Subido por Óscar González Camaño

Fragmentos sobre Sila

Fragmenta Sullanae
SALL., Iug., 95. Ceterum, dum ea res geritur, L. Sulla quaestor cum magno
equitatu in castra venit, quos uti ex Latio et a sociis cogeret, Romae relictus erat.
Sed quoniam nos tanti viri res admonuit, idoneum visum est de natura cultuque
eius paucis dicere. Neque enim alio loco de Sullae rebus dicturi sumus et L.
Sisenna, optime et diligentissime omnium, qui eas res dixere, persecutus, parum
mihi libero ore locutus videtur.
Igitur Sulla gentis patriciae nobilis fuit, familia prope iam extincta maiorum
ignavia, litteris Graecis atque Latinis iuxta [atque doctissime] eruditus, animo
ingenti, cupidus voluptatum, sed gloriae cupidior; otio luxuriose esse, tamen ab
negotiis numquam voluptas remorata, nisi quod de uxore potuit honestius
consuli; facundus, callidus et amicitia facilis, ad simulanda negotia altitudo
ingeni incredibilis, multarum rerum ac maxime pecuniae largitor.
Atque illi felicissimo omnium ante civilem victoriam numquam super industriam
fortuna fuit, multique dubitavere, fortior an felicior esset. Nam postea quae
fecerit, incertum habeo pudeat an pigeat magis disserere.
[95] 1During the progress of this affair, Lucius Sulla, Marius' quæstor, arrived in the camp with
a numerous body of cavalry, which he had been left at Rome to raise among the Latins and
allies. 2Of so eminent a man, since my subject brings him to my notice, I think it proper to give
a brief account of the character and manners; for I shall in no other place allude to his affairs 1;
and Lucius Sisenna2, who has treated that subject the most ably and accurately of all writers,
seems to me to have spoken with too little freedom. 3Sulla, then, was of patrician descent, but
of a family almost sunk in obscurity by the degeneracy of his forefathers. He was skilled,
equally and profoundly, in Greek and Roman literature. He was a man of large mind, fond of
pleasure, but fonder of glory. His leisure was spent in luxurious gratifications, but pleasure
never kept him from his duties, except that he might have acted more for his honor with regard
to his wife3. He was eloquent [p. 182] and subtle, and lived on the easiest terms with his
For I shall in no other place allude to his affairs. Neque enim alio loco de Sullœ rebus dicturi sumus.
These words show that Sallust, at this time, had not thought of writing Histories, but that he turned his
attention to that pursuit after he had finished the Jugurthine war. For that he spoke of Sulla in his large
history is apparent from several extant fragments of it, and from Plutarch, who quotes Sallust, Vit. Syll., c.
3. Kritzius.
He wrote a history of the civil wars between Sulla and Marius, Vell. Paterc. ii. 9. Cicero alludes to his
style as being jejune and puerile, Brut., c. 64, De Legg. i. 2. About a hundred and fifty fragments of his
history remain.
Nisi quod de uxore potuit honestius consuli. As these words are vague and indeterminate, it is not agreed
among the critics and translators to what part of Sulla's life Sallust refers. I suppose, with Rupertus,
Aldus, Manutius, Crispinus, and De Brosses, that the allusion is to his connection with Valeria, of which
the history is given by Plutarch in his life of Sulla, which the English reader may take in Langhorne's
translation: "A few months after Metella's death, he presented the people with a show of gladiators; and
as, at that time, men and women had no separate places, but sat promiscuously in the theatre, a woman of
great beauty, and of one of the best families, happened to sit near Sulla. She was the daughter of Messala,
and sister to the orator Hortensius; her name was Valeria; and she had lately been divorced from her
husband. This woman, coming behind Sulla, touched him, and took off a little of the nap of his robe, and
then returned to her place. Sulla looked at her, quite amazed at her familiarity, when she said, ' Wonder
not, my lord, at what I have done; I had only a mind to share a little in your good fortune.' Sulla was far
from being displeased; on the contrary, it appeared that he was flattered very agreeably, for he sent to ask
friends4. His depth of thought in disguising his intentions, was incredible; he was liberal of most
things, but especially of money. 4And though he was the most fortunate5 of all men before his
victory in the civil war, yet his fortune was never beyond his desert6; and many have expressed
a doubt whether his success or his merit were the greater. As to his subsequent acts, I know not
whether more of shame or of regret must be felt at the recital of them.
96 Igitur Sulla, uti supra dictum est, postquam in Africam atque in castra Mari
cum equitatu venit, rudis antea et ignarus belli, sollertissimus omnium in paucis
tempestatibus factus est. Ad hoc milites benigne appellare, multis rogantibus,
aliis per se ipse dare beneficia, inuitus accipere, sed ea properantius quam aes
mutuum reddere, ipse ab nullo repetere, magis id laborare, ut illi quam plurimi
deberent, ioca atque seria cum humillimis agere, in operibus, in agmine atque ad
vigilias multus adesse, neque interim, quod praua ambitio solet, consulis aut
cuiusquam boni famam laedere, tantummodo neque consilio neque manu priorem
alium pati, plerosque antevenire. Quibus rebus et artibus brevi Mario
militibusque carissimus factus.
[96] When Sulla came with his cavalry into Africa, as has just been stated, and arrived at the
camp of Marius, though he had hitherto been unskilled and undisciplined in the art of war, he
became, in a short time, the most expert of the whole army. He was besides affable to the
soldiers; he conferred favours on many at their request, and on others of his own accord, and
was reluctant to receive any in return. But he repaid other obligations more readily than those of
a pecuniary nature; he himself demanded repayment from no one; but rather made it his object
that as many as possible should be indebted to him. He conversed, jocosely as well as seriously,
with the humblest of the soldiers; he was their frequent companion at their works, on the march,
and on guard. Nor did he ever, as is usual with depraved ambition, attempt to injure the
character of the consul, or of any deserving person. His sole aim, whether in the council or the
field, was to suffer none to excel him; to most he was superior. By such conduct he soon
became a favourite both with Marius and with the army.
her name, and to inquire into her family and character. Then followed an interchange of amorous regards
and smiles, which ended in a contract and marriage. The lady, perhaps, was not to blame. But Sulla,
though he got a woman of reputation, and great accomplishments, yet came into the match upon wrong
principles. Like a youth, he was caught with soft looks and languishing airs, things that are wont to excite
the lowest of the passions." Others have thought that Sallust refers to Sulla's conduct on the death of his
wife Metella, above mentioned, to whom, as she happened to fall sick when he was giving an
entertainment to the people, and as the priest forbade him to have his house defiled with death on the
occasion, he unfeelingly sent a bill of divorce, ordering her to be carried out of the house while the breath
was in her. Cortius, Kritz, and Langius, think that the allusion is to Sulla's general faithlessness to his
wives, for he had several; as if Sallust had used the singular for the plural, uxore for uxoribus, or re
uxoriâ; but if Sallust meant to allude to more than one wife, why should he have restricted himself to the
Facilis amicitiâ. The critics are in doubt about the sense of this phrase. I have given that which Dietsch
prefers, who says that a man facilis amicitiâ is "one who easily grants his friends all that they desire,
exacts little from them, and is no severe censor of their morals". Cortius explains it facilis ad amicitiam,
and Facciolati, in his Lexicon, facilè sibi amicos parans, but these interpretations, as Kritzius observes,
are hardly suitable to the ablative case.
Felicissumo. Alluding, perhaps, to the title of Felix, which he assumed after his great victory over
Industriam. That is, the efforts which he made to attain distinction.
[Bates, Memoirs and perceptions of history in the Roman Republic, p. 327, n. 101]
Sallust's portrait of Sulla seems to be derived from the impression Sulla attempted to give in
his own Memoirs. Sulla would not, of course, have described himself in language bearing
the usually negative overtones of Sallustian innuendo.
SALL. Iug., 101 Igitur quarto denique die haud longe ab oppido Cirta undique
simul speculatores citi sese ostendunt, qua re hostis adesse intellegitur. Sed quia
diuersi redeuntes alius ab alia parte atque omnes idem significabant, consul
incertus, quonam modo aciem instrueret, nullo ordine commutato aduersum
omnia paratus ibidem opperitur. Ita Iugurtham spes frustrata, qui copias in
quattuor partis distribuerat, ratus ex omnibus aeque aliquos ab tergo hostibus
venturos. Interim Sulla, quem primum hostes attigerant, cohortatus suos
turmatim et quam maxime confertis equis ipse aliique Mauros invadunt, ceteri in
loco manentes ab iaculis eminus emissis corpora tegere et, si qui in manus
venerant, obtruncare. Dum eo modo equites proeliantur, Bocchus cum peditibus,
quos Volux, filius eius, adduxerat neque in priore pugna, in itinere morati,
affuerant, postremam Romanorum aciem invadunt. Tum Marius apud primos
agebat, quod ibi Iugurtha cum plurimis erat. Dein Numida cognito Bocchi
adventu clam cum paucis ad pedites conuertit. Ibi Latine--nam apud Numantiam
loqui didicerat--exclamat nostros frustra pugnare, paulo ante Marium sua manu
interfectum, simul gladium sanguine oblitum ostentans, quem in pugna satis
impigre occiso pedite nostro cruentauerat. Quod ubi milites accepere, magis
atrocitate rei quam fide nuntii terrentur, simulque barbari animos tollere et in
perculsos Romanos acrius incedere. Iamque paulum a fuga aberant, cum Sulla
profligatis iis, quos aduersum ierat, rediens ab latere Mauris incurrit. Bocchus
statim auertitur. At Iugurtha, dum sustentare suos et prope iam adeptam
victoriam retinere cupit, circumventus ab equitibus, dextra sinistraque omnibus
occisis solus inter tela hostium vitabundus erumpit. Atque interim Marius fugatis
equitibus accurrit auxilio suis, quos pelli iam acceperat. Denique hostes iam
undique fusi. Tum spectaculum horribile in campis patentibus: sequi fugere,
occidi capi; equi atque viri afflicti, ac multi uulneribus acceptis neque fugere
posse neque quietem pati, niti modo ac statim concidere; postremo omnia, qua
visus erat, constrata telis armis cadaueribus, et inter ea humus infecta sanguine.
[101] At length, on the fourth day of his march, when he was not far from the town of Cirta, his
scouts suddenly made their appearance from all quarters at once; a circumstance by which the
enemy was known to be at hand. But as they came in from different points, and all gave the
same account, the consul, doubting in what form to draw up his army, made no alteration in it,
but halted where he was, being already prepared for every contingency. Jugurtha's expectations,
in consequence, disappointed him; for he had divided his force into four bodies, trusting that
one of them, assuredly,7 would surprise the Romans in the rear. Sulla, meanwhile, with whom
they first came in contact, having cheered on his men, charged the Moors, in person and with
his officers,8 with troop after troop of cavalry, in the closest order possible; while the rest of his
Ratus ex omnibus œquè aliquos ab tergo hostibus ventures. By œquè Sallust signifies that each of the
four bodies would have an equal chance of coming on the rear of the Romans.
Ipse aliique. "The alii are the prœfecti equitum, officers of the cavalry." Kritzius.
force, retaining their position, protected themselves against the darts thrown from a distance,
and killed such of the enemy as fell into their hands.
While the cavalry was thus engaged, Bocchus, with his infantry, which his son Volux had
brought up, and which, from delay on their march, had not been present in the former battle,
assailed the Romans in the rear. Marius was at that moment occupied in front, as Jugurtha was
there with his largest force, The Numidian king, hearing of the arrival of Bocchus, wheeled
secretly about, with a few of his followers, to the infantry,9 and exclaimed in Latin, which he
had learned to speak at Numantia, "that our men were struggling in vain; for that he had just
slain Marius with his own hand;" showing, at the same time, his sword besmeared with blood,
which he had, indeed, sufficiently stained by vigorously cutting down our infantry. 10 When the
soldiers heard this, they felt a shock, though rather at the horror of such an event, than from
belief in him who asserted it; the barbarians, on the other hand, assumed fresh courage, and
advanced with greater fury on the disheartened Romans, who were just on the point of taking to
flight, when Sulla, having routed those to whom he had been opposed, fell upon the Moors in
the flank. Bocchus instantly fled. Jugurtha, anxious to support his men, and to secure a victory
so nearly won, was surrounded by our cavalry, and all his attendants, right and left, being slain,
had to force a way alone, with great difficulty, through the weapons of the enemy. Marius, at the
same time, having put to flight the cavalry, came up to support such of his men as he had
understood to be giving ground. At last the enemy were defeated in every quarter. The spectacle
on the open plains was then frightful;11 some were pursuing, others fleeing; some were being
slain, others captured; men and horses were dashed to the earth; many, who were wounded,
could neither flee nor remain at rest, attempting to rise, and instantly falling back; and the whole
Clam--ad pedites convortit. What infantry are meant, the commentators can not agree, nor is there any
thing in the narrative on which a satisfactory decision can be founded. As the arrival of Bocchus is
mentioned immediately before, Cortius supposes that the infantry of Bocchus are signified; and it may be
so; but to whatever party the words were addressed, they were intended to be heard by the Romans, or for
what purpose were they spoken in Latin? Jugurtha may have spoken the words in both languages, and
this, from what follows would appear to have been the case, for both sides understood him. Quod ubi
milites (evidently the Roman soldiers) accepere--simul barbari animos tollere, etc. The clam signifies
that Jugurtha turned about, or wheeled off, so as to escape the notice of Marius, with whom he had been
Satis impigrè occiso pedite nostro. "A ces mots il leur montra son épéc teinte du sang des nôtres, dent il
venait, en effet, de faire une assez cruelle boucherie." De Brosses. Of the other French translators,
Beauzée and Le Brun render the passage in a similar way; Dotteville and Dureau Delamalle, as well as all
our English translators, take pedite as signifying only one soldier. Sir Henry Steuart even specifies that it
was "a legionary soldier." The commentators, I should suppose, have all regarded the word as having a
plural signification none of them, except Burnouf, who expresses a needless doubt, say any thing on the
Tum spectaculum horribile campis patentibus, etc. The idea of this passage was probably taken, as
Ciacconius intimates, from a description in Xenophon, Agesil. ii. 12, 14, part of which is quoted by
Longinus, Sect. 19, as an example of the effect produced by the omission of conjunctions: Kai
sumbalontes tas aspidas eôthounto, emachonto, apekteinon, apethnêskon.... Epei ge mên elêxen hê
machê, parên dê theasasthai entha sunepeson allêlois, tên men gên haimati pephurmenên, nekrous de
keimenous philious kai polemious met' allêlôn, aspidaz de diatethrummenas, dorata suntethrausmena,
encheiridia gumna kouleôn ta men chamai, ta d' en sômasi, ta d' eti meta cheiras. "Closing their shields
together, they pushed, they fought, they slew, they were slain. . . . . . But when the battle was over, you
might have seen, where they had fought, the ground clotted with blood, the corpses of friends and
enemies mingled together, and pierced shields, broken lances, and swords without their sheaths, strewed
on the ground, sticking in the dead bodies, or still remaining in the hands that had wielded them when
alive." Tacitus, Agric. c. 37, has copied this description of Sallust, as all the commentators have
remarked: Tum vero patentibus locis grande et atrox spectaculum. Sequi, vulnerare, capere, atque
eosdem, oblatis aliis, trucidare.. Passim arma et corpora, et laceri artus, et cruenta humus. "The sight on
the open field was then striking and horrible; they pursued, they inflicted wounds, they took men
prisoners, and slaughtered them as others presented themselves.... Every where were seen arms and
corpses, mangled limbs, and the ground stained with blood."
field, as far as the eye could reach, was strewed with arms and dead bodies, and the intermediate
spaces saturated with blood.
SALL. Iug., 102 Post ea loci consul haud dubie iam victor pervenit in oppidum
Cirtam, quo initio profectus intenderat. Eo post diem quintum, quam iterum
barbari male pugnauerant, legati a Boccho veniunt, qui regis verbis ab Mario
petiuere, duos quam fidissimos ad eum mitteret, velle de suo et de populi Romani
commodo cum iis disserere. Ille statim L. Sullam et A. Manlium ire iubet. Qui
quamquam acciti ibant, tamen placuit verba apud regem facere, ut ingenium aut
auersum flecterent aut cupidum pacis vehementius accenderent. Itaque Sulla,
cuius facundiae, non aetati a Manlio concessum, pauca verba huiusce modi
locutus: "Rex Bocche, magna laetitia nobis est, cum te talem virum di monuere,
uti aliquando pacem quam bellum malles neu te optimum cum pessimo omnium
Iugurtha miscendo commaculares, simul nobis demeres acerbam necessitudinem,
pariter te errantem atque illum sceleratissimum persequi. Ad hoc populo Romano
iam a principio imperi melius visum amicos quam seruos quaerere, tutiusque rati
volentibus quam coactis imperitare. Tibi vero nulla opportunior nostra amicitia,
primum quia procul absumus, in quo offensae minimum, gratia par ac si prope
adessemus; dein quia parentis abunde habemus, amicorum neque nobis neque
cuiquam omnium satis fuit. Atque hoc utinam a principio tibi placuisset: profecto
ex populo Romano ad hoc tempus multo plura bona accepisses, quam mala
perpessus es[ses]. Sed quoniam humanarum rerum fortuna atque, uti coepisti,
perge. licet placuit et vim et gratiam nostram te experiri, nunc, quando per illam
licet, festina atque, uti coepisti, perge. multa atque opportuna habes, quo facilius
errata officiis superes. Postremo hoc in pectus tuum demitte, numquam populum
Romanum beneficiis victum esse. Nam bello quid valeat, tute scis." Ad ea
Bocchus placide et benigne, simul pauca pro delicto suo verba facit: se non
hostili animo, sed ob regnum tutandum arma cepisse. Nam Numidiae partem,
unde vi Iugurtham expulerit, iure belli suam factam; eam vastari a Mario pati
nequiuisse. Praeterea missis antea Romam legatis repulsum ab amicitia. Ceterum
uetera omittere ac tum, si per Marium liceret, legatos ad senatum missurum. Dein
copia facta animus barbari ab amicis flexus, quos Iugurtha, cognita legatione
Sullae et Manli metuens id, quod parabatur, donis corruperat.
[102] At length the consul, now indisputably victor, arrived at the town of Cirta, whither he had
at first intended to go. To this place, on the fifth day after the second defeat of the barbarians,
came messengers from Bocchus, who, in the king's name, requested of Marius to send him two
persons in whom he had full confidence, as he wished to confer with them on matters
concerning both the interest of the Roman people and his own. Marius immediately dispatched
Sulla and Aulus Manlius; who, though they went at the king's invitation, thought proper,
notwithstanding, to address him first, in the hope of altering his sentiments, if he were
unfavourable to peace, or of strengthening his inclination, if he were disposed to it. Sulla,
therefore, to whose superiority, not in years but in eloquence, Manlius yielded precedence,
spoke to Bocchus briefly as follows:
"It gives us great pleasure, King Bocchus, that the gods have at length induced a man, so
eminent as yourself, to prefer peace to war, and no longer to stain your own excellent character
by an alliance with Jugurtha, the most infamous of mankind; and to relieve us, at the same time,
from the disagreeable necessity of visiting with the same punishment your errors and his crimes.
Besides, the Roman people, even from the very infancy12 of their state, have thought it better to
seek friends than slaves, thinking it safer to rule over willing than forced subjects. But to you no
friendship can be more suitable than ours; for, in the first place, we are at a distance from you,
on which account there will be the less chance of misunderstanding between us, while our good
feeling for you will be as strong as if we were near; and, secondly, because, though we have
subjects in abundance, yet neither we, nor any other nation, can ever have a sufficiency of
friends. Would that such had been your inclination from the first; for then you would assuredly,
before this time, have received from the Roman people more benefits than you have now
suffered evils. But since Fortune has the chief control in human affairs, and it has pleased her
that you should experience our force as well as our favour, now, when she gives you this fair
opportunity, embrace it without delay, and complete the course which you have begun. You
have many and excellent means of atoning, with great ease, for past errors by future services.
Impress this, however, deeply on your mind, that the Roman people are never outdone in acts of
kindness; of their power in war you have already sufficient knowledge."
To this address Bocchus made a temperate and courteous reply, offering a few observations, at
the same time, in extenuation of his error; and saying " that he had taken arms, not with any
hostile feeling, but to defend his own dominions, as part of Numidia, out of which he had
forcibly driven Jugurtha,13 was his by right of conquest, and he could not allow it to be laid
waste by Marius; that when he formerly sent embassadors to the Romans, he was refused their
friendship; but that he would say nothing more of the past, and would, if Marius gave him
permission, send another embassy to the senate." But no sooner was this permission granted,
than the purpose of the barbarian was altered by some of his friends, whom Jugurtha, hearing of
the mission of Sulla and Manlius, and fearful of what was intended by it, had corrupted with
SALL., Iug., 103 Marius interea exercitu in hibernaculis composito cum
expeditis cohortibus et parte equitatus proficiscitur in loca sola obsessum turrim
regiam, quo Iugurtha perfugas omnis praesidium imposuerat. Tum rursus
Bocchus, seu reputando quae sibi duobus proeliis venerant, seu admonitus ab
aliis amicis, quos incorruptos Iugurtha reliquerat, ex omni copia necessariorum
quinque delegit, quorum et fides cognita et ingenia validissima erant. Eos ad
Marium ac deinde, si placeat, Romam legatos ire iubet, agendarum rerum et
quocumque modo belli componendi licentiam ipsis permittit. Illi mature ad
hiberna Romanorum proficiscuntur, deinde in itinere a Gaetulis latronibus
circumventi spoliatique pauidi sine decore ad Sullam profugiunt, quem consul in
The reading of this passage, before the edition of Cortius, was this: Ad hoc, populo Romano jam a
principio inopi melius visum amicos, quàm servos, quœrere. Gruter proposed to read Ad hoc populo
Romano inopi melius est visum, etc., whence Cortius made Ad hoc, populo Romano jam inopi visum, etc.
But the Bipont editors, observing that inopi was not quite consistent with quœrere servos, altered the
passage to Ad hoc, populo Romano iam a principio reipublicœ melius visum, etc., which seems to be the
best emendation that has been proposed, and which I have accordingly followed. Kritzius and Dietsch
adopt it, except that they omit rei publicœ, and put nothing in the place of inopi. Gerlach retains inopi, on
the principle of "quo insolentius, eo verius," and it may, after all, be genuine. Cortius omitted melius on
no authority but his own.
Unde vi Jugurtham expulerit [expulerat]. There is here some obscurity. The manuscripts vary between
expulerit and expulerit. Cortius, and Gerlach in his second edition, adopt expulerat, which they of
necessity refer to Marius; but to make Bocchus speak thus, is, as Kritzius says, to make him speak very
foolishly and arrogantly. Kritzius himself, accordingly, adopts expulerit, and supposes that Bocchus
invents a falsehood, in the belief that the Romans would have no means of detecting it. But Bocchus may
have spoken truth, referring, as Müller suggests, to some previous transactions between him and Jugurtha,
to which Sallust does not elsewhere allude.
expeditionem proficiscens pro praetore reliquerat. Eos ille non pro uanis
hostibus, uti meriti erant, sed accurate ac liberaliter habuit. Qua re barbari et
famam Romanorum auaritiae falsam et Sullam ob munificentiam in sese amicum
rati. Nam etiam tum largitio multis ignota erat; munificus nemo putabatur nisi
pariter volens; dona omnia in benignitate habebantur. Igitur quaestori mandata
Bocchi patefaciunt; simul ab eo petunt, uti fautor consultorque sibi assit; copias
fidem magnitudinem regis sui et alia, quae aut utilia aut beneuolentiae esse
credebant, oratione extollunt. Dein Sulla omnia pollicito docti, quo modo apud
Marium, item apud senatum verba facerent, circiter dies quadraginta ibidem
[103] 1Marius, in the mean time, having settled his army in winter quarters, set out, with the
light-armed cohorts and part of the cavalry, into a desert part of the country, to besiege a fortress
of Jugurtha's, in which he had placed a garrison consisting wholly of Roman deserters. 2And
now again Bocchus, either from reflecting on what he had suffered in the two engagements, or
from being admonished by such of his friends as Jugurtha had not corrupted, selected, out of the
whole number of his adherents, five persons of approved integrity and eminent abilities, whom
he directed to go, in the first place, to Marius, 3and afterward to proceed, if Marius gave his
consent, as embassadors to Rome, granting them full powers to treat concerning his affairs, and
to conclude the war upon any terms whatsoever. [contra APP., Num., fr.5] 4These five
immediately set out for the Roman winter-quarters, but being beset and spoiled by Getulian
robbers on the way, fled, in alarm and ill plight,14 to Sulla, whom the consul, when he went on
his expedition, had left as pro-prætor with the army. 5Sulla received them, not, as they had
deserved, like faithless enemies, but with the greatest ceremony and munificence; from which
the barbarians concluded that what was said of Roman avarice was false, and that Sulla, from
his generosity, must be their friend. 6For interested bounty,15 in those days, was still unknown
to many; by whom every man who was liberal was also thought benevolent, and all presents
were considered to proceed from kindness. 7They therefore disclosed to the quæstor their
commission from Bocchus, and asked him to be their patron and adviser; extolling, at the same
time, the power, integrity, and grandeur of their monarch, and adding whatever they thought
likely to promote their objects, or to procure the favor of Sulla. Sulla promised them all that
they requested; and, being instructed how to address Marius and the senate, they tarried in the
camp about forty days.16
104 Marius postquam infecto quo intenderat negotio Cirtam redit et de adventu
legatorum certior factus est, illosque et Sullam [ab Utica] venire iubet, item L.
Bellienum praetorem Vtica, praeterea omnis undique senatorii ordinis,
quibuscum mandata Bocchi cognoscit. legatis potestas Romam eundi fit, et ab
consule interea indutiae postulabantur. Ea Sullae et plerisque placuere; pauci
ferocius decernunt, scilicet ignari humanarum rerum, quae fluxae et mobiles
semper in aduersa mutantur. Ceterum Mauri impetratis omnibus rebus tres
Romam profecti duce Cn. Octauio Rusone, qui quaestor stipendium in Africam
portauerat, duo ad regem redeunt. Ex iis Bocchus cum cetera tum maxime
benignitatem et studium Sullae libens accepit. Romaeque legatis eius, postquam
errasse regem et Iugurthae scelere lapsum deprecati sunt, amicitiam et foedus
Sine decore.
Largitio. "The word signifies liberal treatment of others vith a view to our own interest; without any
real goodwill." Müller. "He intends a severe stricture on his own age, and the manners of the Romans."
Waiting, apparently, for the return of Marius.
petentibus hoc modo respondetur: "Senatus et populus Romanus benefici et
iniuriae memor esse solet. Ceterum Boccho, quoniam paenitet, delicta gratiae
facit: foedus et amicitia dabuntur, cum meruerit."
[104] 1When Marius, having failed in the object17 of his expedition, returned to Cirta, and was
informed of the arrival of the embassadors, he desired both them and Sulla to come to him,
together with Lucius Bellienus, the prætor from Utica, and all that were of senatorial rank in any
part of the country, with whom he discussed the instructions of Bocchus to his embassadors; to
whom permission to proceed to Rome was granted by the consul. 2In the mean time a truce was
asked, a request to which assent was readily expressed by Sulla and the majority; the few, who
advocated harsher measures, were men inexperienced in human affairs, which, unstable and
fluctuating, are always verging to opposite extremes.18
3The Moors having obtained all that they desired, three of them started for Rome with Cneius
Octavius Rufus, who, as quæstor, had brought pay for the army to Africa; the other two returned
to Bocchus, who heard from them, with great pleasure, their account both of other particulars,
and especially of the courtesy and attention of Sulla.
4To his three embassadors that went to Rome, when, after a deprecatory acknowledgment that
their king had been in error, and had been led astray by the treachery of Jugurtha, they solicited
for him friendship and alliance, the following answer was given: "The senate and people of
Rome are wont to be mindful of both services and injuries; they pardon Bocchus, since he
repents of his fault, and will grant him their alliance and friendship when he shall have deserved
105 Quis rebus cognitis Bocchus per litteras a Mario petiuit, uti Sullam ad se
mitteret, cuius arbitratu communibus negotiis consuleretur. Is missus cum
praesidio equitum atque [peditum] funditorum Baliarium. Praeterea iere sagittarii
et cohors Paeligna cum uelitaribus armis, itineris properandi causa, neque his
secus atque aliis armis aduersum tela hostium, quod ea levia sunt, muniti. Sed in
itinere quinto denique die Volux, filius Bocchi, repente in campis patentibus cum
mille non amplius equitibus sese ostendit, qui temere et effuse euntes Sullae
aliisque omnibus et numerum ampliorem vero et hostilem metum efficiebant.
Igitur se quisque expedire, arma atque tela temptare, intendere; timor aliquantus,
sed spes amplior, quippe victoribus et aduersum eos, quos saepe vicerant. Interim
equites exploratum praemissi rem, uti erat, quietam nuntiant.
[105] 1When this reply was communicated to Bocchus, he requested Marius, by letter, to send
Sulla to him, that, at his discretion,19 measures might be adopted for their common interest.
2Sulla was accordingly dispatched, attended with a guard of cavalry, infantry, and Balearic
slingers, besides some archers and a Pelignian cohort, who, for the sake of expedition, were
furnished with light arms, which, however, protected them, as efficiently as any others, against
the light darts of the enemy. 3As he was on his march, on the fifth day after he set out, Volux,
the son of Bocchus, suddenly appeared on the open plain with a body of cavalry, which
Infecto, quo intenderat, negotio. Though this is the reading of most of the manuscripts, Kritzius,
Müller, and Dietsch, read confecto, as if Marius could not have failed in his attempt.
Semper in advorsa mutant. Rose renders this "are always changing, and constantly for the worse;" and
most other translators have given something similar. But this is absurd; for every one sees that all changes
in human affairs are not for the worse. Adversa is evidently to be taken in the sense which I have given.
Arbitratu. Kritzius observes that this word comprehends the notion of plenary powers to treat and
decide: “der mit unbeschränkter Vollmacht unterhandeln könnte”.
amounted in reality to not more than a thousand, but which, as they approached in confusion
and disorder, presented to Sulla and the rest the appearance of a greater number, and excited
apprehensions of hostility. 4Every one, therefore, prepared for action, trying and presenting20
his arms and weapons; some fear was felt among them, but greater hope, as they were now
conquerors, and were only meeting those whom they had often overcome. After a while,
however, a party of horse sent forward to reconnoiter, reported, as was the case, that nothing but
peace was intended.
106 Volux adveniens quaestorem appellat dicitque se a patre Boccho obviam illis
simul et praesidio missum. Deinde eum et proximum diem sine metu coniuncti
eunt. Post ubi castra locata et diei uesper erat, repente Maurus incerto uultu
pauens ad Sullam accurrit dicitque sibi ex speculatoribus cognitum Iugurtham
haud procul abesse. Simul, uti noctu clam secum profugeret, rogat atque hortatur.
Ille animo feroci negat se totiens fusum Numidam pertimescere: virtuti suorum
satis credere; etiam si certa pestis adesset, mansurum potius, quam, proditis quos
ducebat. Turpi fuga incertae ac forsitan post paulo morbo interiturae vitae
parceret. Ceterum ab eodem monitus, uti noctu proficisceretur, consilium
approbat; ac statim milites cenatos esse in castris ignisque quam creberrimos
fieri, dein prima vigilia silentio egredi iubet. Iamque nocturno itinere fessis
omnibus Sulla pariter cum ortu solis castra metabatur, cum equites Mauri
nuntiant Iugurtham circiter duum milium interuallo ante consedisse. Quod
postquam auditum est, tum vero ingens metus nostros invadit; credere se proditos
a Voluce et insidiis circumventos. Ac fuere qui dicerent manu vindicandum
neque apud illum tantum scelus inultum relinquendum.
[106] 1Volux, coming forward, addressed himself to Sulla, saying that he was sent by Bocchus
his father to meet and escort him. The two parties accordingly formed a junction, and
prosecuted their journey, on that day and the following, without any alarm. 2But when they had
pitched their camp, and evening had set in, Volux came running, with looks of perplexity, to
Sulla, and said that he had learned from his scouts that Jugurtha was at hand, entreating and
urging him, at the same time, to escape with him privately in the night. 3Sulla boldly replied,
"that he had no fear of Jugurtha, an enemy so often defeated; that he had the utmost confidence
in the valor of his troops; and that, even if certain destruction were at hand, he would rather
keep his ground, than save, by deserting his followers, a life at best uncertain, and perhaps soon
to be lost by disease." 4Being pressed, however, by Volux, to set forward in the night, he
approved of the suggestion, and immediately ordered his men to dispatch their supper,21 to light
as many fires as possible in the camp, and to set out in silence at the first watch.
5When they were all fatigued with their march during the night, and Sulla was preparing, at
sunrise, to pitch his camp, the Moorish cavalry announced that Jugurtha was encamped about
two miles in advance. 6At this report, great dismay fell upon our men; for they believed
themselves betrayed by Volux, and led into an ambuscade. Some exclaimed that they ought to
take vengeance on him at once, and not suffer such perfidy to remain unpunished.
107 At Sulla, quamquam eadem existimabat, tamen ab iniuria Maurum prohibet.
Suos hortatur, uti fortem animum gererent: saepe antea a paucis strenuis
Intendere. The critics are in doubt to what to refer this word; some have thought of understanding
animum; Cortius, Wasse, and Müller, think it is meant only of the bows of the archers; Kritzius, Burnouf,
and Allen, refer it, apparently with better judgment, to the arma and tela in general.
Cœnatos esse. "The perfect is not without its force; it signifies that Sulla wished his orders to be
performed with the greatest expedition." Kritzius. He orders them to have done supper.
aduersum multitudinem bene pugnatum; quanto sibi in proelio minus
pepercissent, tanto tutiores fore; nec quemquam decere, qui manus armauerit, ab
inermis pedibus auxilium petere, in maximo metu nudum et caecum corpus ad
hostis vertere. Dein Volucem, quoniam histilia faceret, Iouem maximum
obtestatus, ut sceleris atque perfidiae Bocchi testis adesset, ex castris abire iubet.
Ille lacrimans orare, ne ea crederet: nihil dolo factum, ac magis calliditate
Iugurthae, cui videlicet speculanti iter suum cognitum esset. Ceterum quoniam
neque ingentem multitudinem haberet et spes opesque eius ex patre suo
penderent, credere illum nihil palam ausurum, cum ipse filius testis adesset. Qua
re optimum factu videri per media eius castra palam transire; sese vel praemissis
vel ibidem relictis Mauris solum cum Sulla iturum. Ea res, uti in tali negotio,
probata; ac statim profecti, quia de improuiso acciderant, dubio atque haesitante
Iugurtha incolumes transeunt. Deinde paucis diebus, quo ire intenderant,
perventum est.
[107] 1But Sulla, though he had similar thoughts, protected the Moor from violence; exhorting
his soldiers to keep up their spirits; and saying, "that a handful of brave men had often fought
successfully against a multitude; that the less anxious they were to save their lives in battle, the
greater would be their security; and that no man, who had arms in his hands, ought to trust for
safety to his unarmed heels, or to turn to the enemy, in however great danger, the defenseless
and blind parts of his body."22 2Having then called almighty Jupiter to witness the guilt and
perfidy of Bocchus, he ordered Volux, as being an instrument of his father's hostility, 23 to quit
the camp.
3Volux, with tears in his eyes, entreated him to entertain no such suspicions, declares "that
nothing in the affair had been caused by treachery on his part, but all by the subtilty of Jugurtha,
to whom his line of march had become known through his scouts. 4But as Jugurtha had no great
force with him, and as his hopes and resources were dependent on his father Bocchus, he
assuredly would not attempt any open violence, when the son of Bocchus would himself be a
witness of it. He thought it best for Sulla, therefore, to march boldly through the middle of his
camp, and that as for himself, he would either send forward his Moors, or leave them where
they were, and accompany Sulla alone." 5This course, under such circumstances, was adopted;
they set forward without delay, and, as they came upon Jugurtha unexpectedly, while he was in
doubt and hesitation how to act, they passed without molestation. 6In a few days afterward, they
arrived at the place to which their march was directed.
108 Ibi cum Boccho Numida quidam Aspar nomine multum et familiariter
agebat, praemissus ab Iugurtha, postquam Sullam accitum audierat, orator et
subdole speculatum Bocchi consilia; praeterea Dabar, Massugradae filius, ex
gente Masinissae, ceterum materno genere impar--nam pater eius ex concubina
ortus erat--, Mauro ob ingeni multa bona carus acceptusque. Quem Bocchus
fidum esse Romanis multis ante tempestatibus expertus ilico ad Sullam
nuntiatum mittit: paratum sese facere quae populus Romanus vellet; colloquio
diem locum tempus ipse deligeret, neu Iugurthae legatum pertimesceret; consulto
Cœcum corpus. Imitated from Xenophon, Cyrop. iii. 3, 45: Môron gar to kratein boulomenous, ta
tuphla, tou sômatos, kai aopla, kai acheira, tauta enantia tattein tois poleuiois pheugontas. "It is folly for
those that desire to conquer, to turn the blind, unarmed, and handless parts of the body, to the enemy in
Quoniam hostilia faceret. "Since he wished to deceive the Romans by pretended friendship." Müller.
sese omnia illo integra habere, quo res communis licentius gereretur; nam ab
insidiis eius aliter caueri nequiuisse. Sed ego comperior Bocchum magis Punica
fide quam ob ea, quae praedicabat, simul Romanos et Numidam spe pacis
attinuisse multumque cum animo suo voluere solitum, Iugurtham Romanis an illi
Sullam traderet; libidinem aduersum nos, metum pro nobis suasisse.
[108] 1There was, at this time, in constant and familiar intercourse with Bocchus, a Numidian
named Aspar, who had been sent to him by Jugurtha, when he heard of Sulla's intended
interview, in the character of embassador, but secretly to be a spy on the Mauretanian king's
proceedings. There was also with him a certain Dabar, son of Massugrada, one of the family of
Masinissa,24 but of inferior birth on the maternal side, as his father was the son of a concubine.
Dabar, for his many intellectual endowments, was liked and esteemed by Bocchus, who, having
found him faithful25 on many former occasions, sent him forthwith to Sulla, to say "that he was
ready to do whatever the Romans desired; 2that Sulla himself should appoint the place, day, and
hour,26 for a conference; that he kept all points, which he had settled with him before, inviolate
; and that he was not to fear the presence of Jugurtha's embassador as any restraint 28 on the
discussion of their common interests, since, without admitting him, he could have no security
against Jugurtha's treachery." 3I find, however, that it was rather from African duplicity29 than
from the motives which he professed, that Bocchus thus allured both the Romans and Jugurtha
with the hopes of peace; that he frequently debated with himself whether he should deliver
Jugurtha to the Romans, or Sulla to Jugurtha; and that his inclination swayed him against us, but
his fears in our favor.
109 Igitur Sulla respondit se pauca coram Aspare locuturum, cetera occulte nullo
aut quam paucissimis praesentibus. Simul edocet, quae sibi responderentur.
Postquam, sicuti voluerat, congressi, dicit se missum a consule venisse quaesitum
ab eo, pacem an bellum agitaturus foret. Tum rex, uti praeceptum fuerat, post
diem decimum redire iubet, ac nihil etiam nunc decrevisse, sed illo die
reponsurum. Deinde ambo in sua castra digressi. Sed ubi plerumque noctis
Ex gente Masinissœ. Massugrada was the son of Masinissa by a concubine.
Fidum. After this word, in the editions of Cortius, Kritzius, Gerlach, Allen, and Dietsch, follows
Romanis or esse Romanis. These critics defend Romanis on the plea that a dative is necessary after fidum,
and that it was of importance as Castilioneus observes that Dabar should be well disposed toward the
Romans, and not have been corrupted, like many other courtiers of Bocchus, by the bribes of Jugurtha.
Glareanus, Badius Ascensius, the Bipont editors, and Burnouf, with most of the translators, omit
Romanis, and I have thought proper to imitate their example.
Diem, locum, tempus. Not only the day, but the time of the day.
Consulta sese omnia cum illo integra habere. Kritzius justly observes that most editors, in interpreting
this passage, have erroneously given to consulta the sense of consulenda; and that the sense is, "that all
that he had arranged with Sulla before, remained unaltered, and that he was not drawn from his
resolutions by the influence of Jugurtha."
Neu Jugurthœ legatum pertimesceret, quo res communis licentius gereretur. There is some difficulty in
this passage. Burnouf makes the nearest approach to a satisfactory explanation of it. " Sulla," says he, "
was not to fear the envoy of Jugurtha, quo, on which account (equivalent to eoque, and on that account,
i.e. on account of his freedom from apprehension) their common interests would be more freely
arranged." Yet it appears from what follows that fear of Jugurtha's envoy could not be dismissed, and that
there could be no freedom of discussion in his presence, as Sulla was to say but little before him, and to
speak more at large at a private meeting. These considerations have induced Kritzius to suppose that the
word remoto, or something similar, has been lost after quo. The Bipont editors inserted cautum esse
before quo, which is without authority, and does not at all assist the sense.
Punicâ fide. "Punica fides was a well-known proverbial expression for treachery and deceit. The origin
of it is perhaps attributable not so much to fact, as to the implacable hatred of the Romans toward the
Carthaginians." Bernouf.
processit, Sulla a Boccho occulte accersitur. Ab utroque tantummodo fidi
interpretes adhibentur, praeterea Dabar internuntius, sanctus vir et ex sententia
ambobus. Ac statim sic rex incipit:
110 "Numquam ego ratus sum fore uti rex maximus in hac terra et omnium, quos
novi, privato homini gratiam deberem. Et mehercule, Sulla, ante te cognitum
multis orantibus. Aliis ultro egomet opem tuli, nullius indiguus. Id imminutum,
quod ceteri dolere solent, ego laetor. Fuerit mihi eguisse aliquando pretium tuae
amicitiae, qua apud meum animum nihil carius est. Id adeo experiri licet. Arma
viros pecuniam, postremo quicquid animo libet, sume utere, et, quoad viues,
numquam tibi redditam gratiam putaueris: semper apud me integra erit; denique
nihil me sciente frustra uoles. Nam, ut ego aestimo, regem armis quam
munificentia vince minus flagitiosum est. Ceterum de re publica vestra, cuius
curator huc missus es, paucis accipe. Bellum ego populo Romano neque feci
neque factum umquam volui; at finis meos aduersum armatos armis tutatus sum.
Id omitto, quando vobis ita placet. gerite quod uultis cum Iugurtha bellum. Ego
flumen Muluccham, quod inter me et Micipsam fuit, non egrediar neque id
intrare Iugurtham sinam. Praeterea si quid meque vobisque dignum petiueris,
haud repulsus abibis."
111 Ad ea Sulla pro se breviter et modice, de pace et communibus rebus multis
disseruit. Denique regi patefacit, quod polliceatur, senatum et populum
Romanum, quoniam armis amplius valuissent, non in gratiam habituros;
faciendum ei aliquid, quod illorum magis quam sua rettulisse videretur. Id adeo
in promptu esse, quoniam copiam Iugurthae haberet. Quem si Romanis
tradidisset, fore ut illi plurimum deberetur; amicitiam foedus Numidiae partem,
quam nunc peteret, tum ultro adventuram. Rex primo negitare: cognationem,
affinitatem, praeterea foedus interuenisse; ad hoc metuere, ne fluxa fide usus
popularium animos auerteret, quis et Iugurtha carus et Romani inuisi erant.
Denique saepius fatigatus lenitur et ex voluntate Sullae omnia se facturum
promittit. Ceterum ad simulandam pacem, cuius Numida defessus bello
auidissimus erat, quae utilia visa constituunt. Ita composito dolo digrediuntur.
[109] 1Sulla replied, "that he should speak on but few particulars before Aspar, and discuss
others at a private meeting, or in the presence of only a few"; dictating, at the same time, what
answer should be returned by Bocchus.30 2Afterward, when they met, as Bocchus had desired,
Sulla stated, "that he had come, by order of the consul, to inquire whether he would resolve on
peace or on war." 3Bocchus, as he had been previously instructed by Sulla, requested him to
come again at the end of ten days, since he had as yet formed no determination, but would at
that time give a decisive answer. Both then retired to their respective camps.31 4But when the
night was far advanced, Sulla was secretly sent for by Bocchus. At their interview, none but
confidential interpreters were admitted on either side, together with Dabar, the messenger
between them, a man of honor, and held in esteem by both parties. The king at once commenced
That is, in the presence of Aspar.
Deinde ambo in sua castra digress. Both, i.e. Bocchus and Sulla, not Aspar and Sulla, as Cortius.
[110] 1"I never expected that I, the greatest monarch in this part of the world, and the richest of
all whom I know, should ever owe a favor to a private man. 2Indeed, Sulla, before I knew you, I
gave assistance to many who solicited me, and to others without solicitation, and stood in need
of no man's assistance. 3But at this loss of independence, at which others are wont to repine, I
am rather inclined to rejoice. It will be a pleasure to me 32 to have once needed your friendship,
than which I hold nothing dearer to my heart. Of the sincerity of this assertion you may at once
make trial; 4take my arms, my soldiers, my money, or whatever you please, and use it as your
own. But do not suppose, as long as you live, that your kindness to me has been fully requited;
my sense of it will always remain undiminished, and you shall, with my knowledge, wish for
nothing in vain. 5For, as I am of opinion, it is less dishonorable to a prince to be conquered in
battle than to be surpassed in generosity.
6With respect to your republic, whose interests you are sent to guard, hear briefly what I have to
say. I have neither made war upon the Roman people, nor desired that it should be made; I have
merely defended my territories with arms against an armed force. 7But from hostilities, since
such is your pleasure, I now desist. Prosecute the war with Jugurtha as you think proper. The
river Mulucha, which was the boundary between Miscipsa and me, I shall neither pass myself,
nor suffer Jugurtha to come within it. 8And if you shall ask any thing besides, worthy of me and
of yourself, you shall not depart with a refusal."
[111] 1To this speech Sulla replied, as far as concerned himself, briefly and modestly; but
spoke, with regard to the peace and their common concerns, much more at length. He signified
to the king “that the senate and people of Rome, as they had the superiority in the field, would
think themselves little obliged by what he promised; that he must do something which would
seem more for their interest than his own; and that for this there was now a fair opportunity,
since he had Jugurtha in his power, for, if he delivered him to the Romans, they would feel
greatly indebted to him, and their friendship and alliance, as well as that part of Numidia which
he claimed33, would readily be granted him”. 2Bocchus at first refused to listen to the proposal,
saying that affinity, the ties of blood34, and a solemn league, connected him with Jugurtha; and
that he feared, if he acted insincerely, he might alienate the affections of his subjects, by whom
Jugurtha was beloved, and the Romans disliked. 3But at last, after being frequently importuned,
his resolution gave way35, and he engaged to do every thing in accordance with Sulla's wishes.
They then concerted measures for conducting a pretended treaty of peace, of which Jugurtha,
weary of war, was extremely desirous. Having settled their plans, they separated.
112 At rex postero die Asparem, Iugurthae legatum, appellat dicitque sibi per
Dabarem ex Sulla cognitum posse condicionibus bellum poni: quam ob rem regis
sui sententiam exquireret. Ille laetus in castra Iugurthae proficiscitur. Deinde ab
illo cuncta edoctus properato itinere post diem octauum redit ad Bocchum et ei
nuntiat Iugurtham cupere omnia quae imperarentur facere, sed Mario parum
confidere; saepe antea cum imperatoribus Romanis pacem conventam frustra
fuisse. Ceterum Bocchus si ambobus consultum et ratam pacem vellet, daret
operam, ut una ab omnibus quasi de pace in colloquium veniretur, ibique sibi
Sullam traderet. Cum talem virum in potestatem habuisset, tum fore uti iussu
Fuerit mihi. Some editions, as that of Langius, the Bipont, and Burnouf's, have fuerit mihi pretium.
Something of the kind seems to be wanting. Res in bonis numeranda fuerit mihi. Bernouf. Allen, who
omits pretium, interprets, Grata mihi egestas sit, quæ ad tuam, amicitiam confugiat; but who can deduce
this sense from the passage, unless he have pretium, or something similar, in his mind?
Numidiœ partem quam nunc peteret. See the second note on c. 102. Bocchus continues, in his speech in
the preceding chapter, to signify that a part of Numidia belonged to him.
Cognationem. To this blood-relationship between him and Jugurtha no allusion is elsewhere made.
Lenitur. Cortius, whom Gerlach and Müller follow, reads leniter, but, with Kritzius and Gerlach, I
prefer the verb to the adverb; which, however, is found in the greater number of the manuscripts.
senatus aut populi foedus fieret; neque hominem nobilem non sua ignavia sed ob
rem publicam in hostium potestate relictum iri.
113 Haec Maurus secum ipse diu voluens tandem promisit; ceterum dolo an vere
cunctatus, parum comperimus. Sed plerumque regiae voluntates ut vehementes
sic mobiles, saepe ipsae sibi aduersae. Postea tempore et loco constituto, in
colloquium uti de pace veniretur, Bocchus Sullam modo, modo Iugurthae
legatum appellare, benigne habere, idem ambobus polliceri. Illi pariter laeti ac
spei bonae pleni esse. Sed nocte ea, quae proxima fuit ante diem colloquio
decretum, Maurus adhibitis amicis ac statim immutata voluntate remotis ceteris
dicitur secum ipse multum agitauisse, uultu colore motu corporis pariter atque
animo varius; quae scilicet ita tacente ipso occulta pectoris patefecisse. Tamen
postremo Sullam accersi iubet et ex illius sententia Numidae insidias tendit.
Deinde ubi dies advenit et ei nuntiatum est Iugurtham haud procul abesse, cum
paucis amicis et quaestore nostro quasi obvius honoris causa procedit in tumulum
facillimum visu insidiantibus. Eodem Numida cum plerisque necessariis suis
inermis, uti dictum erat, accedit, ac statim signo dato undique simul ex insidiis
invaditur. Ceteri obtruncati, Iugurtha Sullae vinctus traditur et ab eo ad Marium
deductus est.
[112] 1On the next day Bocchus sent for Aspar, Jugurtha's envoy, and acquainted him that he
had ascertained from Sulla, through Dabar, that the war might be concluded on certain
conditions; and that he should therefore make inquiry as to the sentiments of his king. 2Aspar
proceeded with joy to Jugurtha's camp, and having received full instructions from him, returned
in haste to Bocchus at the end of eight days, with intelligence "that Jugurtha was eager to do
whatever might be required, but that he put little confidence in Marius, as treaties of peace,
concluded with Roman generals, had often before proved of no effect; 3that if Bocchus,
however, wished to consult the interests of both,36 and to have an established peace, he should
endeavor to bring all parties together to a conference, as if to settle the conditions, and then
deliver Sulla into his hands, for when he had such a man in his power, a treaty would at once be
concluded by order of the senate and people of Rome; as a man of high rank, who had fallen
into the hands of the enemy, not from want of spirit; but from zeal for the public interest, would
not be left in captivity.
[113] 1The Moor, after long meditation on these suggestions, at length expressed his assent to
them, but whether in pretense or sincerity I have not been able to discover. 2But the inclinations
of kings, as they are violent, are often fickle, and at variance with themselves. 3At last, after a
time and place were fixed for coming to a conference about the treaty, Bocchus addresssed
himself at one time to Sulla and at another to the envoy of Jugurtha, treating them with equal
affability, and making the same professions to both. Both were in consequence equally
delighted, and animated with the fairest expectations. 4But on the night preceding the day
appointed for the conference; the Moor, after first assembling his friends, and then, on a change
of mind, dismissing them, is reported to have had many anxious struggles with himself,
disturbed alike in his thoughts and his gestures, which, even when he was silent, betrayed the
secret agitation of his mind. At last, however, he ordered that Sulla should be sent for, and,
according to his desire, laid an ambush for Jugurtha.
5As soon as it was day, and intelligence was brought that Jugurtha was at hand, Bocchus, as if
to meet him and do him honor, went forth, attended by a few friends, and our quæstor, as far as
Ambobus. Both himself and Jugurtha.
a little hill, which was full in the view of the men who were placed in ambush. 6To the same
spot came Jugurtha with most of his adherents, unarmed, according to agreement; when
immediately, on a signal being given, he was assailed on all sides by those who were lying in
wait. 7The others were cut to pieces, and Jugurtha himself was delivered bound to Sulla, and by
him conducted to Marius.
VAL. MAX. 6.9.6. L. uero Sulla usque ad quaesturae suae comitia uitam libidine,
uino, ludicrae artis amore inquinatam perduxit. quapropter C. Marius consul moleste
tulisse traditur, quod sibi asperrimum in Africa bellum gerenti tam delicatus quaestor
sorte obuenisset. eiusdem uirtus quasi perruptis et disiectis nequitiae, qua obsidebatur,
claustris catenas Iugurthae manibus iniecit, Mitridatem conpescuit, socialis belli fluctus
repressit, Cinnae dominationem fregit eumque, qui se in Africa quaestorem fastidierat,
ipsam illam prouinciam proscriptum et exulem petere coegit. quae tam diuersa tamque
inter se contraria si quis apud animum suum attentiore conparatione expendere uelit,
duos in uno homine Sullas fuisse crediderit, turpem adulescentulum et uirum, dicerem
fortem, nisi ipse <se> felicem appellari maluisset.
PLUT. Sull. 1 4And afterwards, when he had at last become absolute in power, and was
putting many to death, a freedman, who was thought to be concealing one of the proscribed, and
was therefore to be thrown down the Tarpeian rock, cast it in his teeth that they had long lived
together in one lodging house, himself renting the upper rooms at two thousand sesterces,37 and
Sulla the lower rooms at three thousand. The difference in their fortunes, therefore, was only a
thousand sesterces, which are equivalent to two hundred and fifty Attic drachmas. Such, then, is
the account we find of Sulla's earlier fortune.
PLUT. Sull. 2 3For when Sulla was once at table, he refused to be serious at all, but,
although at other times he was a man of business and wore an austere look, he underwent a
complete change as soon as he betook himself to good-fellowship and drinking, so that comic
singers and dancers found him anything but ferocious, and ready to listen and yield to every
request. It was this laxity, as it seems, which produced in him a diseased propensity to amorous
indulgence and an unrestrained voluptuousness, from which he did not refrain even in his old
age, 4but continued his youthful love for Metrobius, an actor. He also had the following
experience. He began by loving a common but wealthy woman, Nicopolis by name, and such
was the charm of his intimacy and youthful grace that in the end he was beloved by her, and
was left her heir when she died. He also inherited the property of his step-mother, who loved
him as her own son. By these means he became moderately well off.
PLUT., Sull. 3 1Having been appointed quaestor to Marius in his first consulship,38 he sailed
with him to Libya, to make war upon Jugurtha. He was put in charge of the camp, and won
great credit for himself, especially by improving a favourable opportunity and making a friend
of Bocchus, the king of Numidia. For he hospitably entertained ambassadors of the king, who
had escaped from Numidian robbers, and sent them on their way with gifts and a safe escort.
2Now Bocchus had for a long time hated and feared his son-in-law, Jugurtha, who had been
defeated and had fled to him for safety, and was then plotting against him. He therefore invited
Sulla to come to him, wishing to have the seizure and surrender of Jugurtha effected through
In Sulla's time the sestertius was a silver coin worth between two and three pence, or about five cents.
The attic drachma was a silver coin worth about eight pence, or twenty cents.
107 B.C.
Sulla rather than through himself. Sulla imparted the matter to Marius, and taking with him a
few soldiers, underwent the greatest peril; he put faith in a Barbarian, and one who was faithless
towards his own relations, and to secure his surrender of another, placed himself in his hands.
3However, Bocchus, now that he had both in his power, and had laid himself under the
necessity of proving false to one or the other, although he vacillated long, finally decided upon
his original betrayal, and handed Jugurtha over to Sulla. It is true that the one who celebrated a
triumph for this was Marius, but those who envied him attributed the glory of the success to
Sulla, and this secretly annoyed Marius. 4And indeed Sulla himself was naturally vainglorious,
and now that he had for the first time emerged from his lowly and obscure condition and
become of some account among his countrymen, and was enjoying a taste of honour, he was
arrogant enough to have a representation of his exploit engraved on a seal-ring which he wore,
and continued to use it ever after. The device was, Bocchus delivering, and Sulla receiving,
PLUT., Sull., 5 1Sulla now thought that the reputation which he had won in war was
sufficient to justify political activities, and therefore at once exchanged military service for
public life,39 offered himself as a candidate for the city praetorship, and was defeated. The
responsibility for his defeat, however, he lays upon the populace. They knew, he says, about his
friendship with Bocchus, and expected that if he should be made aedile before his praetorship,
he would treat them to splendid hunting scenes and combats of Libyan wild beasts, and
therefore appointed others to the praetorship, in order to force him into the aedileship. 2But
subsequent events would seem to show that Sulla does not confess the real reason for his failure.
For in the following year he obtained the praetorship, partly because he was subservient to the
people, and partly because he used money to win their support. And so it happened that, during
his praetorship, when he angrily told Caesar40 that he would use his own authority against him,
Caesar laughed and said: "You do well to consider the office your own, for you bought it."
PLUT. Sull. 6 1Moreover, Sulla's quarrel with Marius broke out afresh on being supplied
with fresh material by the ambition of Bocchus, who, desiring to please the people at Rome, and
at the same time to gratify Sulla, dedicated on the Capitol some images bearing trophies, and
beside them gilded figures representing Jugurtha being surrendered by Bocchus to Sulla.
2Thereupon Marius was very angry, and tried to have the figures taken down, but others were
minded to aid Sulla in opposing this, and the city was all but in flames with their dispute, when
the Social war,41 [339] which had long been smouldering, blazed up against the city and put a
stop for the time being to the quarrel. In this war, which proved of the greatest moment and
most varied fortunes, and brought innumerable mischiefs and the gravest perils upon the
Romans, Marius was unable to render any great service, and proved that military excellence
requires a man's highest strength and vigour. Sulla, on the other hand, did much that was
memorable, and achieved the reputation of a great leader among his fellow-citizens, that of the
greatest of leaders among his friends, and that of the most fortunate even among his enemies.
3But he did not feel about this as Timotheus the son of Conon did, who, when his adversaries
ascribed his successes to Fortune, and had him represented in a painting as lying asleep, while
Fortune cast her net about the cities, was rudely angry with those who had done this, because, as
he thought, they were robbing him of the glory due to his exploits, and said to the people once,
on returning from a campaign in which he was thought to have been successful: "In this
campaign, at least, men of Athens, Fortune has no share." 4Upon Timotheus, then, who had
shown himself so covetous of honour, the deity is said to have requited his youthful petulance,
so from that time on he did nothing brilliant, but miscarried in all his undertakings, gave offence
to the people, and was finally banished from the city; whereas Sulla not only accepted with
pleasure such felicitations and admiration, but actually joined in magnifying the aid of Heaven
in what he did, and gave the credit of it to Fortune, either out of boastfulness, or because he had
He returned to Rome in 101 B.C., and was elected praetor in 93 B.C.
Not the dictator, who was only seven years old at the time.
90-9 B.C., following the revolt of Rome's Italian allies.
such a belief in the divine agency. 5For in his Memoirs he writes [341] that, of the undertakings
which men thought well-advised, those upon which he had boldly ventured, not after
deliberation, but on the spur of the moment, turned out for the better. And further, from what he
says about his being well endowed by nature for Fortune rather than for war, he seems to
attribute more to Fortune than to his own excellence, and to make himself entirely the creature
of this deity, since he accounts even his concord with Metellus, a man equal in rank, and a
relative by marriage, a piece of divine felicity; for whereas he expected much annoyance from
him as a colleague in office, he found him most obliging. 6And still further, in the dedication of
his Memoirs to Lucullus, he advises him to deem nothing so secure as what the divine power
enjoins upon him in his dreams. And he relates that when he was dispatched with an army to the
Social war, a great chasm in the earth opened near Laverna, from which a great quantity of fire
burst forth and a bright flame towered up towards the heavens; 7whereupon the soothsayers
declared that a brave man, of rare courage and surpassing appearance, was to take the
government in hand and free the city from its present troubles. And Sulla says that he himself
was this man, for his golden head of hair gave him a singular appearance, and as for bravery, he
was not ashamed to testify in his own behalf, after such great and noble deeds as he had
performed. So much, then, regarding his attitude towards the divine powers.
In others he seems to have been of very uneven character, and at variance with himself; he
robbed much, but gave more; bestowed his honours unexpectedly, as unexpectedly his insults;
fawned on those he needed, but gave himself airs towards those who needed him; so that one
cannot tell whether he was more inclined by nature to disdain or flattery. 8For as regards the
irregularity of his punishments, cudgelling to death as he did on any chance grounds, and again
gently submitting to the greatest wrongs; readily open to reconciliation after the most
irreparable injuries, but visiting small and insignificant offences with death and confiscation of
goods; here one might decide that he was naturally of a stern and revengeful temper, but relaxed
his severity out of calculating regard for his interests. 9In this very Social War, for example,
when his soldiers with clubs did to death a legate, a man of praetorian dignity, Albinus by name,
he passed over without punishment this flagrant crime, and solemnly sent the word about that he
would find his men more ready and willing for the war on account of this transgression, since
they would try to atone for it by their bravery. To those who censured the crime he paid no
heed, but purposing already to put down the power of Marius and, now that the Social War was
thought to be at an end, to get himself appointed general against Mithridates, he treated the
soldiers under him with deference.
[…] 12 [Marriage] To Metella, however, he always showed great deference in all things, so that
the Roman people, when it longed for the restoration of the exiled partisans of Marius, and Sulla
refused it, in its need called upon Metella for aid. It was thought also that when he took the city
of Athens, he treated its people more harshly because they had scurrilously abused Metella from
the walls. But this was later.42
PLUT. Sull. 36 1However, even though he had such a wife at home, he consorted with
actresses, harpists, and theatrical people, drinking with them on couches all day long. For these
were the men who had most influence with him now: Roscius the comedian, Sorex the
archmime, and Metrobius the impersonator of women, for whom, though past his prime, he
continued up to the last to be passionately fond, and made no denial of it. 2By this mode of life
he aggravated a disease which was insignificant in its beginnings, and for a long time he knew
not that his bowels were ulcerated. This disease corrupted his whole flesh also, and converted it
into worms, so that although many were employed day and night in removing them, what they
took away was as nothing compared with the increase upon him, but all his clothing, p441baths,
hand-basins, and food, were infected with that flux of corruption, so violent was its discharge.
3Therefore he immersed himself many times a-day in water to cleanse and scour his person. But
Cf. chapter xiii.1.
it was of no use; for the change gained upon him rapidly, and the swarm of vermin defied all
VELL. 17 1Finito ex maxrima parte, nisi quae Nolani belli manebant reliquiae, Italico
bello, quo quidem Romani victis adflictisque ipsi exarmati quam integri universis
civitatem dare maluerunt, consulatum inierunt Q. Pompeius et L. Cornelius Sulla, vir
qui neque ad finem victoriae satis laudari neque post victoriam abunde vituperan potest.
2 Hic natus familia nobili, sextus a Cornelio Rufino, qui bello Pyrrhi inter celeberrimos
fuerat duces, cum familiae eius ciaritudo intermissa esset, diu ita se gessit, ut nullam
petendi consulatum cogitationem habere videretur: 3 deinde post praeturam inlustratus
bello Italico et ante in Gallia legatione sub Mario, qua eminentissimos duces hostium
fuderat, ex successu animum sumpsit petensque consulatum paene omnium civium
suffragiis factus est; sed eum honorem undequinquagesimo aetatis suae anno adsecutus
[Loeb Classical Library edition, 1924]
17 1Except for the remnants of hostility which lingered at Nola the Italian war was now in large
measure ended, the Romans, themselves exhausted, consenting to grant the citizenship
individually to the conquered and humbled states in preference to giving it to them as a body
when their own strength was still unimpaired.43 This was the year in which Quintus Pompeius
and Lucius Cornelius Sulla44 entered upon the consulship. Sulla was a man to whom, up to the
conclusion of his career of victory, sufficient praise can hardly be given, and for whom, after his
victory, no condemnation can be adequate. 2He was sprung of a noble family, the sixth in
descent from the Cornelius Rufinus who had been one of the famous generals in the war with
Pyrrhus. As the renown of his family had waned, Sulla acted a long while as though he had no
thought of seeking the consulship. 3Then, after his praetorship, having earned distinction not
only in the Italian war but also, even before that, in Gaul, where he was second in command to
Marius, and had routed the most eminent leaders of the enemy, encouraged by his successes, he
became a candidate for the consulship and was elected by an almost unanimous vote of the
citizens. But this honour did not come to him until the forty-ninth year of his age.
APP., B.C. I 77 Sila escribió una carta45, en tono arrogante, al senado enumerando cuántos
hechos había realizado, en África, cuando era todavía cuestor46, frente al númida Yugurta; como
legado, en la guerra de los cimbrios47 como gobernador, en Cilicia48; en la Guerra Social49 y
como cónsul. Destacó, en especial, la reciente guerra contra Mitrídates, y les nombró los
numerosos pueblos que, estando en poder de Mitrídates había recuperado para los romanos, y en
nada puso mayor énfasis que en haber acogido en su desvalimiento y haberles aliviado en su
i.e. before the war began. What Velleius had in mind in using maluerunt is a little vague. The original
"choice" lay between granting the citizenship and war. They chose the latter alternative. After the war
was over they granted to their enemies in defeat the citizenship which they might have conferred in the
beginning and so avoided the war
88 B.C.
Según GABBA, Appiani..., I, com. ad loc., esta carta debió de ser enviada a fines del 85 a. C. desde
Efeso. La carta, tal vez, provenga de los commentarii de Sila, según piensa BADIAN, en Journ of Rome,
St. 52 (1962), 57-58 (=Studies in Greek and Roman History, 1964 página 226).
107 a. C. (BROUGHTON, I, pdg. 551).
103-101 a. C. (cf. PLUT., Sulla 4, 1-4; Mar. 25, 6 y 26, 5).
96-95 a. C. (cf. BADIAN, Studies.... pigs. 157-158).
Cf. n. 168
aflicción a los que, expulsados de Roma por Cinna, habían buscado refugio a su lado. Por estos
motivos, dijo que sus adversarios le habían declarado enemigo público, habían devastado hasta
los cimientos de su casa, habían asesinado a sus amigos y, a duras penas, su mujer y sus hijos
habían logrado escapar junto a él. Sin embargo, vendría de inmediato como vengador50 de todos
éstos y de la ciudad entera, contra los culpables; al resto de los ciudadanos y a aquellos nuevos
les anticipó que no les haría en absoluto ningún reproche.
APP., Num., fr. 5 Bocchus sent another embassy who were to solicit peace from Marius and
urge Sulla to assist them in the negotiation. These ambassadors were despoiled by robbers on
the road, but Sulla received them kindly and entertained them until Marius returned from
Gætulia. Marius advised them to urge Bocchus to consult with Sulla as to all his affairs.
Accordingly, when Bocchus was inclined to betray Jugurtha he sent messengers around to the
neighboring Ethiopians (who extend from eastern Ethiopia westward to the Mauritanian Mount
Atlas) under pretence of raising a new army, and then asked Marius to send Sulla to him for a
conference, and Marius did so. In this way Bocchus himself, and his friend Magdalses, and a
certain freedman of Carthage, named Cornelius, deceived Apsar, the friend of Jugurtha, who
had been left in Bocchus' camp to keep watch on his doings.
GELLIUS, N.A. I, 12 16L. Sulla rerum gestarum libro secundo ita scripsit: "P.
Cornelius, cui primum cognomen Sullae impositum est, flamen Dialis captus".
postremo apud Cirtam, urbem antiquam, Masinissae regiam,
aduersum Romanos expugnationem eius parantes sexaginta milibus equitum
instructus occurrit. 11 numquam ulla Romano militi tumultuosior pugna et
terribilior fuit, adeo ut discursu et fremitu circumcursantium et impetentium
equitum suscitatus puluis caelum subtexuerit, diem ademerit noctemque
obduxerit, tantus autem telorum nimbus ingruerit, ut nulla pars corporis ab ictu
tuta esset, quippe quibus et uisus ad prospiciendum impedimento caliginis et
expeditio ad cauendum compressione multitudinis deerat. 12 nec laborabat eques
Maurus ac Numida, ut bene conlocatum hostem opportuno teli impetu rimaretur,
sed potius in incertum pila mittebant certi quod uulnera incerta non essent. ita
coacti in unum Romani pedites densabantur. intercapedinem tanti periculi nox
interueniens dedit. 13 eadem postera die et belli et periculi facies: erumpere in
hostem quamuis stricto miles gladio non ualebat, eminus enim iaculis
repellebatur; fugere non poterant, undique enim uelocior ad persequendum eques
incluserat. 14 iam tertia dies et nullum undecumque suffragium, dira undique
mortis facies obiciebatur: tandem Marius consul forti desperatione spei uiam
fecit, uniuerso simul agmine prorupit e uallo campoque sese simul et proelio
dedit. 15 et cum iterum circumfusi hostes non solum agminis extrema laniarent,
uerum etiam media excussis procul telis caederent turbatosque Romanos insuper
etiam aestus solis, intolerantia sitis, mortis circumstantia usque ad extremum
desperationis defetigaret, subito notum illud Romanorum aduersus Afros
tempestatum imbriumque suffragium caelo missum insperatae saluti fuit. 16
siquidem repentina pluuia sitientibus Romanis et aestuantibus refrigerium
OROS., V, 15
Cf. cap. 57, en donde se aduce un motivo similar: rem publicam in libertatem vindicare.
potumque praebuit, porro autem Numidis hastilia telorum, quae manu intorquere
sine ammentis solent, lubrica ac per hoc inutilia reddidit; 17 scuta etiam, quae
elephanti corio extento atque durato habilia et tuta gestabant - cuius ea natura est,
ut acceptum imbrem tamquam spongia ebibat ac per hoc intractabile repentino
pondere fiat - quia circumferri non poterant, defendere nequiuerunt. ita ex
insperato conturbatis destitutisque Mauris ac Numidis Bocchus ac Iugurtha