnings, and for a long time he knew not that his bowels were ulcerated. This disease corrupted his whole flesh also, and converted it into worms, so that although many were employed day and night in removing them, what they took away was as nothing compared with the increase upon him, but all his clothing, p441baths, hand-basins, and food, were infected with that flux of corruption, so violent was its discharge. 3Therefore he immersed himself many times a-day in water to cleanse and scour his person. But 42 Cf. chapter xiii.1. 17 it was of no use; for the change gained upon him rapidly, and the swarm of vermin defied all purification. ____________ VELL. 17 1Finito ex maxrima parte, nisi quae Nolani belli manebant reliquiae, Italico bello, quo quidem Romani victis adflictisque ipsi exarmati quam integri universis civitatem dare maluerunt, consulatum inierunt Q. Pompeius et L. Cornelius Sulla, vir qui neque ad finem victoriae satis laudari neque post victoriam abunde vituperan potest. 2 Hic natus familia nobili, sextus a Cornelio Rufino, qui bello Pyrrhi inter celeberrimos fuerat duces, cum familiae eius ciaritudo intermissa esset, diu ita se gessit, ut nullam petendi consulatum cogitationem habere videretur: 3 deinde post praeturam inlustratus bello Italico et ante in Gallia legatione sub Mario, qua eminentissimos duces hostium fuderat, ex successu animum sumpsit petensque consulatum paene omnium civium suffragiis factus est; sed eum honorem undequinquagesimo aetatis suae anno adsecutus est. [Loeb Classical Library edition, 1924] 17 1Except for the remnants of hostility which lingered at Nola the Italian war was now in large measure ended, the Romans, themselves exhausted, consenting to grant the citizenship individually to the conquered and humbled states in preference to giving it to them as a body when their own strength was still unimpaired.43 This was the year in which Quintus Pompeius and Lucius Cornelius Sulla44 entered upon the consulship. Sulla was a man to whom, up to the conclusion of his career of victory, sufficient praise can hardly be given, and for whom, after his victory, no condemnation can be adequate. 2He was sprung of a noble family, the sixth in descent from the Cornelius Rufinus who had been one of the famous generals in the war with Pyrrhus. As the renown of his family had waned, Sulla acted a long while as though he had no thought of seeking the consulship. 3Then, after his praetorship, having earned distinction not only in the Italian war but also, even before that, in Gaul, where he was second in command to Marius, and had routed the most eminent leaders of the enemy, encouraged by his successes, he became a candidate for the consulship and was elected by an almost unanimous vote of the citizens. But this honour did not come to him until the forty-ninth year of his age. ____________ APP., B.C. I 77 Sila escribió una carta45, en tono arrogante, al senado enumerando cuántos hechos había realizado, en África, cuando era todavía cuestor46, frente al númida Yugurta; como legado, en la guerra de los cimbrios47 como gobernador, en Cilicia48; en la Guerra Social49 y como cónsul. Destacó, en especial, la reciente guerra contra Mitrídates, y les nombró los numerosos pueblos que, estando en poder de Mitrídates había recuperado para los romanos, y en nada puso mayor énfasis que en haber acogido en su desvalimiento y haberles aliviado en su 43 i.e. before the war began. What Velleius had in mind in using maluerunt is a little vague. The original "choice" lay between granting the citizenship and war. They chose the latter alternative. After the war was over they granted to their enemies in defeat the citizenship which they might have conferred in the beginning and so avoided the war 44 88 B.C. 45 Según GABBA, Appiani..., I, com. ad loc., esta carta debió de ser enviada a fines del 85 a. C. desde Efeso. La carta, tal vez, provenga de los commentarii de Sila, según piensa BADIAN, en Journ of Rome, St. 52 (1962), 57-58 (=Studies in Greek and Roman History, 1964 página 226). 46 107 a. C. (BROUGHTON, I, pdg. 551). 47 103-101 a. C. (cf. PLUT., Sulla 4, 1-4; Mar. 25, 6 y 26, 5). 48 96-95 a. C. (cf. BADIAN, Studies.... pigs. 157-158). 49 Cf. n. 168 18 aflicción a los que, expulsados de Roma por Cinna, habían buscado refugio a su lado. Por estos motivos, dijo que sus adversarios le habían declarado enemigo público, habían devastado hasta los cimientos de su casa, habían asesinado a sus amigos y, a duras penas, su mujer y sus hijos habían logrado escapar junto a él. Sin embargo, vendría de inmediato como vengador50 de todos éstos y de la ciudad entera, contra los culpables; al resto de los ciudadanos y a aquellos nuevos les anticipó que no les haría en absoluto ningún reproche. APP., Num., fr. 5 Bocchus sent another embassy who were to solicit peace from Marius and urge Sulla to assist them in the negotiation. These ambassadors were despoiled by robbers on the road, but Sulla received them kindly and entertained them until Marius returned from Gætulia. Marius advised them to urge Bocchus to consult with Sulla as to all his affairs. Accordingly, when Bocchus was inclined to betray Jugurtha he sent messengers around to the neighboring Ethiopians (who extend from eastern Ethiopia westward to the Mauritanian Mount Atlas) under pretence of raising a new army, and then asked Marius to send Sulla to him for a conference, and Marius did so. In this way Bocchus himself, and his friend Magdalses, and a certain freedman of Carthage, named Cornelius, deceived Apsar, the friend of Jugurtha, who had been left in Bocchus' camp to keep watch on his doings. ____________ GELLIUS, N.A. I, 12 16L. Sulla rerum gestarum libro secundo ita scripsit: "P. Cornelius, cui primum cognomen Sullae impositum est, flamen Dialis captus". ____________ 10 postremo apud Cirtam, urbem antiquam, Masinissae regiam, aduersum Romanos expugnationem eius parantes sexaginta milibus equitum instructus occurrit. 11 numquam ulla Romano militi tumultuosior pugna et terribilior fuit, adeo ut discursu et fremitu circumcursantium et impetentium equitum suscitatus puluis caelum subtexuerit, diem ademerit noctemque obduxerit, tantus autem telorum nimbus ingruerit, ut nulla pars corporis ab ictu tuta esset, quippe quibus et uisus ad prospiciendum impedimento caliginis et expeditio ad cauendum compressione multitudinis deerat. 12 nec laborabat eques Maurus ac Numida, ut bene conlocatum hostem opportuno teli impetu rimaretur, sed potius in incertum pila mittebant certi quod uulnera incerta non essent. ita coacti in unum Romani pedites densabantur. intercapedinem tanti periculi nox interueniens dedit. 13 eadem postera die et belli et periculi facies: erumpere in hostem quamuis stricto miles gladio non ualebat, eminus enim iaculis repellebatur; fugere non poterant, undique enim uelocior ad persequendum eques incluserat. 14 iam tertia dies et nullum undecumque suffragium, dira undique mortis facies obiciebatur: tandem Marius consul forti desperatione spei uiam fecit, uniuerso simul agmine prorupit e uallo campoque sese simul et proelio dedit. 15 et cum iterum circumfusi hostes non solum agminis extrema laniarent, uerum etiam media excussis procul telis caederent turbatosque Romanos insuper etiam aestus solis, intolerantia sitis, mortis circumstantia usque ad extremum desperationis defetigaret, subito notum illud Romanorum aduersus Afros tempestatum imbriumque suffragium caelo missum insperatae saluti fuit. 16 siquidem repentina pluuia sitientibus Romanis et aestuantibus refrigerium OROS., V, 15 50 Cf. cap. 57, en donde se aduce un motivo similar: rem publicam in libertatem vindicare. 19 potumque praebuit, porro autem Numidis hastilia telorum, quae manu intorquere sine ammentis solent, lubrica ac per hoc inutilia reddidit; 17 scuta etiam, quae elephanti corio extento atque durato habilia et tuta gestabant - cuius ea natura est, ut acceptum imbrem tamquam spongia ebibat ac per hoc intractabile repentino pondere fiat - quia circumferri non poterant, defendere nequiuerunt. ita ex insperato conturbatis destitutisque Mauris ac Numidis Bocchus ac Iugurtha fugerunt. 20
