Tourism in the process of internationalization - unesdoc

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<e>
international
social science
journal
volume X X X I I 1980
mnesco
Stereotyped Tourists
Modern man in search of sun, sea and sand
Sculptures by Richard England
<e>
international
social science
journal
Published quarterly
by Unesco
Vol. X X X I I , N o . 1, 1980
The anatomy of tourism
Editorial 7
Marie-Françoise Lanfant Introduction: tourism in the process of
internationalization 14
Richard England Architecture for tourists 44
Nelson H. H. Graburn Teaching the anthropology of tourism 56
Tord Heivik Centre-periphery tourism and self-reliance 69
and Turid Heiberg
Miro A. Mihovilovië Leisure and tourism in Europe 99
Olaf Rogalewski International tourism originating from Poland 114
Tamao Tokuhisa
Tourism within, from and to Japan 128
Continuing debate: developmental dilemmas
Dzhermen M . Gvishiani Development problems, contemporary science
and technology 151
Volker Bornschier Multinational corporations, economic policy
and national development in the world system 158
The social science sphere
Heleen F. P. Ietswaart A successful development project in Ecuador:
the Institute of Economic Research 175
Professional and documentary services
Approaching international conferences 181
Books received 186
Recent Unesco publications 190
ISSN 0020-8701
The anatomy
of tourism
fc&m
Editorial
The focus of this issue is on tourism. But even a glance at the table of contents
shows that this amorphous phenomenon can only be apprehended in terms of
various major strands for which it acts as a significant channel of convergence:
interdependence of nations and sub-national regions, culture contact, unequal
terms of trade and of power, the interests of capital, multinational corporations
and conflicts of value or ideology, changing life-styles and the transference of
models or patterns of living from one context to another, as well as the application
and transfer of modern technology, with its concomitant opportunities and
constraints. Tourism has become an industry, a vast, globe-encircling 'system',
the direct and indirect effects of which are still poorly understood and even less
well controlled. It regenerates as it pollutes, pays off as it undermines its very
base, represents a source both of constructive experience and cultural enrichment
as of alienation and degradation. In short, tourism is a mirror of the contradictions inherent in the present state of world development; as such it offers
excellent perspectives for analysis from diverse points of view.
W h y have social scientists be n so slow in tackling tourism seriously?
Scholarly (rather than impressionistic or trade) literature on it remains comparatively scant and the conceptual tools brought to bear on it are still distinctly blunt.
The course on the anthropology of tourism, taught by Graburn át the University
of California, Berkeley, and described by him below represents a pioneering
venture. T h e French research group, headed by Lanfant, some of whose recent
conclusions are reported in the introductory article, is also a father n e w one.
The T O U R project, sponsored by the European Centre for the Co-ordination of
Social Science Research and Documentation in Vienna, certain aspects of which
form the substance of Mihovilovi'cs article, represents an encouraging crossnational undertaking, which might serve as a model for other regions. Rogalewski's
material concerning Poland, as he himself points out, has not yet been widely
published.
Our present collection, therefore, represents a sampling of sources which
is more than usually comprehensive, since these are so relatively few. O n e reason,
no doubt, is the difficulty of separating out tourism from the fabric of modern
life in which it lies deeply embedded. It is tempting to regard it as merely one
Int. Soc. Sei. J., Vol. XXXII, N o . 1, 1980
8
Editorial
dimension of the use of leisure time and of paid vacations normally available
to the majority of citizens in the industrialized countries. Another c o m m o n
approach is to subsume tourism wholly under the category of services, like
hairdressing or insurance. A third possibility is to trivialize tourism by dealing
with it at an anecdotal level on the basis that, after all, it is chiefly a harmless
pastime that brings joy to some and provides a good living for others. All these
approaches are n o longer adequate in the face of a phenomenon as massive and
complex as tourism today.
Linguistic usage is a good indication of social innovation. Thus, the
Oxford English Dictionary dates the word 'tourist' from 1800, and 'tourism'
from 1811. T h e French Robert dictionary confirms that touriste entered the
French language in 1816, and tourisme as late as 1841, both from English, while
it dates the adjective touristique from 1830. These words have, therefore, had
currency for less than 180 years, at best, though people obviously travelled for
m a n y purposes, including pleasure and recreation, centuries before. The coining
of a n e w word n o doubt corresponded to the advent of a novel category of
traveller, and for m a n y decades this category—the tourist—co-existed with, but
was distinct from, others, like pilgrims, wanderers, explorers, wayfarers, those
travelling for their health, to visit certain sites, or relatives. Tourists.originally
were a class apart, often the butt of m u c h ribald fun, innocents abroad, gawkers,
unsophisticated groups shepherded around by travel-agency couriers with their
noses in their,guidebooks, worried about what to wear in churches and h o w m u c h
to tip gondoliers. Other sorts of travellers did not care to mix with them m u c h nor
were they necessarily obliged to do so since, itineraries and timetables could be
adjusted to minimize contacts. Today, by contrast, travel for any purpose has
become markedly homogenized: holiday-makers, participants at a professional
convention, archaeologists joining a dig, reporters covering an event, diplomats
on mission and businessmen seeking markets are thrown together not only at
airports, railway or bus terminals and in means of transport, but also often
at the. accommodation offered át their c o m m o n points of destination. If this
represents an undoubted democratization of travel, it has. equally robbed it of
a great deal of its former flavour: it means that people, with very diverse
motivations and expectations are all. forced to share, a . c o m m o n framework,
differentiated principally by price leveis rather than by inherent diversity.
, This alone has greatly affected the response (in terms of the supply of
facilities arid services) to the ; demand. Historically, international tourism first
arose ,in.cultural centres like Venice, Florence, or Paris and in the poorer or
m o r e marginal areas of the industrial heartland, like the Alps, the Mediterranean
littoral, Scotland or. Egypt. It was designed to bring visitors, to,these places for
specific purposes;—sightseeing,.the climate, sport,, health, and so on—in limited
numbers, usually át particular seasons and on conditions clearly defined at the
outset. Thus, it was ancillary and often complementary to the local economies.
Editorial
9
Rather slow expansion allowed settlements and communities to adapt in an
organic manner. N o readyrmade formulae for tourism having yet been evolved,
the demands were met in a variety of ways. Old staging inns, n e w hotels, modest
family pensions in private residences, converted farms or fishermen's cottages
flourished side by side as havens for visitors, and other facilities, like shops,
guides, interpreters, means of transport or beach installations followed suit. Even
resorts created specially as such experienced this kind of gradualism: they were
not designed and set d o w n in one fell swoop, as they often are today. However,
a tendency towards homogenization was evident from around the middle of the
nineteenth century, corresponding to élite tastes or its imitations, as expressed,
for instance, in the architecture and facilities of 'palace' hotels, m u c h the same
whether they were located in cities, the mountains or at the; seaside. Central
heating represented a technology to overcome the rigours of cold weather,
allowing departures from vernacular architectural styles adapted to particular
conditions. But it took air-conditioning arid refrigeration eventually also to overc o m e the constraints of heat and dependence principally upon local food supplies.
That m a n y of the old tourist regions benefited greatly from the flow of
visitors and that a not unhappy symbiosis between guests and hosts evolved there
over the years can hardly be denied. Indeed, some of these regions are today so
wealthy that it is n o longer possible to speak of unequal terms of trade or
cultural domination. Here tourism has been integrated and internalized; like
other services, and can legitimately be regarded as an endogenous element, all
the more so since the host communities and the majority of visitors share
cultural values, tastes and role identities so that the exchanges which take place
between them do so in a familiar framework of reference. Certainly, environmental
degradation does occur, associated with the massive migrations that m a r k the
holiday season in the northern hemisphere. Thus, in the s u m m e r of 1979, it was
widely reported that problems arose in western Europe in connection with wild
camping on beaches, overcrowded mountain refuges and litter in the remotest
spots, even on the highest Alpine peaks. Yet, these are merely restricted manifestations of m u c h more general problems: it is not mainly tourists w h o pollute
lakes and seas, but industry, shipping and the unprocessed wastes of littoral
settlements; if tourism makes noise, so do commerce and manufacture.
Things take on a rather different complexion, however, w h e n the tourist
industry, with all its by n o w perfected panoply of means, extends to so far
untouched areas, especially (but by n o means exclusively) in the developing
countries. > Such an extension is likely to take the form of a sudden incursion to
create precisely those enclaves which Hoivik and Heiberg deplore and which
represent essentially an anticipation of carefully calculated demands to be met
in equally carefully calculated ways, usually a t a not very wide range of prices.
Thus, pre-planned, often largely pre-fabricated and, in any case, overwhelmingly
imported facilities rise rapidly from virgin ground for a luxury, middle-class or
10
Editorial
m o r e humble family clientèle, often in complete disregard of the surroundings,
whether climatic, geographical, cultural, stylistic or gastronomic. Such enclaves
obviously represent the bridgeheads of transnationalism and of a questionable
concept of cosmopolitan sophistication in the settings to which they are introduced, whoever their promoters m a y be. F r o m the architectural point of view,
Richard England, in his article below, denounces some of the degradation that
follows; however, the dialectic between architecture as a distortion of what is
desirable and the distortion of the very desires or expectations of the tourist
public remains to be elucidated. For not only d o these enclaves typically
represent the superimposition of a dominant cultural pattern on a weaker one,
but, to a considerable extent, they misrepresent even the dominant element since
they symbolize its dreams, aspirations and exaggerations rather than its sober
realities. Indeed, one m a y question the logic by which tourists are attracted to
countries as a whole, and the cost-benefit analysis for tourism is conducted on a
nation-wide scale. A visitor to a certain locality is, of course, within the country
where that locality is situated. M o r e precisely, however, the visitor, is in a given
region, perhaps even a distinct sub-region or community with its special features
and peculiarities. A n y tourist travelling through India must be aware of the
enormous differences between, say, Punjab, Bengal and Mysore, marked as they
are by climate, language, landscape, religion and food, even if he moves in a
cocoon of homogenized facilities. It is equally obvious that there are three main
linguistic parts of Switzerland. But is every traveller also sensitized to the cultural
borderline represented by the Loire river in France, to the essential differences
between Polynesian and Melanesian islands in the Pacific, to the local peculiarities
of the Algarve province of Portugal or the crossing of tribal territories in Africa?
M o d e r n tourism seeks to even out discontinuities, to m a s k local peculiarities
(except as amusing elements of 'exoticism') precisely in order to create enclaves
of a homogenized sort, easily sold by standard formulae. A n d this is furthered
not only by commercial interests but also by governments and international
agencies, as Lanfant amply documents. Against such a formidable alignment,
local authorities or groups are at a severe disadvantage, if not indeed persuaded
that they are best advised to abandon entirely any effort to maintain a
particularistic stance.
Yet it is the genius loci that originally motivated tourism, as it is its
neglect that is to be deplored today. N o doubt, one sunny beach m u c h resembles
another, but even beaches have hinterlands and are connected to some wider
environment which deserves to assert itself. In a recent book, Jean-François
Revel argues against the concept of a national (let alone an international)
cuisine: the gastronomic cell, he claims, is the region.1 A n d so it is with m a n y
other things, regrettably de-emphasized by the processes at w o r k behind the
contemporary tourist industry. B y the same token, as Hoivik and Heiberg also
point out in their article below, there is nothing automatic about the benefits of
Editorial
11
tourism necessarily flowing largely to the sites which actually receive tourists.
Just as there is a centre-periphery problem at the international level, so there
m a y arise similar problems at the national level, with benefits accruing remotely
and costs borne locally, a pattern familiar enough from other industries. Profits
m a y be siphoned off to the capital or another centre, while pollution and social
disintegration wreak havoc at the site of production. T h e supply-and-demand
structure for tourism is such that the receiving areas are necessarily in a position
of some dependency: they compete against each other, their standing investments
can only pay off if they are used, their attractions cannot be m o v e d to adapt to
shifting market conditions, they are subject to caprice and fashion. T h u s , to
treat tourism as a service industry like any other is to disregard its unique
features and to violate the delicate balance on which it depends.
In their concluding section on 'Life-styles and tourism: towards selfreliance', Hoivik and Heiberg sketch out a strategy of what might be called an
'appropriate' or 'soft' technology for tourism. In their view, this would consist of
a narrowing of the gap between the life-styles of hosts and guests, integrating the
latter m o r e fully with the patterns of the former, thereby diversifying the
available options beyond typical enclave tourism. M u c h is certainly to be said
for this, which would also m a r k a return to the kinds of travel practised before
mass tourism became possible. Sensible as it sounds, however, opposition tò it
must not be underestimated. Enclave tourism is not simply created.by the
supply side for economic advantage: it also serves to segregate the visitor from
the native for purposes that can be perceived as politically or socially desirable.
A report on tourism in Bali, which w e published in an earlier issue2 showed
clearly enough that differences in wealth between the Balinese and the majority
of tourists were not the only point of friction. There w a s also resentment of
tourists w h o spent little and tried to participate in local life but whose 'relaxed
morals' or dirty clothes were found to be offensive. A natural desire to show
only the bright side of things m a y also motivate degrees of tourist segregation.
The introduction of 'appropriate tourist technology' can therefore face considerable resistance.
Historians of the future must determine whether the mass tourism of the
second half of the twentieth century represented the advance guard of a gradually
universalized civilization or rather a vast flow of refugees from the strains of
affluence and urban-industrial blight. For the m o m e n t , it must be noted that
tourism remains a healthily expanding sector despite (or possibly in part because
of) economic difficulties in the main countries of origin. Whereas it used to be the
prerogative chiefly of Western Europeans and North Americans, it is n o w
practiced by m a n y Asians, Latin Americans and Middle Easterners, which attests
to its popularity across cultures. But tourism is clearly only one possible use of
leisure and money, no doubt m u c h influenced by prevalent conceptions of prestige
or fashion, like, for example, whether exposure to sunshine is judged healthy or
12
Editorial
not, and what importance is attached to shooting pictures for subsequent showing
at h o m e .
The ethnocentric bias. established by travelhas always carried decisive
weight. .'Voyages of discovery' by European mariners from thefifteenthcentury
onwards after all merely confirmed to those who,undertook them—and to the
public to w h o m they rendered their often fanciful accounts—that peoples and
civilizations did indeedflourishall over the world. Yet they disseminated, in both
n a m e and record; the odd notion that America.(named after an.obscure Italian
seafarer, whose,claim to having reached, that continent from Europe is one
amongst m a n y starting with the Vikings) was 'discovered' from the east, whereas
subsequent evidence shows thatjt had, long before,been settled out of the northwest by peoples k n o w n absurdly as 'Indians'. Australia (once dubbed N e w Holland,
though it physically resembles Holland n o more closely than N e w South Wales
resembles Wales) was k n o w n to exist by the Dutch, English pirates and probably
Chinese and Indonesian mariners a goodly time before Captain Cook's landfall
at Botany Bay in 1770, which occurred just after his circumnavigation of N e w
Zealand (another reminiscent misnomer). Originally, Australia was settled from
the north by peoples probably, of Dravidian origin (who might legitimately have
been called 'Indians', but were saddled instead with the : generic appellation
'Aborigines', which can apply to any h u m a n group found : inhabiting a given
territory: at a given m o m e n t by another h u m a n group, ignorant of the former's
history) while N e w Zealand had also been settled from the north by Polynesians,
conjecturally at a period when Europeans were convinced that the earth was flat.
These are but gross examples of cultural appropriation by the record-keepers of
one civilization superimposing their o w n chronology and viewpoint on other
civilizations, to illustrate the distortions that result.
Modern tourism can hardly be compared to such elemental forms of culture
contact and appropriation, since it takes place in k n o w n space and under controlled
conditions, but its impact on communities and ecologies can be equally destructive.
That it is currently discussed in terms of 'invasions', of veritable despoliation by
'golden hordes'3 is symptomatic. Advertisements inviting customers to 'discover'
certain destinations also show a continuity, of ethnocentric preoccupations. There
is an aspect of mass tourism that represents the externalization of certain costs of
affluence and the urban-industrial way of life which calls for rapid correction. The
individual tourist can be as m u c h a victim of this as the environment at his
destination, a typicalcase of a zero-sum game. Analyses and reflection, along lines
suggested by the articles in this issue, are consequently timely elements for charting
a different course in the future.
P. L.
Editorial
13
Notes
1
2
viewed: Tourism in Bali', in E . de Kadt (ed.),
Jean-François Revel, Un festin en paroles, Paris,
Tourism: Passport to Development? A joint
Pauvert, 1979.
World Bank/Unesco study, Oxford UniverUniversitas Udayana and Gerard Françillon,
sity Press, 1979, p . 182-3.
'Tourism in Bali—its Economic and Socio3
cultural Impact', International Social Science Cf. L . Turner and J. Ash, The Golden Hordes—International Tourism and the Pleasure PeriphJournal, Vol. X X V I I , N o . 4,1975, p . 721-52.
ery, London, Constable, 1975.
See also Raymond Noronha, 'Paradise R e -
Introduction: tourism in the process
of internationalization*
Marie-Françòise Lanfant
International tourism constitutes a n e w challenge to the process of change in
contemporary societies towards what some have called a 'new order' on a worldwide basis.
A s afirstapproximation, and according to the established definition, international tourism consists simply of a person crossing national frontiers to stay for a
limited period, and for other than professional reasons, in a foreign country.
Tourism is thus considered, above all, as an individual act. But when these
individuals are counted in their millions, this simple fact assumes a different dimension, a sociological dimension. For through this movement of persons, and the
massive penetration of foreigners into national societies, a process of internationalization is set in motion which, by its dynamic, causes a certain sort of change in
m o r e and more regions of the world.
A s m a n y as 244 million people moved across borders in 1977, 1 and every
year sees arisein thisfigure,despite apparently unfavourable economic circumstances. It is expected that these movements will show a growth rate of 2 to 3 per cent
per a n n u m over the years to come; between n o w and the year 2000, international
tourist flows will have doubled.2
The manner in which this phenomenon is usually presented and evaluated
in the social discourse is ambiguous. Increased movement arouses euphoria and
fear simultaneously. Euphoria is aroused because the opportunity to travel in the
world is interpreted as progress to which modern societies aspire and also because
tourism is considered as a source of wealth, through the business which it generates.
Fear is aroused because this phenomenon, by reason of its subjective elements,
appears to be linked to obscure impulses and motivations which, at the societal
level, could engender a universalized and unchecked mobility. In this context, it
should be remarked that the growth of travel is generally interpreted in the official
Marie-Françoise Lanfant, a researcher at the Centre d'Études Sociologiques of the Centre National
de la Recherche'Scientifique, 82 rue Cardinet, 75017 Paris, specializes in the sociology of leisure
and culture. She heads a research group on the sociology of international tourism, which she created
in 1975. She has published Les théories d u loisir, sociologie d u loisir et idéologies (1972)
(translated into Dutch, Italian and Spanish).
* This article is based on research undertaken in
collaboration with Marie-Hélène Mottin,
Michel Picard, Daniele Rozenberg and
Jacques Weerdt of the Research Group on
the Sociology of Tourism of the Centre
National de la Recherche Scientifique.
Int. Soc. Set. J., \0: XXXII, N o . I, 1980
Introduction: tourism in the process
of internationalization
15
literature as the expression of an all but uncontrollable demand, which must be
channelled and mastered.
A n d yet tourism is not, as is often claimed, a spontaneous phenomenon.
It does not occur in a disorderly way, as the result of uncontrollable d e m a n d . It is the
product of will. It unfolds under the impetus of a powerful tourist promotion
mechanism, supported at the highest international level: the World Tourism Organization, the International Monetary F u n d , the United Nations, the World Bank,
Unesco, etc.
International economic institutions attach great importance to the flow of
international tourism since it engenders monetary transfers by no means negligible
in world foreign-trade balances, of which the share imputable to international
tourism represented 3.6 per cent in 1976, and is increasing faster than overall export
trade.3 These organizations also intervene directly in the conception and direction of
tourist travel. N o t only do they create veritable promotion and planning structures,
but they are also at the origin of a social doctrine, the implications of which, for the
conceptualization of leisure, must be noted.4
The spread of international tourism is desired principally for economic
reasons. It is well k n o w n that the developed countries were itsfirstbeneficiaries.
This is still the case. T h e rich countries earned the lion's share of the $36,000 million
in income generated by tourism in 1976. T h e United States c a m e first, with
$6,375 million of this total, France second with $3,613 million and the Federal
Republic of Germany third with $3,211 million.5 The Western countries are thus
the greatest participants in these flows, even if their tourist balance is in deficit.
But at the beginning of the 1960s, the revolutionary notion arose that international tourism should equally benefit the developing countries, the argument
being that the attraction of numerous Western tourists to these countries would
bring in foreign exchange, thereby reducing the chronic balance-of-payments
deficits. In 1963, the United Nations acted as a m e d i u m for this thesis, declaring
solemnly that 'tourism m a y contribute, and actually does contribute vitally to the
economic growth of developing countries'.6
In the following years, an intensive propaganda campaign was directed at the
less developed countries (LDCs), which were enjoined to place the tourist sector
high on the list of priorities for their economies, to open their frontiers to tourists,
to welcome foreign capital for investment in the tourist domain and to concede
tax advantages and guarantees to it. M a n y L D C s ,financiallysupported by the
World Bank, threw themselves into the enterprise with enthusiasm, hoping to
find a solution to their endemic poverty. Large projects were started, to meet the
growing d e m a n d for travel and exoticism on the part of the citizens of
industrialized countries.
W o u l d tourism throw a bridge between the developed and the less developed
worlds? If one consults the statistics on tourist flows and their geographical
distribution over the surface of the earth, one must certainly conclude that Third
16
Marie-Françoise Lanfant
World countries are but slightly affected by comparison with the industrialized
countries of Europe and North America.
Europe remains the most frequently visited continent, 175 million people
having arrived there in 1977, nearly, three-quarters of the world tourist total. It is
also the continent from which the greatest number of tourists leave for, other
countries, the Federal Republic of Germany comingfirstwith 36 million departures.7 Europe is the continent receiving the most visitors from other continents:
3.5 million United States citizens, 900,000 Canadians, 300,000. Japanese,
150,000 Australians entered Europe in 1976, without counting those, of other
origins, their exact numbers being unkown. 8 A s for the Third World, the flow w a s
very thin. The. number of tourists arriving in Africa did not reach 5 million
in 1976, representing 2.2 per cent of world tourism; for southern Asia, the figure
stood at 1 million and for East Asia at 5.5 million in 1974. ,,
These figures, eloquent as they are, must not hide the n e w directions of
international tourism: the increasing share of the Mediterranean region in the
reception of foreign tourists and also the still weak but sustained progress of
Third World countries. In 1976, several countries of the Mediterranean region
experienced a m u c h higher than average increase of arrivals: Greece:(35.4 per
cent), Turkey (8.8 per cent), Yugoslavia (7.3 per cent), Portugal (7.8 per cent)
and Italy (6.5 per cent). S o m e of these countries underwent very rapid growth,
e.g. Tunisia, which received 250,000 tourists in 1965 and 2.25 million in 1975.9 It
is k n o w n that tourists travelling to this part of the world c o m e from the
metropolitan centres of North America, western Europe and, more recently, Japan.
, T h e habit of taking holidays abroad is spreading in Western countries.
National surveys reveal the share of foreign trips as a proportion of total
departures on holiday: over 50 per cent for the Federal Republic of Germany,
the Netherlands, Switzerland and Denmark; between 40 and 50 per cent for
Belgium and Austria, but less for France (17 per cent) and for the United
K i n g d o m (under 20 per cent, according to the latest statistics).10
The opening u p of the L D C s to tourism must lead to the reconsideration
of this phenomenon from an entirely new angle. In this fresh perspective, it is n o
longer possible to picture the flow of international tourism as a simple extension
of domestic tourism spilling across national frontiers, propelled by an irresistible
propensity to travel, neither can w e consider its economic importance simply as
a contribution to balances of payments. For what is n o w at stake is the articulation, through tourism, of under-development with the development of the
richest societies. A n d this option affects the L D C s w h e n they m a k e tourism a
factor of the development of their o w n economically weak regions. W e sense
that this represents more than just a change of scale, but rather a change in the
essence of matters, for these choices imply that the phenomenon of holidays
becomes associated with economic strategies, binding the developed with the
developing worlds in a joint pattern.
Introduction: tourism in the process
of internationalization
17
It is indeed in this perspective that international organizations n o w see the
expansion of world-wide tourism, since they submit that tourismfillst w o needs
simultaneously: offering the working masses of the urbanized and industrialized
societies a,taste of the simple, outdoor life during their holidays and offering
peripheral regions, by the same token, the opportunity of entering the nexus of
foreign trade, thereby diminishing the gap between them and the wealthier societies.
The developed and the developing countries are thereby linked by n e w
interdependent relationships through tourism, which is precisely what the Italian
economist, Alberto Sessa, an expert on these questions, formulated quite plainly
at a Unesco conference on the subject in 1970. A s soon as the developed
countries convince the L D C s to choose tourism as a priority road to development,
he maintained, they are obliged to adopt certain economic options to meet the
demands of the market they have themselves created. Especially, they must
maintain and increase thé demand for foreign tourism by appropriate policies
towards private consumption and leisure time.11 W e can see from this argument
that tourist policy, in its international dimensions, forms part of an overall
economic plan which, in what are supposed to be its converging end-results,
connects the developed with the developing economies and logically links the
increase of free time and leisure in the industrial societies with the economic and
social evolution of the developing world. In our opinion, this logic should form
part of the 'new international economic order'.
The main problem and its underlying assumptions
The phenomenon is still poorly understood. It is analysed superficially and
partially, on.the basis of inadequate conceptual frameworks. Hardly an area in
the social sciences exists where the contrast between the political or scientific
discourse and reality is more striking. There is something disquieting here, for
not only is the phenomenon poorly evaluated in its effects within different societies
and in its specific impact on international relations, but above all it is apprehended
in a skewed perspective.
The sociological approach remains chained to a perspective inherited from
market economics, which makes international tourism chiefly an economic fact,
characterized primarily by its effect on the balance of payments, while neglecting
the problem of its social and cultural implications. This view apprehends tourism
in terms of supply and demand. It converts tourist d e m a n d into a p h e n o m e n o n
representing a function of a certain level of industrial development which, through
its technology, allows leisure to,be used for trips, and creates.more and more
flexible and rapid means of transport. It thus makes the expansion of world
tourism into a variable of the demand within the principal industrial countries,
and the burden of its conceptualization consists in matching the determinants of this
18
Marie-Françoise Lanfant
d e m a n d with the potential supply, to be met in the non-industrialized countries.
This approach through supply and demand, derived from market economics,
seems to be one of the principal methodological and epistemological obstacles
to a sociological apprehension of the touristic phenomenon. For the conceptualization that underlies it insidiously invades the field of sociology, which is
thereby pressed into the mould of supply and demand.
In this context, the notion of 'international tourist flows'; which is to be
found at the base of all apprehensions of tourism as an international fact,
needs to be analysed. T h e idea is derived from market economics, which assimilates
travelling persons to goods, and records the departures and arrivals of tourists
in different societies like import-export operations obeying the laws of supply
and demand. This means that tourist demand is analysed at the social level as an
economic phenomenon, subject to the risks and uncertainties of competition
and, at the personal level, as a discretionary choice without responsibility towards
the ends to be satisfied. A n d since demand is m a d e into the basis of explanation,
the entire phenomenon is affected by its contingent nature,.which implies that its
structural implications are obscured. Matters go so far that, in economic terminology, travellers are 'invisibles', a term used for tourist movements in the context
of balances of payments.
T h e contingent nature of demand is projected on to the notion of international tourist areas which, in sum, represents a reduction to the notion of a
touristic dimension cut up according to the departures and arrivals of tourists and
roughly divided according to the shares of the originating and the receiving
societies. Such an area of relationships, defined by the projection of contingent
data of fluctuating supply and demand, has n o sociological stability.
These remarks about linguistic usage are not merely marginal. All such
terminology, transferred from economic jargon into official discourse on international tourism means that tourism itself is separated from its social foundations
and the entire process of which it forms a part, to be considered as an exogenous
variable, the effects of which can be measured with the help of certain factors
taken out of context.
But there is more. This conceptualization bears the seeds of an ideology
that must be recognized. These notions are anchored to a whole lot of other notions
which, linked to each other by unacknowledged associations, end u p by creating
a false conception of international tourism as a system of intersocietal exchange.
The discourse about international tourism, whether expressed by scientists,
experts or political leaders, is based on a set of antipositions between originating
and receiving societies, industrial and underdeveloped societies, arrivals and departures of tourists, etc. A n d these antipositions, melded together into a conceptual
system, constitute the framework of a model of international exchange m a s querading as a theory.
This conceptual apparatus implicitly represents a model of exchange where
Introduction: tourism in the process
of internationalization
19
the relations between the developed and the underdeveloped worlds seem to be
caught between mirrors. B y this logic, societies are apprehended only according
to the supply-and-demand function: the developing countries, with presumed
tourist resources, are assimilated to the supply side, while the developed societies
are essentially considered as reservoirs of a potentially expandable d e m a n d . T h e
model has the relationship between the partners functioning according to the
principle of the V-tube; since tourists from the originating societies bring m o n e y ,
it is understood that the receiving societies, which offer their territories u p to
tourism, m a k e m o n e y in turn.
International tourism therefore appears, basically, as a mechanism of
redistributing, in the poorest societies, the resources of the richest ones. Thus,
in all respects, this system of exchange appears to function in terms of mutual gifts.
The balance between originating and receiving societies, between supply
and demand, is based on twin assumptions which enable the system to regulate
itself. O n e partner submits that tourism is a factor of growth for those regions
where it becomes established; the other partner declares that d e m a n d governs the
phenomenon of tourism, converting the supply into a result of the d e m a n d . It
can be seen that what connects these two postulates is the concept of growth.
Indeed, growth lies at both extremities of the p h e n o m e n o n of tourism. If
the demand for tourism expands, this is allegedly because, thanks to economic
growth in the industrialized societies, discretionary, disposable income is generated
which will be spent according to preferred options, that is to say, in leisure
consumption. A t the other end, as international tourism penetrates underdeveloped societies, it brings foreign exchange and capital, which represent growth
factors and therefore promote development.
W e therefore end u p quite naturally with the following equation: the growth
of tourism, that is travel by the industrial populations, is a factor, of growth,
hence of the development of the L D C s . B y this law of growth, developed and
underdeveloped societies are linked to each other through rigid mechanisms, for
what is needed in any case to m a k e their exchanges fruitful is to seek the multiplier
effects of growth by stimulating departures from the rich societies and increasing
arrivals in the poor societies.
Growth
r - ••
demand
>-supply
developed countries -*- developing countries
departures
> arrivals
currency export
> currency import
outlay
—
—> income
originating societies .-> receiving societies
Development
20
Marie-Françoise Lanfant
This theoretical framework, which corresponds to that of the official view of international tourism and which w e have also detected in very m a n y approaches that
seek to distinguish themselves therefrom, seems particularly inadequate in the
apprehension of the internationalization of which tourism forms an element. T h e
theoretical model actually leads to a complementary view of the relations between
the developed and underdeveloped worlds which masks possible contradictions.
B y reducing these relations to simple adjustments between supply and d e m a n d ,
the model is emptied of all those processes 'by which such adjustments are m a d e ,
and particularly of the role of tourist promotion mechanisms, with their effects o n
the.working of the economies that they affect. B y the same token, the model
neglects the repercussions, on the cultural and social systems of both industrial
and traditional societies, of aggressive marketing strategies acting on supply and
d e m a n d . In general, one m a y say that what is spirited away by this view of matters
is the whole problem of social and cultural implications, this being especially true
for the receiving, underdeveloped societies where the penetration of international
tourism is reduced to simple technological transfer. .
The framework of reference of the market model, quite apart from the
obstacle represented by its very inadequacy to the sociological study, of tourism,
assigns a particular function to sociology. B y such double logic, sociology is
doubly recruited, on the side of d e m a n d arid on that of supply, independently of
each other. In the originating societies, sociologists are chiefly asked to study
d e m a n d and its subjective springs.12 Sociology is thereby restricted to inquiries on
behaviour, attitudes and motivations, which are generally merely described and
classified, n o attempt being m a d e to elevate them to an explicative principle, since
such inquiries are usually dissociated from a macrosociological analysis of social
and cultural wholes. T h e dominant approach converts tourist behaviour into
leisure,, that is a particular use of spare time.obeying a logic of individual choice
depending on the. particularities of leisure: seeking escape, amusement, personal
fulfillment, etc. A s a result, sociology, despite its concern to situate the analysis of
d e m a n d within the dynamic of industrial societies, has a tendency to underestimate
the hold of the tourist industry on the consumption of spare time and to neglect
the change of meaning that results from the use of such tiine for travel. Above all,
sociology is thereby led, unknowingly, to offer a conception of tourism fashioned
according to the Western ideal of leisure, which ignores the contradictions it
arouses when it penetrates societies based on other cultural modes.
O n the side of supply, the sociologist's role is more difficult to clarify since
he is rarely consulted at the preparatory stage of tourist facilities. It is outside the
framework of official research, most frequently at universities, that problems of
social and cultural implications are tackled. But the results are rarely fed into the
conception of international tourism held by the decision-makers. Taking the social
and cultural aspects of tourism into any account is, incidentally, but a recent
concern. The evaluations of models designed to measure the impact of tourism on
Introduction: tourism in the process
of internationalization
21
receiving societies were, at first, purely economic: they were restricted to the
monitoring of foreign-exchange earnings, employment creation and the effects on
the standard of living and on consumption. The problem of the effects of a tourist
facility on the environment into which it was introduced was not elucidated
because tourism was considered to be a marginal activity, operating in a closed
economy, which was true enough of the tourist 'enclaves' promoted at one time.
The situation changed in the 1970s as a result, particularly, of certain negative
reactions a m o n g people at the receiving end. Such reactions aroused concern in
official international tourist promotion circles, all the more so since they had, at
this period, taken initiatives to launch sizable operations in m a n y developing
countries. Problems of social and cultural implications;became more and more
acute. T h e meeting jointly organized by Unesco and the World B a n k in
Washington in 1976, o n t h e theme 'The impact of international tourism o n the
developing countries', was in this respect very significant, for it revealed the
confusion of certain experts in the face of a p h e n o m e n o n which they could riot
link to the rest of the changes happening in the modern world. 13
Even a m o n g economists, worries began to surface. It has become recognized
that the mere profitability of a tourist operation is not itself a valid contribution to
overall economic development. Criteria and evaluation instruments are challenged.
Statistical data, often distorted by favourable attitudes towards tourist activities,
are criticized.14 There is dissatisfaction with models of growth that only take
quantitative factors into account, neglecting to link these to criteria of development.
A n economist like Erbes goes so far as to impugn the relevance of economic
analysis, and he suggests that tourist activity be apprehended in terms of resources
for, and obstacles to, development, which implies that tourism be considered as an
economic activity with implications going beyond the economic sphere.16
In this perspective, n e w evaluation models were put forward, opening u p
economic approaches to social analysis with the object of integrating into future
calculations the social and economic factors not so far taken into account. It is at
this point that the sociologist is invited to give his views on which 'social indicators'the economist is to adopt.18 .
. But one must be very careful to appreciate the aim of all this. T h e economist
proposes to treat non-economic factors in terms of constraints and opportunities,
his objective being to control the situation by optimizing the positive and reducing
the negative effects. This w a y of investing non-economic elements with economic
value, in order to m a k e his model more realistic by integrating fresh variables
therein, is seen as'progressive by the economist. But for the sociologist, such
procedures remain reductionist, for they seek to weigh social facts within the logical
framework of profit and growth, which deforms their meaning, this being of a
qualitative order. T o evaluate social factors in positive or negative terms is one
w a y of lifting them out of the social context, in disregard to their causality, to enter
them into a model where they will be given a relative, numerical weight. It is a w a y
22
Marie-Françoise Lanfant
of subordinating sociology to normative criteria. A s m a y be seen, a slot is readym a d e for sociology within the general scheme, a slot circumscribed by economic
analysis, which tackles tourist activities above all in terms of economic activity,
and sees in its social implications no more than constraints to be internalized, that
is to say, compensated by economic gains. Caught in this dilemma, sociology most
certainly cannot m a k e its inquiries more probing.17
T h e issues involved in internationalization
T h e approach adopted for our research is distinct from that described above.
Consideration of the issues involved in international trade, entailing an examination
of intersocietal relations in terms of supply and d e m a n d between the originating
societies and the receiving societies, should, in our view, give w a y to consideration
of the issues involved in internationalization, entailing an analysis of those relations
not only in terms of systems of relationship but also in terms of processes. O u r
hypothesis is that tourism indirectly causes the different national societies to
become gradually interlinked in economic, social and cultural networks that are
organized internationally on the basis of a central decision-making body and that
at the same time cut across national reference systems.
W e have been able to detect this process of internationalization through
reference to a series of indices but, more particularly, by giving attention to t w o
different types of agent having a hand in the promotion of international tourism and
w h o seem to us to play a decisive role in the organization of world tourism: international bodies and tour operators grouped together in multinational tourist
firms.
O u r analysis of the organization of world tourism has been undertaken with
the help of fairly precise working hypotheses and on the basis of the methodological
principles of systems analysis.18 W e have thus highlighted what w e refer to as the
system of international tourist operations, i;e. a group of agents linked together
by means of voluntary or involuntary ties and thereby forming networks of action
lending that particular form of activity constituted by international tourism its
force and consistency. A n d because w e are interested in these agents not as
interlocking pieces in á mechanical system but as actors under the sway of a
particular project engaged in the practices that fit into strategies, w e have been
able to grasp the relationship between international tourism and other sectors of
sociallife, and in particular its specific role in the internationalization of economic
social and cultural systems, through the mediating function these agents perform
within those systems.
Introduction: tourism in the process
of internationalization
23
Tourism as a multinational industry
A criticism that is still often levelled at tourist activities on the domestic front and
in the national context is that they are pre-industrial. This view does not hold in
the case of international tourism which is in the hands of a powerful multinational industry employing the very latest in highly developed marketing techniques. In this industry a pivotal role is played by the tour operator. This is the term
used to designate the undertaking that prepares the product and distributes it
on the market.
But the tour operator is not a mere creator or travel agent as is often believed.
For, by virtue of his function, which is to co-ordinate a large number of services,
this economic agent represents a focal point in the manifold connections established
between the various agents when they co-operate in the marketing of a product
and, on account of this pivotal role, he cannot but serve as an essential tool in
the international promotion of tourism.
In organizational terms, what is involved is clearly not a series of sporadic
measures but a whole set of co-ordinated activities. W e have had occasion to
observe horizontal and vertical trends towards integration and concentration
a m o n g the various agents and instruments of tourist activity, and there has been a
marked accentuation of such trends in the last ten years, with the result that multinational corporations have c o m e into being, controlling a m a x i m u m of activities
corresponding to the purposes for which they were formed. 19
Multinational networks of economic agents are formed taking n o account of
national boundaries or territories. These agents are links in an international chain
and operate within transnational limited-liability companies, the shareholders of
which are difficult to identify as stock continually changes hand.
: These multinational tourist corporations are in a very strong position
because they have numerous points of connection inside the various national
companies on account of the very nature of tourism as a product; owing to their
dual position, attuned to both supply and demand, as a result of which they are
able to control and regulate the decision-making parameters in the originating and
receiving societies; owing to their monopoly position which is a result of their
strategies of concentration and integration; but due even more to the altogether
special place they occupy within a particular m o d e of production, for what they sell
is n o less than a society, a culture: 'Sell France abroad', 'Greece belongs to us'
are some of the slogans used for the promotion of tourism.
The tourist industry's product
B y defining its product it becomes clear that the tourist industry is unlike any other.
For it has no product. The raw materials it uses are not determined from the start.
24
Marie-Françoise Lanfant
T h e tourist industry's product is a motley combination which includes services
(accommodation, restaurant services, transport and subsidiary services, particularly
leisure facilities), culture (the cultural and artistic heritage, folklore, pageants),
particular geographical features (sites, landscapes) and m a n y less tangible elements
such as hospitality, atmosphere, ethnic curiosities, customs, etc. These various
elements are combined in a ,product' which is in fact a combination of services
and enticing images. A s has been pointed out by J. Krippendorf,20 à marketing
expert, the tourist industry's product represents a symbiotic practice, or a 'symbiotic market' as it is usually called, which unites under a single concept, which can
be conveyed through the m e d i u m of advertising, all those factors that, by their
nature alone, are not directly related to tourism but become tourist attractions
once they are processed into.consumer goods. Yet this single though composite
product mirrors a structure: that of the tourist industry that places it on the market.
Information science, which in its application to tourism has c o m e into its
o w n , provides the industry with very powerful means of organization and m a n agement. Thefirstfirmsto equip themselves with computers were, of course, the
airlines and hotel chains. Tour operators, in turn, very soon realized the immense
opportunities afforded by information science for coping with the vast task of
co-ordinating the networks represented by travel and accommodation and other
services so as to be able to sell, the tourist product as a single package. T h e
introduction of informatics played a decisive role in the organization of the tourist
industry and in its achieving control of the market, on the one hand because it led
to links between agents w h o had until then worked in varying degrees of isolation,
resulted in the concentration of capital on account of the scale of funding required
for the establishment of data-processing networks and paved the w a y for a further
stage in the spread of tourism throughout the world.. O n the other hand, it helped
to speed u p the process of rationalization of the d e m a n d for tourism by enabling
marketing experts to bring m u c h greater subtlety to bear in their efforts to divide
u p the market, thereby allowing the increasingly precise matching of supply with
d e m a n d . Since it is able to store and process an infinite quantity of data, the
computer m a d e possible the increasingly refined identification of the behaviour
patterns of potential consumers and enabled data banks, which could be used as
bases for decision-making, to be set up.
This industry is currently becoming extended through its different branches
in societies that choose tourism as an economic development activity or that step
u p their production of tourism, as is the case in France. Developing and promoting a region does in fact entail the introduction of the multinational mechanisms
of the tourist industry and the establishment of services of different kinds depending
on techniques specific to that industry. Thus, the originating countries or regions
are invaded by a set of economic and organizational practices linked to an industrial
m o d e of production which has reached a very advanced stage of development.
, . In order that a country or region m a y be opened u p to the international
Introduction: tourism in the process
of internationalization
25
tourist market, it mustfirstbe equipped with an elaborate infrastructure: airports,
hotel facilities of international standard, a road network, telecommunications,
electronic booking systems, computerized management, security systems, insurance.
At the level of the services themselves, modernization is the rule: mechanization of
the food industry, restaurant and hotel services and the establishment of sophisticated leisure facilities based ón the engineering and electronic industries;
. W h e n these practices are introduced into an environment that is not very
developed economically, and is situated at a remove from the metropolitan,
economic,and industrial centres, they necessarily usher in the conditions for a
shift towards the industrialized world.
By its implantation in the various receiving zones, international tourism
leads to outposts being established at the local, regional or national level, which
will be in contact with the international system in the specific sector of tourism,
but also outside that sector (e.g. crafts, local pageants, festivals, pilgrimages, etc.).
It thus gradually links the economy and culture of the countries or regions that
elect to become tourist zones to extraterritorial economic, social and cultural
factors.
The promotion of tourism and the state
This international industry with its different branches in the originating and
receiving societies should not be regarded as a system of action that can operate
autonomously, independently of established political power. N u m e r o u s interactions
exist between them. States. are led to play an increasingly active part in this
connection, not only because they have the task of defining tourist policy in the
light of national objectives, but also because they assume an increasingly important
role in promotion; co-ordination and planning, and providefinancialbacking. T h e
tourist industry and the state should not be considered to be at odds with each
other..In point of fact, it is difficult to draw a dividing line between the private
sector and the public sector. Reciprocal interpénétration occurs.'•••'•
T h e activity of tourism, which leads to national societies becoming part of
the, fabric.of the international system, goes hand in hand with a1 transformation
of state structures which change from within-through the penetration of n e w
agents and new methods specific to the marketing of tourism. In the developing
countries, international tourism entails the establishment of a n e w administrative
corps within the state, the members of which are trained in vocational schools for
international tourism. , ; ; ,
In countries that have been open to tourism for a longer time, such as
France, public administration is currently being transformed from within through
the intrusion of technical and commercial agents in the state apparatus. Similarly,
regional or local administrative offices are being restructured; this having been
26
Marie-Françoise Lanfant
m a d e necessary by the process of internationalization and the exigencies of
competition.21
The agents of the private sector, whose goal is profit, and those of the public
sector, whose goal is an increase in national wealth, join forces in managerial,
financing and planning structures, with joint powers.
It is to be recalled that private interests and those of the state were linked
together from the outset within the I U O T O which w a s originally set u p as a
private association before becoming the International Union of Official Travel
Organizations, bringing together state bodies and those engaged in the tourist
industry, and prior to its recent transformation into the World Tourism Organization, which is an organ of the United Nations. 22
In actual fact, it is difficult to pinpoint the state's role in tourism. T h e
multiplicity of political regimes that have a voice in the international organization
representing them should be reflected in a variety of political approaches to the
p h e n o m e n o n of tourism. While, however, the approaches of the different countries
to tourism are determined by their o w n specific characteristics and ideologies,
these differences are tending to disappear as a result of the harmonization of the
methods used in management, planning and promotion, and the tourist policies
of countries that have adopted totally different systems are, for all that, gradually
acquiring c o m m o n features.
T h e centralization of tourist policies
W h e n w e seek to understand h o w tourism operates internationally w e observe a
clearly expressed determination to centralize policies at the international-agency
level. W T O ' s statements in this connection are highly significant; its object is to
be an international agency for co-ordination and co-operation ensuring the harmonization of national and international policies.23 Its centralizing function is
strengthened by its n e w legal status. W T O , which c a m e into being as a result of
the wishes of the I U O T O , is a multipartite organization with an effective
membership consisting of sovereign states, associate members—territories or groups
of territories for whose foreign relations others are responsible—and affiliate
members—governmental and non-governmental organizations concerned with
specialized tourist interests, together with commercial organizations or associations, subject to their application for membership, being supported by the state
having jurisdiction over the territory in which they are based.
A s has already been stressed, W T O is not the only international governmental
or non-governmentalorganization to be engaged in the defence and promotion of
tourism. O f the various international institutions that can be enumerated, there
are very few that are not concerned with this p h e n o m e n o n in some capacity or
other. W h a t should be understood is that m a n y institutional and informal links
Introduction: tourism in the process
of internationalization
27
exist between these different bodies, and there are therefore grounds for inquiring
into the possible existence of a supranational decision-making system. It is difficult,
on the basis of the information currently available, fully to grasp h o w this system
is organized. Research would be necessary in order to understand its structure,
policy and influence. But the striking fact to emerge from analysis of the strategies
of these various bodies is their c o m m o n sense of purpose. These strategies
encompass within the same development process the various societies interested
in tourism and even, from the viewpoint of W T O , all the societies existing in the
world. N o doubt these bodies consider their primary role to consist in the
centralization of the information recorded in each particular society a n d in its
subsequent dissemination to national public or private bodies, but they also
engage in the formulation of a tourist policy that seeks to go beyond national
differences. A H these bodies.have issued a large n u m b e r of documents d e m o n strating their resolve to unify the various local and national initiatives and to
co-ordinate them in accordance with a concerted plan. These documents are not
of a purely technical character. They contain recommendations to the governments
of states designed to guide them in their choices in the light of a particular view
of the role of tourism in the overall development of societies and a particular view
of exchanges between societies. Similar institutions and practices thus c o m e to
be introduced into societies with extremely different economic, social, cultural
and political conditions.
The trend towards unification reveals itself through a number of indices:
(a) the centralization of information and research by international organizations
and the consultancy services that they subsidize or with which they conclude
contracts; (b) the preparation of master plans for tourism within the framework
of co-operation and development aid schemes; (c) recommendations and guidelines sent to the governments of receiving countries and regions concerning
investment codes, tax guarantees, the establishment of balances of payment, the
setting u p of an administrative corps, etc.;24 (d) the training of personnel, and
particularly high-level personnel, for the tourist industry in internationally
reputed schools sponsored by international organizations; and (e) the active
involvement of consultancy services and international experts in the most varied
contexts.
Through the promotion of tourism, links are established between various
authorities which are less and less able to act in isolation. Official bodies call o n
states to set up structures for co-operation enabling the various agents contributing
to the expansion of tourism to work together in a multinational context. These
structures are set u p at all levels and allow bilateral and multilateral exchanges
to be m a d e between originating and/or receiving societies and between regions
within or outside national boundaries.
These joint efforts can also be directed towards sectors not directly related to
tourism, and m a y lead to the. co-ordination of various bodies, for instance,
28
Marie-Françoise Lanfant '
government representatives, the public sector and the private sector, including
profit-making undertakings and associations, works councils and voluntary associations. Likewise, W T O emphasizes the need to organize new forms of co-operation
between countries o f origin and host countries.
Tour operators are already engaged in international negotiations on the
subject of holidays, but these problems will be increasingly dealt with at the
:
intergovernmental level.
-, .
: -
F r o m sectoral planning to global planning
Parallel to this, remarkable changes are to be seen in the way tourism is planned.25
Planning is indeed the method advocated for achieving the objectives of international tourist development, and is being used by the official organizations to
guide countries in-the choices they make.
Over the last twenty years, thefieldof application of tourist planning has
broadened considerably. At the outset, it was merely a question of sectoral planning,
of rationalizing investment decisions, with the benefits accruing either.tò the firm
involved or to the state. T o this end, tourist sites were developed from a purely
sectoral point of view, disregarding the interactions of tourism with the other
activities of the surrounding environment. These forms of what m a y ¡be called
'tourist enclave' development are, incidentally, still current today. The holiday
resort, remotely, situated and cut off from the surrounding community, forms a
world apart/unrelated to ordinary life. Holiday-makers are grouped together in
an hotel or a complex of hotels containing all the services thought to be necessary
for their sustenance and entertainment, the view taken of their needs being,
admittedly, the rather rudimentary one m a d e famous by the catch-phrase of the
four S's, 'sun, sea, sand and sex'. These resorts are usually situated at a distance
from the existing built-up areas; without direct links with the social and cultural
environment of the.country. They are mainly designed to attract a moneyed
clientèle and to channel its spending.
• ¡' F r o m 1965 on, new social classes began to join the ranks of annual holidaymakers, leading to the development of larger-scale projects, but still on the same
lines, designed to accommodate thousands of holiday-makers; H u g e tourist centres
sprang u p in the most varied and most isolated regions, on the coasts of Spain,
along the sandy beaches of the Bulgarian and Romanian Black Sea: coastlines, in
Tunisia, Morocco, Greece,; and, more recently, in the mountains of France. S o m e
of these resorts serve no other purpose than to take in their summer contingent of
holiday-makers arriving en masse in chartered aeroplanes onfixeddates. Outside
this period, the premises are completely deserted and look like strange ghost
towns struck d o w n in the prime of life by sudden death.
The tourist industry thrives on this concentration, which enables it to apply
Introduction: tourism in the process
of internationalization
29
managerial and administrative techniques based o n the latest principles of w o r k
rationalization on which it relies for its profits.
;•
However, with the emergence of n e w policies in, the 1960s, marking the
opening u p of developing countries to the international tourist trade, tourist
planning gradually changed direction. M a n y countries are giving priority to the
tourist sector in their national economies, as a way of attracting foreign capital
and of procuring assistance from the W o r l d Bank. But this is also bringing about
far-reaching changes in the w a y of approaching the problem, for states are having
to take on responsibilities that commit them in the eyes of their o w n citizens.
Once tourism ceases to be a supplementary activity and becomes a prime necessity,
the question of its profitability has to be considered in totally different terms.
It is n o longer a question of a secondary contribution to the country's economy,
but of its essential component. This leads to questioning the validity of the choice
of tourism becoming the driving force to carry the whole of the rest of the e c o n o m y
forward. T h e activities of the tourist industry are compared with the possible
profits to be m a d e from other existing or potential activities, and the need to
draw u p correlations.between these activities leads to the establishment of n e w
evaluation procedures; the idea of intersectoral planning takes the place of sectoral
planning.. ••':•.,;'• •>,•••;•••
._,.,-..•.
:.'.:••
••••••;: ••; <_•-. ••.'.•••.
,,, .Furthermore, .once tourism has become, the stated i priority target of the
government, theigoals of tourism change. It is n o longer simply, a question of
bringing in foreign currency,,but of feeding the profits from it into national
development plans; the goals of tourism thus c o m e to be measured against development criteria,iso that planners are obliged to define objectives on the.basis of
moral, ideological : and political considerations. This whole process. \ of change
leads to a complete reversal of the situation. The tourist sector—which could
initially be,considered as a distinct activity—shows a tendency to merge into other
sectors, becoming an integral part of national economies,.if not their very heart,
on which the other activities rely for their life-blood. The very, idea of intersectoral
planning therefore eventually gives w a y to that of global planning.
Alongside, this, internal idevelopment there is a; parallel change in the
relationships between these countries and the international instruments of planning.
Since tourist development undertakings in certain countries ¡are intended for
foreign clients^ there is a consequent need for a> concerted action ibetween various
partners. A t the instigation of international organizations, the W T O , the World
B a n k or Western governments—often the former colonial powers—with which
co-operation agreements have been signed, states undertake studies in order to
plan investments under a long-term programming scheme which takes account of
international interactions. Basic plans are actively promoted on uniform lines, the
preparatory studies being entrusted to United States and European consultancy
firms which are international in scope and operate in several countries. A s a result,
national tourist policies become increasingly dependent on international factors.
30
Marie-Françoise Lanfant
Similarly, long-term forward-planning studies are started to enable each country
to find its place in the market where there is keen competition for customers.
This global planning thus takes on an international dimension through the
co-ordination of measures that were isolated or peculiar to a single country and
their combination to produce an overall strategy that is both national and
multinational.
F r o m tourist enclaves to tourist integration
A t the same time, there is a growing trend, in the approach to planning and
development, towardsfittingthe action taken at particular places into overall
schemes for nationwide development. T h e present tendency is to tie tourist
activities more closely into the social and cultural fabric of thé various societies
in which tourism is spreading, representing a reaction to the 'tourist enclave'
schemes which produce ill feeling amongst the host populations.
Under the heading of 'tourist integration', a whole range of alternatives are
n o w being studied. Such studies aim to draw the tourist resort into the social
context by bringing it into touch with existing centres and with the social and
cultural environment through town and country planning. This integrated form of
tourism m a y take various forms but, in every case, the aim is to bring together
visitors and visited, and to bring about more positive developments in their
respective attitudes. The tourist in search of sun, sea, sand and sex is n o w frowned
u p o n . Efforts are being m a d e to promote a new type of tourist, with an intelligent,
sympathetic interest in the cultural and social peculiarities that he meets along
his way. Public information campaigns are accordingly being launched on a large
scale in the client societies, and a multiplicity of experiments in organization
are being devised in the host societies.
In the same w a y , the tourist industry is becoming more diversified and
providing for people to meet one another, to live side by side, to communicate, to
c o m e together and to join in all sorts of festivities which strengthen social
cohesion.
The same idea is at the base of the experiments in what is k n o w n as
"integrated community tourism', such as that carried out in Casamance in Senegal,
which 'seeks to associate the tourists with the daily life of the host environment'.28
All these measures are indicative of the desire to improve the relations between
the various nationalities that are being brought together, and. to reduce the
conflicts that might arise out of their dealings with one another;" But they also
m e a n that international tourist activities have a steadily deepening influence on
the social and cultural structures of the host countries.
Further signs, which can be discerned in the discourse on cultural and
sociocultural themes, provide an even more marked indication of the process
Introduction: tourism in the process
of internationalization
31
whereby the promotion of international tourism is being incorporated into the
cultural objectives of the various societies. The outward signs of social identities
are displayed in the tourist industry's products, in so far as they reflect national,
regional or local differences and peculiarities, ranging from the cultural productions most deeply rooted in collective m e m o r y to the liveliest manifestations
of contemporary cultures which afford opportunity for large-scale marketing
operations. Such a development is advocated by the international organizations
themselves, which justify the resulting commercialization of culture and its artificial
exhibition by the fact that the revenue expected from this can be used to restore
cultural heritages that are deteriorating, and to revitalize dying cultures. O n e
well-known case is that of Borobudur in Indonesia, which has become, with the
support of Unesco, one of the great centres of cultural tourism. Other sites are to
be treated in similar fashion: Herat in Afghanistan, Fez in Morocco, etc. Largescale programmes involving entire regions, such as R o m a n Year and Gothic Year,
are planned at the international level and people are invited to take on responsibility
for them by becoming the actors in one vast theatre. Historical pageants, parades,
andfiestasare.thus being organized.28 Folk festivals and even sacred celebrations
are similarly revived or exploited by the international tourist industry.
A n d such activities, which in the end convert culture into artistic performance, are highly regarded since it is believed that they should enable the
tourist-receiving societies to safeguard, or even to recover, their cultural identity,
while at the same time contributing their o w n special treasures to the c o m m o n
fund of universal culture.29
A n example of tourism planning: Morocco
W e shall illustrate this argument with one example, that of Morocco, a developing
country, which was one of thefirstto commit itself to the strategy of promoting
international tourism. A s early as thefirstfive-yearplan (1960-64), tourism was
a priority choice.
In the late 1960s, w h e n m a n y of the countries around the Mediterranean
were actively equipping themselves with the facilities to take in foreign tourists,
Morocco decided to commit itself with greater determination to international
competition and thought it necessary to m a k e this intention part of a long-term
planning process. Thus, in 1970, in the context of co-operation activities, a bilateral
agreement w a s signed between the Government of Morocco and the Federal
Republic of Germany with a view to establishing and financing a master plan for
tourism in Morocco. This led, in 1975, to the publication of an enormous, ninevolume document entitled Master Plan Touristique du Maroc, bearing, significantly
enough, the signatures of both the K i n g d o m of Morocco and the Federal
Republic of Germany. 8 0
32
Marie-Françoise Lanfant '
W e had the opportunity to analyse this document in the course of two visits,
to Morocco and to the Federal Republic of Germany, where w e were also able
to meet researchers and prominent people w h o had contributed to this work.
The Moroccan tourist master plan is not the only one of its kind: on the
contrary, it seems to us to be, in many respects, an illustration of the general
approach to the preparation of tourism,policies as part of the national development plans of developing countries. The Moroccan tourist master plan provides
the clearest possible illustration of the real facts of internationalization under the
guise of tourism, as w e shall n o w attempt to show.
In 1971, the Moroccan Government requested its partner (the Federal
Républic of Germany) to base the preliminary studies for the plan essentially on an
analysis of the demand for international tourism and the supply offered by
competing countries. This decision therefore meant.carrying, out studies outside
Moroccan territory. In 1972, the Government of the Federal Republic of Germany
commissioned two research offices—the Institut für Planungskybernetik (IPK) in
Munich and Steigenberger Consulting of Frankfurt—to carry- out these studies,
which they did with the help of a private Moroccan consultancy firm, Maroc
Développement, which at the time employed research-workers from the Federal
Republic of Germany and from France under the terms of co-operation agreements.
At the same time, Morocco took part in an internationalresearch project 'on the
forecast development of international tourist demand in the Mediterranean region',
financed by. several development banks from countries bordering the Mediterranean, launched under the aegis and with the assistance of the World Bank
( I B R D ) and entrusted to the Swiss consultancy firm of Battelle. All these studies
were co-ordinated by various research and decision-making bodies in the countries
involved. A n international operational structure was thus built; up," comprising
representatives of states, development banks, international organizations and
scientists, so that.by way of tourist planning procedures, an international consultation and decision-making network came into, being, in which European and
African partners were associated. .
.,-.•.
, ;. ,, , ,, . '.
W h a t is most immediately striking, when w e consider the content of the
Moroccan tourist master plan, is the importance given;to the parameters of international tourist demand, i.e. public opinion in the societies from which,tourists
come, in the taking of decisions at national level in Morocco. Whereas the analysis
of supply merely offers a rather summary review, of the tourist industry's products
likely to be available on the Mediterranean market,-the analysis.of demand is
based on a whole series of elaborate surveys carried out simultaneously.and by
standardized procedures, in. both client and host countries. Such surveys are
relatively complex, involving the sociological characteristics ofpresent and potential
holiday-makers, their behaviour on holiday, their choices and their opinions of the
countries they visit.
'•-:>-••
'•••• •
•>••-'•
The surveys in the host countries, i.e. conducted among tourists actually
Introduction: tourism in the process
of internationalization
33
on holiday, were carried out in all countries bordering the Mediterranean, both
north and south, with the exception of Albania and, for reasons that are not very
clear, France.
In the countries from which tourists come, the surveys were carried out
a m o n g representative samples of the national population, at approximately the
same time of year and with an identical questionnaire, in the Federal Republic of
Germany, France, the United States, the United K i n g d o m , the Netherlands and
Denmark.
The results of these various surveys, collected together by I P K Munich, and
fed into the computer m e m o r y banks, are to be found in one of the volumes
entitled Atlas of Demand, which sums u p the responses in a synopsis of international tourist demand where the various national clienteles—with all their
peculiarities—find their place in a global presentation.
Information of this order and scale on the origin, behaviour, motivation,
opinions and opportunities of present and potential holiday-makers is impressive.
Obviously, the aim goes well beyond the expectations of the Moroccan Government,
and this is indeed the intention of the survey organizers, w h o stress the 'fundamental
character of their research', which in their view takes into account 'modern
marketing views in the context of economic co-operation' and provides a 'polling
instrument which can be used for years and is likely to keep the trend calculations
within the framework of the medium-term strategies for assistance to developing
countries'.
In fact, the strategies proposed to the Moroccan Government are a direct
result of the analysis of demand. For instance, the grounds of complaint recorded
a m o n g the tourists actually on holiday are regarded as pointers to the fact that
supply and demand are out of step and consequently to the shortfalls to be
corrected in the host country. Likewise, the fantasies of potential tourists are
interpreted as being indicative of the attractiveness of a country and of its competitive strength on the market.
Morocco's potential clientele is an estimated 18 million foreign tourists
by 1980. It has been established that 25 per cent of this clientele will c o m e from
the upper classes, nine-tenths being French or American, 45 per cent from the
upper middle class, mostly m a d e up of Germans, and 30 per cent from the middle
classes of various countries.
The need to adapt Moroccan supply, as recommended by the authors, on
the grounds that, otherwise, Morocco could not withstand international c o m p e tition, leads, by staggering and compelling logic, to the paradoxical situation that
the national development plan of an L D C is determined by the leisure d e m a n d of
the most affluent countries.
All the recommendations m a d e to the Moroccan Government concerning
the improvement of its tourist industry product, the programme of organized
events for tourists or the desirable prevailing social climate, are the outcome of
34
Marie-Françoise Lanfant
this analysis of d e m a n d . O n the other hand, however, it is a striking fact that n o
mention is m a d e anywhere of the w a y in which the country could take charge
of this d e m a n d and fit it into its o w n social and cultural structures. There is a
flagrant discrepancy between the relatively well-researched analysis of demand,
which involves a consideration of the aspirations and motivations of tourists-to-be
through a detailed examination of their every: desire, and the analysis of supply
which remains purely descriptive, with n o reference to the expectations, preferences and reactions of the receiving populations.
Here, then, is a good illustration of the grossly ambiguous situation in
which a developing country finds itself trapped as soon as it decides to base its
development o n tourism, particularly if this choice is given priority and is to
involve the mobilization of all available forces in the country. The exigencies of
competition force that country to draw u p its policies on international bases and
to conform to the standards imposed by marketing technology, which at present
give a preponderant place to the parameters of d e m a n d for the conquest and
expansion of the market. Obviously, as can be seen in this example, internationalization does not exclude participation by the leaders of developing countries in
decision-making at the international level. But are they, even then, any better
placed to set the objectives of international tourist development in keeping with
the requirements of underdevelopment? W e shall leave that question open.
Theoretical and methodological lines of approach
T h e need is for research structures and procedures adapted to this process of
internationalization. In the first instance, w e have therefore approached this
process in terms of central organization. W e have stressed the impetus given to
international tourism and to its world-wide expansion by international tourist
organizations and the multinational firms.
O u r analysis focuses mainly therefore on the organization of tourism and
its unifying and integrating strategies. This emphasis has one obvious methodological consequence: in order to understand the problems that present themselves
at the local, regional or national levels, and to grasp their causal connection,
one must relate these particular levels to the actions and decisions taken at the
international level. T h e sociological analysis of tourism and of its local implications needs to be reconsidered in this light.
For it is a fact that this process of internationalization reaches d o w n to the
very heart of societies. It is not only national economies that are affected. T h e
process is one of re-socialization and acculturation. W e are dealing, in tourism,
with an all-embracing social phenomenon characterized by the introduction of
n e w systems of relationships in all sectors of activity, bringing about structural
changes at all levels of social life and increasingly affecting all regions of the world.
Introduction: tourism in the process
of internationalization
35
In order to understand the logic of its expansion and of its establishment in
the most diverse societies, it is therefore necessary to analyse tourism within a
theoretical and methodological framework that takes into account both its global
and its multinational character.
The multidimensional : character of the tourist phenomenon can only be
grasped through an analysis focused on the various levels of social reality. This
implies also that these levels—whether cultural or economic, whether involving
foreign-owned companies or the international tourist organization itself—should
not be considered in isolation, but rather brought into relation through a methodology rooted in an overall approach to the problem taking account of their
interconnections.
A s for apprehending tourism as an all-embracing social fact, this means
in effect always regarding the social phenomenon in its entirety as the object of
one's analysis. In other words, there can be n o question of regarding tourism as a
determining variable with the purpose of studying its effects and possibly inquiring
as to their specific character. The tourist phenomenon and its implications will
be approached from m a n y angles through consideration of a variety of social
situations and practices, the most importantly to reveal an operating principle that
allows us to analyse the social genesis of tourism.
The approach adopted m a y however give the impression that the strategies
of the tourist apparatus and the n e w forces it introduces play an absolutely determining role in the future of societies in the hold of international tourism.
This is not our position. W e are anxious to eschew any mechanistic view
of the social system. Just as w e think that to analyse tourism in terms of a network
of agents represents an analytical advance, so w e believe that this approach in
its turn embodies an ideology, which could justly be termed 'Manichean' if it
were to suggest that the system as such possesses a determining power that
deprives dependent individuals or corporations of any capacity to apprehend and
transform it. The system is composed of actors pursuing strategies in situations
shot through with contradictions.
A s our work stands at present, w e have isolated a phenomenon in the process
of development, but w e are not in a position to say h o w it embodies itself in the
actual host environments. O u r hypothesis of internationalization has however
enabled us to draw attention to certain facts which escape even close observation
on first analysis: w e have, for example, outlined in general terms a w a y of looking
at these changes, but, because the observations in thefieldon which w e are at
present working are not yet full enough, w e are unable to analyse the actual
practices through which these changes c o m e about or the specific processes by
which n e w structures are introduced and n e w cultural identities formed under
the pressure of international tourism.
W e are well aware of the simplifications to which the hypothesis of internationalization can lead if pushed too far. In the first place, it must not be
36
Marie-Françoise Lanfant
forgotten that international tourism is not the only vector of change in traditional
societies. Even where it m a y be regarded as dominant, it still has to be asked
h o w specific are the changes that it brings about, not only with regard to modes
of production but also to cultural systems.
International tourism offers, a m o n g other things, the chance to broaden
one's cultural horizons. But the conditions and social framework within which
this broadening of cultural horizons takes place must be defined—which has not
been done.
W e are well aware that the concepts w e propose to use in the analysis of the
social and cultural implications of this process of internationalization remain
very imprecise and will inevitably be revised in the course of our research in the
field. In particular, the concepts of m o d e of production, social class, state, leisure,
identity, elaborated in and for the cognitive framework of Western societies,
pose problems and c o m e under test when employed in the observation of a social
phenomenon in the process of spreading to societies totally different as regards
their economic, political, social and cultural systems of reference, and whose
differences are based on dichotomies that the tourist phenomenon, precisely
because it is a process of internationalization, tends to subsume dialectically
and transcend.
International tourism as an agent for the
dissemination of an economic and cultural model
T h e approach underlying our methodology recognizes international tourism as an
agent for the dissemination of an economic model of development on a world
scale—which implies a certain interdependence of aims between developed and
underdeveloped societies.
This economic model, which turns on a consumption-centred approach to
growth, rests upon the assumption that tourism is in itself a growth and development factor in underdeveloped countries and regions.
In accordance with this view, policies are worked out at the international
level for increasing tourist movements, distributing them throughout the different
regions of the world and planning them in such a w a y that the profits that flow
from them are channelled back into the productive sectors of the economy to
serve the national interest.
The developing countries and regions are implicated in this model when
they confer investment priority on the tourist sector, counting on the effects
produced by this activity to accelerate their economic development.
The developed countries do likewise when they direct the leisure occupations
of the salaried section of the population towards consumption in the form of
tourist movements beyond the national frontiers and thus bring about a
Introduction: tourism in the process
of internationalization
37
partial and temporary, but none the less massive, 'spread' of consumption.
This development model has certain characteristic features. It is based upon
the exploitation of resources that d o not exist, or rather they exist only in the
imagination and are converted into a tourist product which, to be developed,
requires the multinational production system of the tourist industry and which
brings returns, in the financial sense of the term, only within the international
monetary system, since tourist activities are based on the foreign market.
This economic model deriving from developed industrial societies has a
more or less universal value, since it is proposed to countries and regions with
unequal levels of economic development. Indeed, it is to be found in developing
countries as m u c h as developed countries—in the latter because it is regarded as
a w a y of redressing the level of development of economically backward regions
and also because it provides a means of acquiring not-to-be-disregarded foreign
exchange.
Several conditions are necessary, however, for this model to function: on
the one hand, the tourist installations must be productive and the profits they
produce must be reinvested in the economy of the countries concerned. O n the
other hand, it is necessary that the leisure time of the salaried sector of industrial
societies—the leisure time snatched from the constraints imposed by productivity
in their working lives—should be reintroduced into calculations of productivity.
T o increase the profitability of services, private or public promoters are
obliged to m a k e certain choices; they are tempted m o r e and m o r e to increase
the massive influx of foreign tourists without really taking account of the disruption caused to the host country by a population of tourists in excess of several
million individuals in territories often.ill-prepared to cope with such a burden.
A s for the host countries themselves, they are obliged to comply with the demands
of tour operators and their imported clients, and therefore risk becoming, as w e
have seen, more and m o r e dependent o n the multinational tourist industry.
The effects of such choices on the future of societies remains a great u n k n o w n .
This economic model is in itself full of contradictions. First of all, the profitability
of tourism is a very controversial matter. It is recognized that, in its initial phase,
tourist activity demands enormous investment. T h e initial effort required of host
countries is therefore very considerable even w h e n they receivefinancialaid from
the World Bank. In its subsequent development, this so-called export activity
conceals its o w n demands and involves host countries in import expenditure for
consumer goods intended for tourists, thus reducing, and ultimately even cancelling
out, the positive gain from tourism.
T h e logic of this model is also full of ambiguities. Tourist policy is based
upon the idea, of linking the potential development of underdeveloped societies
to the relative development of industrialized societies. It makes them a part of
the same unifying process. But international tourism is dependent for its existence
on their antinomies. T h e tourist industry derives its profit from the economic
38
Marie-Françoise Lanfant
disparities between countries. In this way it is able to reduce its operating costs.
Similarly, there is aflagrantcontradiction in pretending to bring modernization to. traditional societies while at the same time encouraging them to form
part of a process of. 'cultural involution' by caring for their traditions so as to
maintain their brand image on the international tourist market.1 " ' : :
But the matter goes deeper than this, for what is imported into a country
along with tourism is not only the tourist complete with wallet but also a model
of society. This influences not only economic practices, management methods,
modes of division and organization of work,.models of occupational training, etc.,
it also moulds social practices at all levels of.society d o w n to its very roots. This
economic model is a cultural model.
Lines of sociological inquiry
W e will conclude by setting forth some theoretical and methodological problems
on which I have been reflecting and on which research might be focused.
Conceptual approaches-—the concept of internationalization
T h e issues involved in internationalization require for their study a special set of
concepts to guide sociological inquiry, which is normally pursued at the level
of social relationships or cultural systems. So far, most studies on internationalization have been conducted from the standpoint of economics and political
economy. It is n o w u p to sociology to go further into the concept, linking it with
the concept of internationalization evolved in the field of economics. While it
seems necessary to keep at a distance from economics, which restricts sociology
in terms of its o w n boundaries, it seems just as necessary from our point of view
to base the study of the sociological issues involved in internationalization on
analysis of the economic systems of which tourism partakes.
I approached this problem from the standpoint of certain current theories
concerning the phenomenon of multinationals and, following m a n y authors, I
came to m a k e a distinction between the neoclassical theories of international
exchange and the theories of internationalization. M y attention was drawn in
particular to C . A . Michalet's work, Le capitalisme mondial?*
This author shows the displacement strategies whereby multinational firms
manage to increase their profits, and he sees in this trend a precursory sign of an
emerging world economic system.32.
This is a phenomenon to be found in the tourist industry too: multinational
tourist firms also tend to, displace their production plant, extending their networks to societies where running costs are low. Then again, in tourism w e are
dealing with displacement of a very special kind, for it involves the travel of
Introduction: tourism in the process
of internationalization
39
millions of people, w h o go to consume their free time in countries where services
are cheaper than in their h o m e countries.
It m a y therefore be supposed that international tourism plays a specific role
in the emergence of the world economic system. The present state of our k n o w ledge does not allow us to say exactly what that role is. W e note that this economic
activity is not taken into consideration in recent works dealing with internationalization and w e do not k n o w h o w this activityfitsinto the international economy.
Therefore, it seems very necessary to undertake empirical descriptive analyses
to get a better idea of the organizational network of the tourist industry, in both
its unity and its diversity, also in its relations with the other sectors of the economy
in the process of becoming organized on an international basis.
The issues involved in free time
The issues involved in free time would seem to require reconsideration in the
light of the economic analysis of internationalization. According to the theory
that tourism is a factor in the growth of the developing countries, the future of
these countries depends on the populations of industrial societies travelling there
during their free time. Free time is therefore essential if certain societies are to
grow rich. It is bound u p with the idea that consumption produces growth:
once free time has been introduced into the economic circuits and undergone
different transformations it becomes productive again and is a source of
profit.
Although the question of the productivity of free time is not currently
raised, there are indications that the meaning of free time is changing. It is n o
longer just time freed as a result of the productivity of labour or time w o n as a
result of the pugnacity of wage-earners. It has become the time required for the
consumption of travel. The promotion of tourism demands that free time be
increased in industrial societies and spent in the tourist production plant and this
gives rise to n e w constraints in the use of free time which would have to be
analysed.
Theory of an international tourism'technostructure*
At a certain stage in m y investigation, I put forward the hypothesis that with
international tourism w e were concerned with an emerging 'technostructure'. I
have borrowed this term from Galbraith, while not sharing all his convictions.
W h a t interested m e in Galbraith's work Economics and the Public Purpose (1973)
was above all his approach and the questions he raises with regard to internationalization. Galbraith emphasizes the power of the multinationals inasmuch as they
organize 'technostructures'. A technostructure as he sees it rests on the interpenetration of technology and bureaucratic management, reinforcing their effects
40
Marie-Françoise Lanfant
and thus resulting in the emergence of a transnational power distinct from
capital—the power of the managers.
It is from this standpoint that I have approached the analysis of the international organization of tourism. Galbraith's criteria—transnationality, concentration, integration, dispersal and distribution of capital, planning, offensive and
defensive strategy of the multinationals, marketing, persuasion techniques—have
proved to be strong points in the analysis of the phenomenon of tourism.,
Galbraith observed that technostructures were not interested in the developing countries as markets to be conquered. They did not attempt to integrate
them into the planned market. According to him, those countries remained subject
to the laws of the competitive market. It appears to m e that, through international
tourism, some of the developing countries, on the contrary, enter the multinational
systems. They adopt the planning and management methods of the international
organization and become partners in a system of international action alongside
the economic agents of the developed societies.
According as international tourism is analysed as an extension of the
capitalist system to countries that had formerly remained outside that system, or
as the emergence of a technostructure at the international level, different questions
will present themselves.
In the former case, the spread of international tourism will be seen as a
disguised form of appropriation of national territories through expropriation and
speculation in land and the organization of domination through appropriation of
the means of exploiting the resources of tourism. T h e spread of international
tourism in the developing countries will be regarded as a neo-colonialist form of
capitalism. M a n y authors reach this conclusion.
With the hypothesis of a technostructure, what seems important is that,
through the promotion of tourism, methods of organization, management and
economic planning are introduced into a backward economy with a view to
organizing growth.
Capital is invested in the machinery for exploitation in order to m a k e it
pay dividends; a technostructure is concerned with developing its management
techniques as well. The former is mainly bent on returns, the latter on control.
It should not be forgotten that tourism is a pretext for setting up transport
and telecommunication networks, including data processing. For a country to
possess a tour-operating agency with international coverage, or to negotiate with
one, means that it gains some control over the instruments of the international
economy. Introduction of the production plant of the tourist industry m a y lead
to the reorganization of the economy after a certain pattern. These possibilities
should be examined more carefully.
Introduction: tourism in the process
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41
International tourism and social relations
Galbraith dwells on the dissociation of the holders of capital and the managers
of the means of production, which is occurring as a result of the organization of
an international technostructure. Following other authors, he. emphasizes the
emergence of a n e w ruling social class, that of the managers w h o , as a result of
their organization and their scientific and technical knowledge, have the upper
hand.
This idea, which m a y conflict with orthodox Marxist theories, deserves
examination in the case dealt with here. T h e tourist industry, in so far as it takes
the form of an organized and planned system, is in a w a y connected with this
tendency.
Galbraith's conception of social classes is not mine, but the implications
of international tourism for the organization of social relations raise questions.
The emergence of an international tourist structure is bringing the managing
classes closer to the capitalist world. In the developing countries, the impact of
international tourism is straining the traditional social fabric. A twofold change
is to be observed in the social classes that wield economic and political power.
The planning of international tourism demands high-level administrative and
technical skills, which are obtained in schools of international repute. A n e w
techno-bureaucratic social class, more directly pursuing an international strategy
of integration, is beginning to be distinguished from a newly emerging propertied
social class, whose wealth is due to the manipulation of capital, speculation in
land and tax evasion, facilitated by tourism.
These two social classes are also interested in acceding to political power,
but their positions with regard to the aims and purposes of the international
economy are different. Hence the appearance of subsidiary contradictions in the
ruling class. Tourist interests more closely bound u p with the internationalization of capital m a y run counter to national or regional interests m o r e directly
centred on a method of production organized on a national basis. The implications
of international tourism for social relations cannot be investigated further here,
for want of the necessary research.
Guidelines for a methodology
It is realized that the theoretical problems raised here cannot be tackled by means
of the methods of comparative analysis normally used in the social sciences,
i.e. the systematic exploration of a set of variables, their dependence and interdependence being taken into account, and the projection of those variables into
different situations in which the concomitant variations can be observed.
International tourism is spreading in societies with different methods of
42
Marie-Françoise Lanfant
production and socio-symbolic systems. These differences must be grasped through
analysis from the inside so that they can be integrated. For our purposes it is
therefore n o longer a matter of trying to explain the changes observed locally on
the basis of an economic model of growth arid noting its subsidiary effects in the
economic and social spheres. It is a.matter of grasping a real movement of disintegration and repatterning at work in the social fabric. This demands awareness
of: the contradictions leading to differences that m a r k the process of internationalization.
A methodology, taking into, account only the homogenizing effects of this
process, smoothing out the différences (of a national, regional or more individual
nature) in a claim for universality, would at the same time neutralize the tangible
effects of the dialectical process set in motion by international tourism w h e n it is
introduced into the various societies, disturbing the assimilation and differentiation
of h u m a n groups and individuals who,have to build u p and assert their identity
in this n e w situation. A n d this is where sociology comes into the picture.
'
Notes
1
[Translated from French]
-
'•'<'••'
•
•
:
.
•
.
;
Economy of Developing Countries, Frosinone,
I U O T O , T o u r i s m in the World (reports for 1967-69;
Tipographia di Cosamari, 1974.
1970-^71; 1971-74; 1976).
12
2
J. Lauriac, Élude pilote des perspectives touristiques W e noticed this in connection with different international inquiries into 'the sociological asen Europe pour les années 1980. First and
pects of international tourism', especially
second parts, I T A (Institut du Transport
the T O U R project sponsored by the European
Aérien), Commission Européenne de T o u Centre, for the Co-ordination of Social
risme, Paris, January 1978.
3
Science Research, and Documentation, in
R . Lanquar, Le tourisme international, Paris,
Vienna, Austria, some results of which are
Pressés Universitaires de France, 1977,126 p.
reported in the article by Mihovilovic below.
(Que sais-je ? series). '
4
M . - F . Lanfant, Les théories du loisir, Paris, Presses13 'Social and Cultural Impact of Tourism', Unesco/
Universitaires de France, 1972, 254 p .
I B R D seminar, Washington, 1 9 7 6 . M . Picard,
5
Tourism Policies and International Tourism in
Tourisme et société. Propositions pour la
réflexion ¿t l'action, study conducted by the
the OECD countries (annual report), Paris,
Collectif de Recherche en Sociologie du T o u O E C D , 1974-1975-1976-1977.
6
risme, C N R S , for the Division of H u m a n
United Nations, Recommendations on International
Settlements and Socio-Cultural Environment,
Travel and Tourism, United Nations ConferParis, Unesco, 1979.
ence, R o m e , 1963.
11
7
G . Anderla, La balance des paiements: les inviGroupe Huit, The Socio-cultural Impact of Tourism
sibles et le compte voyages, études méthodoon the Local Population of Developing
logiques, Aix-en-Provence, Centre d'Études
Countries: A Case Study: Sousse-Tunisia,
Touristiques, 1971.
Unesco/IBRD seminar, Washington, 1976.
16
8
R . Erbes, International Tourism and the Economy
Lauriac, op. cit. '
8
of Developing Countries, Paris, O E C D , DevelGroupe Huit, op. cit.
10
opment Centre, 1973.
Centre des Hautes Études Touristiques ( C H E T ) ,
'Le tourisme dans le Bassin Méditerranéen: 1S R . H . Green, 'Toward Planning Tourism in
African Countries', Unesco/IBRD seminar,
évolution et prévisions', Aix-en-Provence,
Washington, 1976.
1976.
11
17
A . Sessa, Tourism as a Factor of Progress in the
M . - F . Lanfant, M . Picard, M . H . Mottin,
Introduction: tourism in the process
of internationalization
43
Notes (suite)
18
18
20
21
22
23
21
D . Rozenberg and J. de Weerdt, Sociologie
retariat document), N e w York, United
du tourisme: positions et perspectives dans la
Nations, 1971.
recherche internationale (research report),
Tourism planning, I U O T O report approved by
Paris, C N R S , Centre d'Études Sociologiques,
the Executive Committee, Mexico City,
1978,110 p.
September, 1970.
M . Merle, Sociologie des relations internationales,C . Saglio, Essai d'intégration sociale et culturelle
du phénomène touristique, L o n d o n , 1976.
,, Paris, Éd. Dalloz, 1974,424 p .
A . Haulot, Tourism and Environment (Tunis
M . - F . Lanfant, J. de Weerdt, M . H . Mottin
Seminar, 23-24 October 1976), Brussels,
and D . Rozenberg, Signification du tourisme
International Bureau of Social Tourism, 1976.
international: fait et acte social (research
report), Paris, C N R S , Centre d'Études SocioF . André, ' U n e opération de tourisme culturel.
logiques, 1975. F . Asher and J. SchechtL'année de l'art gothique en Picardie'
Jacquin, La production du tourisme, (research ;
(research thesis). Centre d'Études Supérieures
report), Paris, C O R D E S , 1978. J^ dé Weerdt,
du Tourisme, Université de Paris-I, N o v e m Recherche sur la signification de la promotion
ber, 1976.
touristique Internationale, Paris, C E S T , Uni- M . - F . Lanfant, Introductory Address to the
versité de Pàris-I, 1976. E . Hudson, L'inté4th Seminar 'Tourisme et patrimoine cultugration verticale dans l'industrie des voyages et
rel'; 'Actes du colloque. Galerie Culturelle',
des loisirs'(study), Paris, ITA, 1972.' .
organized by the Musée des Arts et Traditions
Populaires, Paris, June, 1975.'
.'
J. Krippêndorf, 'Marketing et tourisme', Études ,
Master Plan touristique du Maroc, Federal RepubBernoises de Tourisme, Bern, Cahier 7 , 1971.
licof Germany and,the Kingdom of Morroco.
'Rapport d'activités 1971-1974', Paris, CommissaStudies by I P K (Munich) and Steigenberriat Général au Tourisme.'
ger Consulting (Frankfurt/Main) assisted by
'The. Role of the State in the Field of Tourism',
Maroc Développement, 1976. .-,.-.;
Geneva, I U O T O Information.
,
C . A . Michalet, Le capitalisme mondial, Paris,
I U O T O Document SG/413, Geneva.
Presses Universitaires de France, 1976, 233 p.
The Elements for Tourism Policy in Developing
C . A . Michalet and B . M a d e u f . ' A N e w Approach
'.::' Countries ( U N C T A D Secretariat document),
to International Economies', International
N e w . Y o r k , United Nations, 1979. (Ref. T D /
' Social Science Journal, Vol. X X X , N o . 2 ,
B/C.3/89/rev.I.) Guidelines for the Creation
of Statistics for Tourism (UNCTAD
Sec- •'• 1978.
Architecture for tourists
Richard England
Introduction
A n d on the seventh day G o dfinishedHis work which H e had done, and H e rested.
Book of Genesis.
It is not documented in the Holy B o o k where the Lord spent his leisure time or
holidays (perhaps in one of the beauty spots—as yet unspoilt and uncontaminated
by man—which he had created during his toils), but the need for rest and repose
is clearly outlined at this initial stage of affairs even on a divine level. The equation
of rest and holiday following labour is formally established and it is not surprising,
therefore, to find that m a n created in the image of his maker follows his example.
S o m e perhaps over-imaginative writers have even gone so far as to suggest that
the earth itself might, have been a leisure centre for space visitors from other
planets or galaxies, providing in its earlier virgin state superb holiday facilities,
while the American poet B o b K a u f m a n has been wanting 'to prove that Atlantis
was a s u m m e r resort for cave m e n ' . All are points that illustrate man's longstanding and constant preoccupation with the work-leisure theme and relationship. Aristotle in his wisdom categorically states that 'The end of labour is to
gain leisure.' Cicero also points to periods of rest and spare time as essential
elements of man's life-pattern in both physical and mental terms, with his words:
'Leisure is that which makes life worth living.'
M u c h later, Bertolt Brecht in his p o e m ' W h o Built Thebes with its Seven
Gates?' asks a basic crucial question in today's terms of vacation and leisure
w h e n he queries where all the workers w h o worked on the Great Wall of China
went to in their spare time after working hours. Perhaps this immense labour
force or that employed earlier on the Pyramids, Stonehenge or projects on a
similar scale was in its moments of repose responsible for the earliest examples
of mass holiday situations.
Richard England is an architect and designer, with interests also in sculpture, photography,
painting, writing andfilmproduction. His work has been exhibited in one-man shows in Europe
and the United States, and he has published several books, designed a stamp for the Maltese Post
Office, and numerous hotels, banks, offices, residential buildings, tourist complexes and a church.
His address is: Oleander Street, The Gardens, St Julians, Malta.
Int. Soc. Set. J., Vol. X X X U , N o . 1, 1980
Architecture for tourists
45
Development and directions
While the principle and phenomena of leisure are clearly outlined and defined
historically, even from biblical times, the process of actual travel for pleasure is
found to be only a recent development. Tourism, i.e. travel in leisure time, must
be considered as a direct product and result of man's spare time. Kenneth Clark
assures us that before the eighteenth century mountains and nature in general
were not particularly sought after. A survey of L o n d o n carried out in 1598 by
John Stow states: 'Every m a n . . . could walk into the sweet m e a d o w s and the
green woods, there to rejoice in their spirits.' These words clearly indicate the
interactions existing during those times of m a n - m a d e environment and nature
which are no longer present and evident in our modern, labyrinthine, oppressive
cities, manifesting only marmoreal monoliths of decadent debasement. The urban
districts that housed the majority of the population at that period of history
were m u c h smaller, incorporating large open spaces, and a considerable proportion
of the population still lived in rural areas, thus minimizing the existing contemporary need for both health and psychological reasons to escape to open quiescent
spaces for recuperation.
Historically man's leisure time was centred at that period on religious
festivals and pageants held and celebrated on the 'seventh day', fulfilling both
the physical need of rest and the social requirement of h u m a n contact and
co-relationship all focused under the protective umbrella of the hierarchy of the
Church. Even the earliest form of tourism as w e k n o w it today was oriented and
concentrated on religious or health-resort themes or, in particular cases, a combination of both these aspects. Places like Lourdes (France), shrouded in rhetorical
religious mystery and mystique, and Montecatini (Italy) together with Vichy
(France), Baden-Baden (Germany) and Bath (England) advertised and praised
for their health-restoring mineral springs were a m o n g thefirstareas to receive
the embryonic onslaught of modern mass tourism. Even then, however, this type
of manifestation was still an isolated one, and only involved the participation
of a very minor proportion of a country's population and people. Incentives
to travel were small and costs high, while the actual means of communication
were slow, cumbersome and uncomfortable.
Population increase in exponential proportions, industrialization and consequently urban growth produced disparate negative forces and results o n living
environments with the outcome that thefirstinstincts and needs for escapism,
not only emerged but later became basic requirements, clearly emphasized and
outlined in man's system of priorities for his survival. Caged in bleak, vespertine
smoky towns, engaged in back-breaking toil, m a n discovered that rest and leisure
were essential to restore his energies from tiredness, fatigue and exhaustion.
However, for most, any form of leave was possible, if at all, for only short periods
because of the rigidity of working hours, m o n e y problems, travel difficulties and
46
Richard England
minimal holiday time. Consequently most leisure trips were limited to strenuous,
one-day excursions. A t the turn of the century, holidays were still considered a
luxury, even for the rich.' Later, between the world wars, with the advent in industrialized countries of the principle of holidays with pay, travel during vacation
periods; began to increase,; but it was only after the Second World W a r that the
situation allowed ¡holidays abroad to come within the reach of the middle-class
masses.
• - • '':•••.. •;•
'•'...
'.
Therefore, the meaning of the term 'tourism', as used today, Le. mass travel,
is only relatively recent, and m a y be interpreted, as a confluence of m a n y aspects,
including population growth, higher incomes, mobility, earlier retirement and
increased leisure time. Michael D o w e r in The Challenge of Leisure (Civic Trust,
1965) was prophetic when he wrote: 'Three great waves have broken since 1800.
First the sudden growth of dark industrial towns. Second the thrusting movement
along; fár-flung railways. Third, the sprawl of the car-based suburbs. N o w .
the surge of a fourth wave . . . Leisure. . . '
This was to be a wave which grew to tidal proportions in both quantitative
magnitude and also as a commercial enterprise, to become perhaps one of the
most powerful currents of man's whole twentieth-century life-pattern.
Tourism: today: from luxury
to commodity to necessity
W h a t has contributed most strongly to the overwhelming growth and expansion
of the phenomena of tourism in the decades of the 1960s and 1970s has; ironically,
been the failure of urban environments modelled on architectural philosophies
based on twentieth-century rationalism. Contemporary architecture evolved
in the 1970s o n theories based on revolutionary dogmas; but the rigid simplifications required at the early stages of such a situation lingered on, outliving and
outlasting their initial use and consequently stunting and eliminating the wider
extension, which was possible. Most of the master preachers and builders produced
egocentric, soulless monuments dedicated solely to themselves, rhetorical ostentation, bearing n o relationship to m a n and his human-scale requirements for a
successful telluric life-pattern. Architecture became a science based on machineindustrialism, instead of an art, excluding in this process the vital emotional
aspects of its expression. Unlike the ancient Greeks, whose multivalent attitudes
enabled them to still consider the m o o n as the goddess Artemis, despite their
full knowledge of the fact that, in reality, the satellite was little more than an inert
mass circling round the planet Earth, modern m a n focused myopically onto
limited technological aspects only. A s Carl Sagan has said: 'The processes of
rational thought are not ends in themselves but must be perceived in the larger
context of h u m a n good:'
Architecture for tourists
47
It was only in personalities of the calibre of Charlie Chaplin, w h o in his
film of genius, Modern Times, clairvoyantly portrayed modern m a n as a victim
of his o w n technical progress, with prophetic overtones of impending catastrophes,
that heralds of d o o m appeared. The problem with modern architecture has
been that it has attempted to find a universal solution to what, in fact, was never
a universal problem. T h e domination of matter over spirit enclosed within the
limited walls of four-square logic has given birth to the urban-industrial deathtrap of the obnoxious, joyless environment that is the contemporary city. M e g a lopolis, produced by megatechnics, is adapted not to h u m a n conditions but inducive
to congestion, hustle, noise,.crime and aggression. M a n has become the despoiler
of his habitat and his creations are symbols and ciphers of death. The basic failure
is the result of orienting social aims exclusively towards improving productive
performance and, in the process, eliminating all forms of theomorphic, messianic
overtones necessary for a balanced existence through an integral cycle composed
of the totality of intellectual mind and emotional soul. Technology has been
glorified as a god, and m a n has become a cipher, no longer an individual: without
identification as a social animal, he becomes completely disorientated in the very
environment he has created for himself. Lewis M u m f o r d , Jane Jacobs and others
in their writings, together with Jean-Luc Godard, especially in hisfilmAlphaville,
have given us frightening previews of what happens w h e n technology's lifesustaining arteries are blocked in the terrifying situation m a n has opted to design
and build for himself. In the words of Joseph Rykwert: 'Most modern buildings
hate people.'
. It therefore follows that the required medicine should take the form of a
total refreshment, encompassing body, mind and spirit, and the obvious directional lead is one towards nature in its poetic isolation, peace, solitudes and
silences, in an attempt at a total coalition and fusion of m a n with his surroundings.
Everybody today, during his leisure time, is concerned with the fulfilment of an
individual personal dream, or vision, in the shape of Utopia, Shangri-La or an
island in the sun, and looks forward to such a niche with great anticipation. It
was Anatole France w h o said: 'Utopias tend to inspire a distaste for reality.'
But when reality is itself so distasteful, Utopias become a necessary inspiration
for liberation and deliverance. Modern m a n requires as a basic essential, time
to himself, time perhaps to allow his strained soul to catch u p not only with
itself but also with his mechanized, overtaxed body. Only if this time is m a d e
available can he survive the pressures of this contemporary world.
The challenge of accommodation
O n e of the positive aspects of Iate-twentieth-century technology is the ease of travel.
With easy ways of escape, m a n y million people travel annually, seduced
48
Richard England
by very sophisticated advertising, in search of an 'away from it all' holiday."
It is not, therefore, surprising that tourism is one of the most highly developed
industries in the world. W h e n the majority of people in consumer societies have
acquired most of their reasonable desires (house, car, televisión, refrigerator,
freezer, etc.), instead of buying further consumer durables, they buy consumer
experiences, like holidays, before returning to their everyday reality.
The housing of these travelling masses, the problem of accommodation
without spoliation and pollution, the provision of necessary amenities and the
preservation of natural and m a n - m a d e historic beauty spots are the vital problem
facing planners and architects working in thisfield.Yet one must take all the
necessary precautions to avoid killing the goose that lays the golden egg. T h e
following progression has unfortunately already become all too familiar:
Unspoilt place with unique character attracts tourists.
N e w buildings and amenities necessary to house tourists bring about change.
M o r e tourists produce more change.
Loss of initial attractive character becomes element responsible for departure of
tourists.
Final result is environmental, social and economic disaster.
Tourism has different connotations and interpretations for different clients:
'a place in the sun' for northern Europeans, 'instant culture' for Americans, or
'mass participation' for Japanese, for example. However, the essential international
problem remains that of accommodating masses of people without committing
environmental suicide, while still preserving the ethos and logos of their target
areas. Broadly speaking, the activities andflow-linesof tourism focus either on
historic cultural centres or on sun, sea and sand areas in s u m m e r , and snow-ski
resorts (perhaps m o r e as a second holiday) in winter. A rapid sketch of some of
the solutions and trends being applied today in the architecture of this sphere
will help to outline the existing difficulties and clarify the requirements necessary
so as to be able to,define some proposals and suggestions to be adopted as directional pointers for future developments.
W e have mentioned that historical and cultural centres are a m o n g the most
popular areas of the contemporary tourist trade and are consequently exposed
to the violent pressures involved in this process.. This, is due to the search for
'instant culture' and also to strong nostalgia for the past, because of the existing
situation in urban civilization. In the culture-soaked ambience of Venice, R o m e
or Athens and other centres of civilization, evidence of the past provides solace,
relief and identity in the discovery of basic, ancient roots, sources and origins.
In the context of the re-use of historical centres tourism can, if handled
carefully and correctly: represent a form of environmental preservation and resuscitation, provided precautions are taken to control vehicular traffic, advertising
and other pollution, while also ensuring that the local population mixes with
and benefits economically from the tourist influx (by avoiding package tours).
i
í»-1
lar S .
ii»t*
Ȉ
fc,
_ ^ ^ _
n."|J , wr'
# % » '
Club Valtur Village, Kemer (Turkey). Architects: Giovannini, Giovannini and Cavdar.
(Photos: Club Méditerranée.)
>
A,.
*?>,*
Club Valtur Village, Brucoli, Sicily (Italy). Architects: Anversa, Barbera and Belardelli.
(Photos: Club Méditerranée.)
r
"f\
1 IB
1
,-v^r ¿f-*
n-
¡i
Club Méditerranée Village, Otranto (Italy). Architects: Noëlle Janet and Christian D e m o n c h y .
(Photos: Club Méditerranée.)
Club Méditerranée Village, Otranto (Italy). Architects: Noëlle Janet and Christian Demonchy.
(Photos: Club Méditerranée.)
Tourist village scheme in Malta. A n attempt at integrating building into landscape.
Architect: Richard England.
Architecture for tourists
49
This interaction m a y be directed towards the encouragement and revival of ethnic
crafts, agriculture and other small industries of the area. Recycling, with n e w
uses for old buildings together with additions carefully inserted, therefore provides
a m o r e positive formula than pulling d o w n and redevelopment. T h e problem is
to ensure that the n e w is woven delicately into the pattern of the old in order
to produce an effect of unity, homogeneity and compatibility.
In the wake of the energy crises and in keeping with the messages of such
writers as writings Ivan Illich, Jacques Ellul or E . F . Schumacher presaging án
age of ecological awareness, architecture has turned to adapting old buildings
to "suit contemporary requirements, to maintain, preserve and re-use with reasonable initial expenditure and low recurring costs. Adopted as a solution for housing
tourists, the re-use of historic buildings or even anonymously traditional vernacular ones must be considered as a valid option from every aspect. Besides
preserving the life of the buildings themselves (nothing is more destructive than
disuse) the system provides accommodation in a h u m a n e , scaled-down architectural
environment, conceived and concerned not with applied twentieth-century cosmetics but with an inborn reality, a deeper total integrity of truth.
These adaptable and malleable environments with their capacity to change
function contrast with the rationalist ideal of the modern architectural m o v e m e n t
in producing rigid, non-changeable, fully finished art objects: an unfortunate
approach which relegates the user of modern buildings to a passive, caretaker role.
Allowing for individual participation is beneficial to both buildings and their
users. Such principles have already been applied successfully to ancient castles,
fortresses and various other buildings in Ireland, Spain, the Federal Republic of
G e r m a n y and other European countries. T h e negative aspect has been a tendency
to provide 'kitsch' interiors bearing little or no relationship either to the building's
overall expression or to basic modern comfort requirements.
It is also of particular interest to see this formula of rehabilitation being
extended to less important, simple, ethnic vernacular buildings. W e must not
forget that most of the world's buildings were not the w o r k of master designers
or even trained architects, but constructed by simple m e n struggling to provide
shelter from nature's inclemency—an 'architecture without architects'.
Today, despite highly specialized training and university standards for
graduate designers, architects are out of touch with people's requirements, and
w e seem to be in the ironic situation of producing 'architects without architecture'.
Little attention has been paid, especially in the teaching of architectural history,
to the vernacular aspect of building while m o n u m e n t s from Babylon to Brasilia
have been exhaustively illustrated, measured and documented; this is rather like
starting the history of music with the birth of the symphony, or restricting botany
to such sophisticated and evocative flowers as camelias or lilies. It was only after
Bernard Rudofsky's 'Architecture without Architects' exhibition w a s presented
in N e w Y o r k in the early 1960s that this non-pedigreed architecture was brought
Richard England
50
to the forefront and given the attention it merited. T h e vernacular, however,
cannot be repeated; it can only, be recycled, adapted and reused. In developed
countries it is already dead. Hassan.Fahty in Egypt, utilizing primitive labour
techniques and materials, has managed to produce a valid 'designed' vernacular
expression in solving the particularly complex contemporary problem of housing.
T h e vernacular cannot be copied, for it dies on the drawing board. Various attempts
to produce neo-vernacular have. only given cliché-ridden pastiche results, the
Costa Smeralda in Sardinia being a typical example. A s an exercise in recycling
and reuse, and even more as a pedagogical tool, the vernacular, however, has
great potential especially when applied in tourist architecture contexts, which
have the preservation of the genius loci as one of their principal aims.
M u c h of the negative impact of tourism is concentrated in coastal areas.
Coastlines have always been most vunerable areas not only historically, because
of threats of invasion but also due to exposure to and the ravages of the elements.
T h e contemporary tourist explosion further emphasizes this vunerability and
fragility. A reporter for the Architect's Journal (London) travelled by car along
the coast of Spain from Cadiz to Barcelona and documented the environmental
dispoliation he saw in the issue of 1 M a y 1974, along 1,000 miles of coastline
in less than a decade.
Here the dream of a holiday escape is brutalized into a concrete jungle of
high-rise hotels and apartments, or houses consisting of 'little boxes' monotonously laid out in repetitive, land-consuming plots. The whole leisure scene has
become nothing more than a traumatic mirror image and duplication of the reality
that prompted the exodus and need for a holiday in thefirstplace. The search
for adventure and change ends in boring.predictability. M a x i m u m density coastal
megalopolis (on the island of Majorca over a decade over 1,000 hotels were built)
in contrast to ethnic vernacular expressions, become, because of their inability to
mature, instantly outdated. These standardized, short-lived hegemonous buildings,
stretch from the shores of Miami to those of the Mediterranean as a warning of
what can and will happen, if mass tourism is not carefully and intelligently
tackled with specific, multi-faceted total attention to h u m a n , environmental and
ecological aspects. The problem in most cases is that these areas are n o w beyond
salvation: what is required n o w is to eliminate the cause and not doctor the effect,
and to ensure that this type of growth does not spread to new virgin areas.
Paradigms of promise
Occasionally, however, there are examples of developments that indicate, hint
at and sometimes demonstrate the lines that should be followed in order to achieve
not only economic viability for the developer but also sensitive environmental
adhesion to scale and site, together with the desired atmosphere and high standards
Architecture for tourists
51
of design and comfort for the visitor. A glance at some of these, unfortunately all
too rare, efforts should help in formulating the necessary criteria for the development of a successful contemporary architectural expression relating specifically
to tourism.
Aris Konstantinidis's Xenia Hotels in Greece were early examples (late
1950s and early 1960s) of a simple, stark, intelligent and regionalistic adaptation
of the modern rationalist approach. His applied humanistic overtones, sensitivity
to site, and the use of local materials combined to produce solutions of remarkable
interest and high quality. François Spoerry's designs for Port Grimaud, o n the
south coast of France, built on re-claimed marshland, although perhaps leaning
towards a stage-set type of architecture, were highly successful in terms of overall
planning, providing yachting facilities, scale relationship and organizational
elements. Most of the Club Méditerranée architecture in various parts of
the world by Noëlle Janet and Christian D e m o n c h y is highly commendable
for its restrained manners, good quality and successful insertion into existing
environments.
: M o r e recently some excellently designed examples have emerged particularly in Europe, outstanding a m o n g which are the white-cube Tourist Village in
K e m e r , Turkey, by architects Giovannini, Giovannini and Cavdar; the Italian
Simeri e Crichi ziggurat village scheme in Catanzaro (architects: Cidonio, Finzi,
Zamponi and Machiocchi) and the introvert Valtur Village in Brucoli, Sicily
(architects: Anversa, Barbera and Belardelli). All these buildings have particularly
commendable merits which should be carefully studied and documented in order
to provide guidelines (not formulae!) for future tourist developments. Each has
individuality, identity of place, scale relationship and a sufficient dose of panache
and high-quality design to be considered a m o n g the most successful attempts
in thisfieldof architectural practice.
Other interesting contemporary architectural attempts, as single isolated
buildings as opposed to the spread-out organic groupings referred to above
are Skidmore, Owings and Merril's stark but imaginative hotel at M a n u a K e a
Beach in Hawaii; the Architects Collaborative's sloping terraced A m a t h u s Beach
Hotel in Cyprus; Studio Legoretta's minimal Camino Real Hotel in Cancun
Mexico; Ricardo Bofill's inventive, if overpowering, apartments in Sitges and
Alicante, Spain, and Elie Azagury's and Jean-François Zevaco's ethnic rationalistic approaches in Morocco.
It is interesting, if slightly disappointing, to note that very few of the great
modern architects have been involved in the design of tourist projects. This
perhaps serves to emphasize the communication gap which has existed between
developers and the élite establishment of modern architecture. Frank Lloyd
Wright designed the famous Imperial Hotel in Tokyo in 1921 with specific oriental
overtones, and its survival in the great earthquake a few years later spread its
fame, as well as that of its designer. A building of remarkable genius, it w a s
52
Richard England
destroyed in the late 1960s in a typical gesture of our times 'because it was n o
longer commercially viable'. Arne Jacobson's T o w e r Block conception for the
S A S airline in Copenhagen, designed as a unified totality from building to bedlinen by the architect, is a m o n u m e n t to its particular type of Nordic expression,
stark and cerebral but carried out with the usual high standard of Scandinavian
design and execution; an excellent example of near-perfect machine technology,
unfortunately bearing little relationship to h u m a n scale and emotion. Gio Ponti's
Parco dei Principi Hotel in Sorrento, Italy, is an example of the opposite, with
romantic overtones. In a extravaganza of opulent ceramic coloured interiors, the
late master designer creates an evocation and summation of the indigenous arts,
crafts and traditions of the region. It is a gesture of Italianate exuberance, yet
combined with great delicacy, which welcomes guests with a caressing warmth
reminiscent of the Mediterranean sun itself. Richard Neutra's Californian
'homes for those w h o have left h o m e ' , are excellent essays in simple architectural
expressions with the accent on the elimination of the non-essential, yet without
clashing with scale-site requisites. Ralph Erskine's Borgajall Hotel in south
Lapland is painted to look like a child's coloured toy, evocative perhaps of
multi-coloured ethnic Lapp costumes, yet it is serenely integrated in its form
into the undulating snow-bound terrain and emerges as a subtle masterpiece of
the highest order showing h o w excellent tourist architecture can be obtained
with restricted budgets, imaginative design and above all good taste and tactful
manners.
T w o American architects whose names stand out for their contributions
to touristic design philosophy perhaps more in their written contributions than
in their completed buildings are John Portman and Morris Lapidus: names
that have been more readily associated with decadent expressions in 'ersatz'
taste than refined elitist architecture. However, I personally think there is a
great deal that members of the profession can learn from their attempts at a
world of exotica, to meet and satisfy the taste of the m a n in the street. In most
of their works there is a strong manifestation that the purpose of architecture is
to give people pleasure in their surroundings. John Portman, architect-turneddeveloper, has with his sumptuous Hyatt-Regency Hotel chain interiors in America
and elsewhere re-introduced a sense of nineteenth-century palatial grandeur to
hotel spaces. Although strictly business-orientated both in concept and use,
and covered in kitsch detailing, they are worthwhile and interesting examples of
a n e w definition and organization of internal space concepts on an almost biblical
scale. F e w examples of contemporary architectural interiors c o m m a n d such
attention and admiration from the lay onlooker.
Morris Lapidus, originally a shop designer, entered the hotel design scene
with the building of the Fontainbleau Hotel in M i a m i , Florida, in the early 1950s.
With more and more hotels to his credit Lapidus has since m a d e more of a valid
contribution in his written philosophy than in his buildings. Always he has opted
Architecture for tourists
53
for a sense of h u m o u r and enjoyment aspects unfortunately absent in practically
all modern architecture. A s he says:
Don't take these Miami Beach Hotels seriously, they are built for fun . . . to introduce
a sense of excitement.... I want to build what m a n wants . . . I a m not trying to build
monuments; m y hotels are not built to impress architects but to make people enjoy
themselves and be economically viable for the people w h o built them.
Again, Lapidus excells in intention and purpose, but his overpowering 'ersatz'
defeats his aesthetic aims, if certainly not his commercial ones—his hotels are
reputed to be a m o n g the most successful anywhere from afinancialand operational
point of view. His creed for an architecture designed 'to provide a holiday that
should be a treasured m e m o r y ' achieved with Hollywood-style interiors 'to m a k e
each guest feel important' is in principle correct; but the dividing line between
reality and pastiche is dangerously thin—so thin in fact as to m a k e one seriously
question whether, after all, he m a y not be right. (The Disneyland parks, the only
examples of 'kitsch' done well, are the most successful leisure centres in the world,
both economically and in terms of the n u m b e r of visitors they attract.)
A s he correctly states, ordinary m a n is sick and tired of the upturned noses
of élite architects with their 'if you don't understand it you're stupid' attitude,
and is more than elated at the sense of importance he is given on entering any
Lapidus building. Ironically, the n a m e of Morris Lapidus m a y yet figure in the
architectural establishment for his services in popular communication, with people
utilizing his very o w n particular architectural 'dialect'.
Conclusion: consultation for optimal solutions
W e have seen that tourism as w e k n o w it today is as vital for the survival of m a n
as the air he breathes. If the protection of the atmosphere against pollution and
defilement is of unique importance for m a n ' s biological function, so also is the
protection of the areas designated for enjoyment and leisure essential for his
psychological existence. W e can ill afford to discard kilometres of precious coastal
areas, or the even rarer cultural centres, because of repetitive mistakes. Despite
destructive tactics and attitudes m a n remains, basically, a sensitive animal and
is quick to abandon despoilt areas. Recent studies of tourist areas in Italy have
revealed that w h e n densities rise to overcrowding levels, international tourists
begin to abandon the area. T h e onus of this immense ecological burden falls on
the designing architects w h o must establish a dialogue not only with the site and
its requirements but also with the speculative investors and the tourists themselves.
Perhaps involvement with others working in diverse fields is the answer, a kind
of pluralism, in the sense of multidisciplinary participation in a similar and
54
Richard England
parallel w a y to orchestration in recent aleatorio music. In Pierre Boulez's Pli
selon pli the structure as an integral whole is determined by the composer, but
within this overall designed order the performers are encouraged to improvise
and add to the details. In building terms, the comprehensive scheme could be
determined by the architect while the 'orchestration' of thé details would be
left to individual participants.
••>..:•
The closest equivalent situation so far in architecture is that conceived
by Lucien Kroll in his University of Leuven scheme outside Brussels. T h e building
involved m a n y improvised details, by students and workers, within the total framework, and thefinishedresult is an interesting and fascinating initial prototype of
an architecture of participation. Perhaps, this sort of formula could be adopted
in other spheres of building activity including that of tourism, involving not only
workers but also possibly visiting tourists themselves.
T h e problem, however, remains that m a n is living in a period of great
transition, and while it is true that the phenomenon of tourism is beneficial to both
user and promoter, and there is n o denying that it is a great stimulus to the
economy of any country, it is equally true that change and improvements, though
essential, are difficult to implement. W h a t is essentially needed today should
perhaps not only be restricted to architectural expressions but spread to wider
fields. M o d e r n m a n must cultivate, develop and augment the ability to overcome
and extend the restrictions imposed by post-Cartesian patterns of thinking.
There exist two diametrically opposed contemporary philosophies, one holist,
intuitive and predominantly Eastern, the other differentiating, rational and basically
Western. While in some fields (education, psychology, medicine, etc.), the integration of these two approaches is sought, architecture, despite its more recent
history, remains unfortunately outdated and unable to rid itself of some of the
old-fashioned moral implications and dictums of the rationalist movement. A
visit to the Far East to study the philosophical guidelines of the cult of tranquillity
found in the Japanese dry Kara-Senzui gardens has taught m e that the Western
logical system of life, focused at best o n a mathematical ideal, is in urgent need of
extension of its parameters. Departing from the premise that m a n is an integral
and essential part of the greater continuum of nature and not a dominant, exclusive
external force in control of the situation, a philosophy which is a rich extension
of the limited Western system of thinking has been evolved.
.
In terms of providing answers to the problem of tourist accommodation, it
is imperative, in thefirstplace, to remember.that architecture is essentially a
serving art, providing accommodation for people not only at the individual but
also at the group level; then it becomes necessary to think and create applications
and solutions in terms of uniqueness of place, site and scale requirements and to
create a sense of identity, besides considering the more obvious requirements of
materialistic function and economics.
N o w that architecture has reached its 'post-modern' stage, rejecting, one
Architecture for tourists
55
hopes, in the process, the anonymity of its recent manifestations and the outdated
dictum of 'form follows function', historians are already declaring the whole
rationalist movement dead and superseded. According to architectural critic
Charles Jencks the death of the movement took place even before the energy
crisis: ' M o d e r n architecture died in 1972, with the destruction of the Pruitt-Igoe
housing scheme in St Louis, Missouri'—a previously highly praised and published
development which w a s so vandalized, had such a high crime rate and w a s
considered so totally uninhabitable that it had to be blown up. Perhaps an act
of merciful euthanasia to ensure the survival of m a n ! It is perhaps in the specific
sphere of tourist development that identity and sense of place, so lacking in other
modern buildings and developments, can be re-established, as they must here
be considered as essential, functional requirements on the part of the consumer
and user.
In experiencing and listening to what I have elsewhere referred to as 'the
voices of a site' perhaps lies the secret of future buildings, belonging to that
place and becoming an integral part of an overall totality concerned with an
ideology of identity. Natural features and architecture must unite into overall
entities as individual solutions to particular problems generated by the general
process of tourism. T h e voices will tell the architect (if he is a sensitive one)
whether the environment is weak and this in turn requires him to be strong and
dominant: or perhaps that the environment is strong, and that he, in turn, should
be docile and subservient. Only after this spiritual contact has been established
can the wheels of the rest of the architectural creative process begin to turn.
Teaching the anthropology of tourism
Nelson H . H . Graburn
Introduction
Over the past ten years social scientists have begun, almost suddenly, to do detailed
research on the worldwide phenomenon of tourism, a topic they previously
neglected for reasons well outlined by Boissevain (1977); prior to that, for decades
serious research on tourism was mainly the province of economists. Apart from
a few precursors in the 1960s (Nunez, 1963; Forster, 1964) the recent burst of
interest has stemmed in part from a questionning of the economic benefits usually
predicted, the realization that social, cultural and aesthetic consequences of tourism
m a y outweigh economic benefits, and the near impossibility of not noticing the
serious impact of tourism in locations where anthropologists and m a n y sociologists
dofieldresearch.
In the past three years I have introduced an undergraduate course on the
anthropology of tourism into the regular curriculum of the University of California, Berkeley, United States. M y interest in this topic grew out of m y comparative research on the commercialization of primitive and folk arts, culminating
in the volume Ethnic and Tourist Arts (1976) and from m y involvement as discussant
in the symposium 'The Anthropology of Tourism' organized by Valene Smith
at Annual Meetings of the American Anthropological Association in Mexico
City in 1974.
M y course was. introduced as an experiment1 in autumn 1976 and drew
over 150 students, about half of w h o m were anthropology majors, and the rest
drawn from a large number of departments. Responses were very positive, not
only from students, but also from professors and visitors w h o audited or participated in aspects of the course.2 In autumn 1977 I applied to the University auth-
Nelson H. H. Graburn is professor of anthropology at the University of California, Berkeley,
CA 94720, and curator of North American ethnology at the Lowie Museum. He has conducted
field research amongst the Canadian Inuit (Eskimos), in the Chicago area and in Kyushu, Japan.
Amongst his books are: Eskimos without Igloos (1969), Readings in Kinship and Social Structure
(1971) and (edited) Ethnic and Tourist Arts (1976), the latter inspired by an article he contributed
to this Journal, Vol. XXI, No. 3, 1969, on 'Art and Acculturative Processes'.
Int. Soc. Sei. J., Vol. XXXII, N o . 1, 1980
Teaching the anthropology of tourism
57
orities and was granted regularization of this course in the Upper Division
anthropology curriculum, as an elective course to be taught every other year.
That same term I conducted a graduate seminar on the topic,3 which attracted
ten advanced students, all wishing to do research on aspects of tourism. T h e
undergraduate course w a s taught again in the spring term 1979 and attracted
over 170 students. A s with the experimental offering, the students c a m e from a
wide variety of disciplines, and graduate students and visiting professors audited
the course. The reception w a s very positive.
Tourism in the anthropology curriculum
The Anthropology of Tourism is currently offered as an 'elective' course:in the
upper division4 curriculum of the Department of Anthropology at Berkeley.
After students take introductory courses in physical, cultural and linguistic
anthropology and archaeology, they usually focus their studies within one of the
four major branches of anthropology. Students, of socio-cultural anthropology
are required to take a certain m i n i m u m number of courses in such topics as
kinship and social structure, political anthropology, culture and personality,
socio-cultural change, ecological anthropology and so on, as well as optional
courses, called 'électives', and several courses outside anthropology. T h e newly
developed anthropology of tourism has become a popular elective course for
undergraduates majoring in anthropology, relating closely to such other courses
as socio-cultural change, economic anthropology and ecological anthropology.
In addition, the course has become popular a m o n g students in other disciplines
w h o are also required to take courses outside their departments. It particularly attracts those from sociology, business administration, geography and the
humanities. Foreign students (from Japan, Taiwan and Latin American countries,
for example), and American ethnic minority students (such as those from San
Francisco's Chinatown), whose h o m e communities are heavily affected by tourism,
often take the course to increase their understanding of the tourist phenomenon
or even to gain insights useful for prospective careers in the. governmental or
business aspects of tourism. S o m e of these students (and auditors) in both the
graduate and the undergraduate course came from outside the Berkeley campus
of the University of California.6
Course plan and materials
The course is divided into two parts, covering the two major foci in the study of
tourism:first,the analysis of the history and cultural structure of tourism itself,
utilizing the writings of D e a n MacCannell (The Tourist, 1976), Erik Cohen
Nelson H. H. Graburn
58
(1972, 1974) and Graburn (1977c) and, second, the impact of tourism, using the
case studies in Smith (1977) and other published sources.
The undergraduate course consists primarily of lectures, ¡including guest
lectures by experts in particularfields,and 'mini-symposia' on specific tourist
impact cases. Each mini-symposium consists of a panel, usually including native
people from a host country or community, a travel professional and an anthropologist, both with experience there. Panellists m a k e short presentations on the
history, nature of and reactions to tourism, followed by discussion and questions
from the students. A film on the impact of tourism, Welcome to Paradise,' has
been used. The second time the course was offered, the students also met with
a teaching associate for discussion sections.7
The students were given a list of required reading, and took two examinations: a mid-term examination concentrating on thefirsttopic, the history and
analysis of tourism, and afinalone covering the entire course but concentrating
on the impact of tourism. These examinations consisted of essay questions, often
with an applied content. The students were also asked to perform other small
assignments, such as describing and analysing tourist situations where they had
been hosts or guests, or examining the role of tourist experiences in their lives
and world-view. S o m e advanced undergraduates, as well as graduate students
in the seminar, were allowed to do research papers on limited topics instead of
taking thefinalexamination.
Course content
The phenomenon of tourism
O n e of the advantages of teaching the anthropology of tourism is that all the
students have some familiarity with the phenomenon either as hosts and observers
of tourists8 or as tourists themselves. At first m a n y students claimed that they
had never been tourists, but were 'trekkers', 'travellers', 'drifters' or even anthropologists, which (like Boorstin, 1962) they set apart, as somehow 'more worthy'
than mere tourists. However after reading the works of Cohen (1973), Teas (1976),
and MacCannell (1976) they became convinced that they had been tourists of
some kind or another. They realized they were responding to the same values and
motivations that have characterized the outward-looking Western world since
the Middle Ages and the middle classes of m a n y other parts of the world since
the Second World W a r .
Thefirstpart of the course discusses the definitions of the tourist, starting
from Smith's statement: 'The tourist is a temporarily leisured person w h o voluntarily visits a place away from h o m e for the purpose of experiencing a change'
(Smith, 1977, p. 2). W e cover the different types of tourism, and the psycho-
Teaching the anthropology of tourism
59
cultural motivations of modern tourism: historical, cultural, ethnic and exotic,
recreational, and environmental—the last category has recently bifurcated
into 'hunting and gathering'—with the goal of g a m e , souvenirs, shells,
rocks etc.—versus 'ecological' tourism—with the search for 'wilderness' and the
avoidance of leaving any mark on the natural environment (Graburn, 1977c,
p. 27; Newsweek, 1977). Students are asked to consider cases of multipurpose
tourism, such as visiting Europe for skiing and great cities (cultural and recreational), or tropical islands for 'sun, sand, surf and sex' combined with contact
with the 'exotic' native peoples (recreational and ethnic).
M u c h of the first half of the term is spent on the topics brought u p in
MacCannell's book The Tourist (1976). MacCannell sees tourism as a paradigm
for modern, outer-directed, leisure-oriented life amongst the middle classes of
the world. This textbook, though subject to considerable criticism (Graburn,
1977a; D u m o n t , 1977; Cohen, 1978; Schudson, 1979) contains what m a n y students
thought were brilliant insights into h o w they led their lives, their o w n values
and motivations; it brings forth useful discussions o n the relationship between
the idea of tourism and concepts of 'freedom', the relations between w o r k and
leisure, extra-curricular education and the nature of the social sciences themselves.
MacCannell asserts that the latter are the professional counterpart of tourism
itself, which he claims is the layman's effort to probe and understand the workings
of modern society and the differentiations of our complex world.
A week is devoted to the history of (Western) tourism and historical analogues such as holidays and seasonal rituals (heightened occasions that break
the routine of life), pilgrimages (characteristic of most complex theocratic societies)
and warfare, exploration and long-distance trade. Information on early tourism
is, gleaned from Sigaux (1965), Turner and A s h (1975) and Burkart and Medlik
(1974); this was followed, in both offerings of the course, by an excellent lecture by Ian Dengler of the history department on the evolution of pilgrimageexploration-tourist processes from the Middle Ages through the Grand Tour
(Trease, 1967; Hibbert, 1969) up to the Industrial Revolution, illustrated by slides
of contemporary m a p s , paintings and travel documents. This leads into an examination of the emergence of modern mass tourism, spurred by the railway and
other technological advances, by cultural changes (in printing, administration,
the establishment of national boundaries) and by the activities of T h o m a s C o o k
and his imitators. The twentieth century is examined in terms of the emergence
of the worship of nature and of the 'people of nature', i.e. exotic peoples, darker
skins, the suntan, the breakdown of the European aristocracy after the First
World W a r , as well as the technological advances of ocean liners, trains and
aeroplanes, and the influences of overseas travel in the two world wars. T h e
students appreciate that they are heirs to a long series of historical developments
which underlie the behaviours and attitudes they and their families had taken
to be recent or very modern.
Nelson H. H. Graburn
60
The next section of the course examines the nature of the modern travel
industry and the magnitude and directions of the present volume of domestic
and foreign tourism (Nash, 1977; Nolan, 1975; Turner and Ash, 1975; HaydenGuest, 1972; Big Picture, 1976). Students are encouraged to look at travel-trade
journals such as ASTA Travel News, Travel Age West and the Travel Agent and
to see h o w tourism is treated in the mass media. Using MacCannelPs semiotic
analysis of signs, symbols and markers (1976, p. 109-43) the students are required
to analyse tourist and travel advertisements as part of their mid-term examination.9
The next section of the course deals with modern tourism and related institutions, particularly the variety and functions of m u s e u m s (Graburn, 1977Ô;
Wittlin, 1970) souvenirs and tourist arts (Graburn, 1976; Carpenter, 1972;
Cohen, n.d.). W e study this topic from the point of view that the system of signs and
meanings is generated by, and gives meaning to, modern international middle-class
life; the impact of these phenomena on host cultures appears later in the course.
M u s e u m s are an apt metaphor for modern touristic attitudes and institutions. They are repositories of the symbols of the conquest by the modern
world over the past (history and art historical museums), nature (natural history,
science museums) and 'non-modern' peoples (ethnological), and they give safe
and satisfactory meanings to a public forever puzzled by the increasing complexity
and volume of communications to which it is subjected. Souvenirs and photographs, on the other hand, give tangible proof to travellers and to their h o m e
reference groups, of having experienced 'otherness' in their travels, while bearing
messages (signs) of what is culturally approved as 'typical' and understandable
in the places visited. The two converge in the modern middle-class household,
which has become a kind of private m u s e u m of prestigious souvenirs and personal
records; conversely m a n y public areas, particularly those which are targets of
tourism, have become 'museumized' with the self-conscious preservation of the
old, and the nostalgic use and display of non-modern paraphernalia such as San
Francisco cable cars, warehouses and factories converted into shops and restaurants, and old houses restored for modern living.
The impact of tourism
T h e second half of the course considers the impact of tourism, using a twofold
approach. First, economic, social and cultural dimensions are treated according
to a scale of positive-to-negative results, with attempts to analyse case studies
(Smith, 1977) for the specific factors accounting for the different results. Second,
these heuristically separable topics are examined more holistically in terms of
the impact of tourism on different types of places: small-scale, exotic 'primitive'
societies, island societies, ecologically and historically fragile environments, developing countries, and metropolitan and industrial communities.
Official rationales for promoting tourism in both Third World and Western
Teaching the anthropology of tourism
61
nations have been economic; the students are introduced to concepts of international trade and investment, and the multiplier effect on income and the standard of living that has been claimed for host communities. W e then examine the
work of Bryden (1973) and others w h o have conclusively demonstrated that, for
poorer countries, there is considerable 'leakage' of tourist-generated income back
to the metropolitan, tourist-generating nations, through repatriation of profits,
payment for imported foods, equipment and services, the costs of training tourist
service workers and advertising overseas, and the demonstration effects of tourists'
luxury consumption on local peoples, leading to increased imports. The inflationary
effects of tourist demands frequently negate the net income derived from tourist
developments.
The social impact of tourism ranges from increased local solidarity and
community cohesion, as in Malta (Boissevain, 1977), to increased local stratification through the emergence of n e w classes of entrepreneurs, to the breakdown
of stable local communities in the face of massive outside pressures. T h e denigration of previously proud and autonomous peoples as they enter service
occupations as lower-echelon workers has been demonstrated in m a n y parts of
the world (Finney and Watson, 1975; Wagner, 1977; Y o u n g , 1973). T h e degree
of local decision-making allowed and the employment of local people in the more
powerful positions in the industry are the key factors in promoting positive
outcomes in the social reactions to tourism.
The disastrous results of the impact of tourism on local cultures are far
more numerous than positive reactions. The course covers the effects of tourism
on both local cultural behaviours—rituals, festivals, markets, public etiquette,
language—and on cultural artefacts—arts, crafts, souvenirs and the introduction
of new, non-indigenous replacements.
MacCannell (1976, p. 155) and others assert that the commercialization
of key cultural events, subjected to the demands of outside spectators rather
than the participants, turns a natural, valued, part of life into a 'tourist attraction'
and strips them of genuine meaning, local pride and enthusiasm. A most dramatic
case is the Basque alarde of Fuenterrabia (Greenwood, 1977) which the Spanish
tourist authorities overwhelmed by putting in grandstands, controlling the timing
and having it 'performed' twice. Similarly, tourist demands that the Torajans of
Sulawesi (Crystal, 1977) perform their rich and spectacular indigenous funeral
ceremonies at the height of the tourist season, even w h e n there is no body, destroy
the spontaneity and cultural functions of the event. S o m e local authorities, such
as those of Siena in Italy, have resisted the tourist commercialization of the annual
palio: ' W e do not play the palio, w e live it' (Dundes and Falassi, 1975, p . 240).
The tourist-attracting cultural events of strong, metropolitan cities are not so
easily changed by such forces: for instance the changing of the guard in L o n d o n
or the M a y D a y parade in M o s c o w would go on m u c h the same whether tourists
were present or not.
62
Nelson H. H. Graburn,
The demand for souvenirs, ranging from the sacred and authentic to the
most trivial gimmicks, is universal and has produced a variety of effects. In some
areas, native arts and.crafts m a y be saved from oblivion by tourist demand, at
a time when local demand is on the wane, but in m a n y other areas : important
cultural properties are sold cheaply and never replaced. Often, local productions,
such as weaving, pottery or sculptural arts, are cheapened by demands for increased
volume, standardization, simplification . and portability (Lathrap, M a d u r o ,
Williams and B e n - A m o s , in Graburn, 1976) or they are undersold and replaced
by imitation souvenirs imported from other places. Only a few non-Western
communities have strengthened their local material productions through catering
to tourist demands, such as the Cuna of Panama, w h o m a k e elaborate mola blouse
panels for their o w n use and later sell them to tourists for high prices (Salvador,
1976; Swain, in Smith, 1977).
The ecological and sheer physical impact of tourism is considered, by introducing the concepts of carrying capacity, land usage, infrastructure planning and
parks and preserves to the students (Cohen, 1978; Dassman et al, 1973). T h e
differential capabilities of various environments in withstanding the volume,
behaviour and life-style of tourists are examined in case studies. Damaging
behaviour, such as hunting, collecting shells and plants, trampling vegetation
and frightening wildlife, are considered, along with the effects of infrastructural
developments, vehicular use, hotels, sewage, and bad examples for local populations of waste, litter and the sale of natural and historical items. It is also pointed
out that it is the people of the industrialized world, w h o have seen their o w n
environments disrupted, w h o carry the ethic of conservation and preservation
to m a n y Third World areas, which, through lack of education and the population
explosion (Shields, 1978), m a y be rapidly, destroying their o w n living spaces.
Thus, wise planning for tourism m a y have a salutory effect on material and environmental destruction.
During this second half of the course, w e were fortunate in arranging for
the authors of some of the readings, and other knowledgeable speakers to address
the class and show slides of their o w n original research. For studies of exotic
and island societies, Eric Crystal lectured about Tana Toraja (1977), W . Schmidt
(1978) and Burton Benedict (1979, n.d.) talked about their research on the impact
of tourism in the Seychelles; Karen Nero discussed alternative strategies for
tourism in Micronesia (Nero, 1976; Nero and Graburn, 1978) and Dick G o o d m a n
talked about 'close to the people tourism' which he organizes in Samoa.
The impact of East African 'safari tourism' on both the park animals and
the attitudes of local peoples towards game and the tourists was discussed by M a r y
Jean Aerni (Aerni, 1970). The impact of tourism on historical cities was treated
in a 'mini-symposium', with Drs John and Pat Lyon R o w e and Professor Jorge
Flores, about Cuzco and the surrounding Andean area. The growth of tourism
in metropolitan Bangkok was discussed by a panel consisting of Professor Herbert
Teaching the anthropology of tourism
63
Phillips, Juree and Vicharat Vichit-Vadakan and M s Asavaroengchai, along with
their o w n illustrations. A s an example of tourism in the developed, industrial
world, it was demonstrated to the students in a session devoted to the cultural
structure and behaviour of Japanese domestic tourists (by Graburn) and Japanese
foreign tourists (by Mariko Ikkai, 1979),'that it is not just the Western world
that dominates modern tourism.
The last part of the course concentrates on planning for tourism and
remedies for the already observed negative impacts. W e discussed large-scale,
'self-contained' schemes versus 'natural', locally integrated tourist developments
(MacCannell, 1976, p. 163) and general guidelines for the implementation of
development (Gearing et al., 1976; Baud-Bovy and Lawson, 1977). The implementation of alternatives to mass tourism are introduced (Graburn and Hetzer, 1979)
as well as socialist models for the planning process itself (Gasparovic et al, 1971;
Shivji, 1973).
Through the case studies and subsequent analyses, two major themes
emerge:first,that each development must be examined for its unique factors,
and that there are no 'blanket' solutions to tourist development problems even
though the implementing institutions—governments, multi-national corporations,
airlines, etc.—may have extensive experience in other areas; second, that the key
question in m a n y areas is not always tourism versus no change but tourism versus
other forms of development. Thus, each examination must be a total cost-benefit
analysis of tourist programmes versus alternative developments, against the
background of the often negative consequences of inaction in m a n y desparately
poor communities ( P A T A , 1975).
Graduate students and contemporary research
The graduate students are required to read more extensively, including the fine
summaries of contemporary research by Norohna (in de Kadt, 1979), de Kadt
(1979) and Matznetter (1974) as well as the multidisciplinary journal Annals of
Tourism Research (ATR) and other periodicals. Each student engages in library
orfieldresearch and presents lengthy papers to the class. The topics have included
such diverse subjects as the application of the model of 'the frontier' to n e w
tourist communities (Passariello); the economics of tourist developments in
Quintano R o o , Mexico (Lord); the meaning and use of ethnic arts to enhance
torn-ism, and baggage departments in a large store (Horner); motivations for, and
perceptions of, tourism in Cuba (Budetti); the impact and resistance to tourism
in various California communities, such as Lake Tahoe, Donner Lake, Carmel
and San Francisco; and the management of 'front and back stage' impressions
(Goffman, 1959) in California 'theme parks' (Bialick, 1976) such as Disneyland
and Africa/USA.
Nelson H. H. Graburn
64
; Particularly interesting research was directed to. the use of symbols derived
from tourist arts and crafts as ethnic identity markers a m o n g urban American
Indians (Rose), and the relationship between m o n e y given to Japanese tourists
(¿enbetsti) and the calculation of type's of gifts (omiyage) they are constrained to
buy in the United States to take back to relatives and friends in Japan (Ikkai,
1979). S o m e advanced undergraduates pursued extended research to write honours
theses.10 O n e student examined 'busman's holidays' and found that urban busdrivers are particularly fulfilled in their work and, though well able to afford it,
rarely engage in tourism, contravening the c o m m o n sociological conception about
the alienation of the blue-collar worker. This thesis was awarded a prize as the
best of the year (Campbell, 1978). Another student did research in Costa Rica
on the conceptions of preservation and nature generated by the, national park
system recently opened for domestic and foreign tourists there '. (Shields, 1978).
M o s t recently, a student spent nine months in Malaysia studying the changes in
batik production and motifs in response to tourist demands and the need for a
n e w national image; this thesis also w o n the Rroeber Prize (Barnard,; 1979).
O n e student visited China and wrote a study of changes in domestic tourism
before the revolution, during M a o ' s rule and in the past year (Mosher). 11
Conclusions
T h e study of tourism is an entirely suitable, albeit neglected, topic for anthropologists. In m a n y parts of our complex, interconnected world, tourism is the
major cause of inter-ethnic, cross-cultural interaction. T h e study of the nature
of tourist motivations and behaviour reveals m u c h about the underlying value
systems of the modern world. If w e are to study the nature of solidarity, identity
and differentiation in modern society, w e cannot neglect tourism, which is one of
the major forces shaping modern societies and bringing (and changing) meaning
in the lives of the people of today's world.
The study of tourism is timely and important. H u m a n mobility is at an
unprecedented level and tourism planning and development are significant for
most national governments and hundreds of thousands of local communities in
the world. In addition to the economic ramifications, which have been well
researched, the impact on h u m a n values and the social order is crucial and very
suitable for holistic research of the kind that anthropologists have traditionally
practised. The anthropologist, with a tradition of in-depth and long-term ethnographic research, can evaluate the cultural and even psychological ramifications
of the massive intrusions that tourism often brings, particularly in previously
exotic communities, about which anthropologists have special knowledge. T h e
study of 'acculturation'—the mutual reactions of two societies in long-term
contact—has been enlarged to include the special and episodic nature of tourist
Teaching the anthropology of tourism
65
developments. T h e anthropologist must weigh the potential effects óf tourism
against other forms of development, which might be planned for socially or
ecologically fragile areas. Such communities.have little experience of defending
their autonomy or making significant input into the planning process, often
allowing themselves to be disastrously over-run by outside forces.
.Anthropology has, in the past two decades, changed its emphasis from the
study of classification and structure to that of process and interaction. N e w topics
have become the focus for m u c h research, such as work arid leisure in the industrial
world, the interaction between .'scientific' and native medical systems, and legal
and extra-legal conflict management. T o these, the topic of travel arid tourism has
been added. The courses described here function, in part, to train students, first
as researchers to provide insightful accounts which m a y be useful to governments
and other planning authorities in improving tourist institutions12 and ameliorating
negative impacts, and second for future employment as consultants and evaluators
in governmental and business institutions. For the majority of the undergraduates^
w h o will not become professional social scientists, the course provides a partial
preparation for work in the travel industry, as travel agents, leaders, m u s e u m
officials and so on. A b o v e all, the course gives all the students insights into the
values and problems of the world in which they live, enabling them to understand
h o w other people feel and h o w to be more sensitive and fulfilled in their o w n lives,
J
which inevitably involve tourism. .;
' Notes,
1
2
3
At the University of California, any regular proinars on any subject in which they are doing
" fessor is allowed to propose a n e w course. If
• research, under the rubric of 'recent develthe proposal is approved by thé chairman of
opments',. provided, of course, that their
the department, it is submitted to a campusdepartment acquiesces to such use of their
wide course committee, which examines
teaching time.
4
whether the course content is substantial and
Most American universities treat thefirsttwo years
fits into the curriculum, whether it overlaps
of undergraduate study, k n o w n as 'lower
with courses offered by other departments,
division', as general education requiring
and whether the professor is qualified and excourses in a wide variety of scientific, social
perienced enough to teach such a course. For
and humanistic disciplines. In the second
entirely new topics, such as this one, approval
two years, k n o w n as 'upper division', the
.. i " • m a y be given on an experimental basis, with
student is required to major in a particular
: >: further offerings depending , on positive
discipline, and is subject to the course restudent and faculty response.
.. quirements of the appropriate department.
Persons m a y audit a course, with the permission of .--,:•• Graduate students are usually allowed to
• . the instructor. In-the case of new.or poten, ', take;upper-division courses as introductions
tially interesting courses other professors and
to specializedfieldsin which they intend to
visiting researchers frequently sit. in on a
prepare themselves for research. This course
course or parts of it. In this case, such people :, .,(,. has, attracted 5-10 per cent of, graduate
were asked to participate.in certain presenstudents on both occasions it has been taught.
: tations m a d e in the course..
S o m e of these students went o n to take the
Regular professors are. allowed, without coursegraduate seminar offered the following year.
.
committee approval, to teach graduate semIn addition some undergraduates, w h o were
66
Nelson H . H . Graburn
Notés {continued)
s
8
7
6
pursuing the honours programme, took the
graduate seminar.
T h e University of California allows free transfer of
students between the various campuses, such
as Santa Barbara, Los Angeles; Davis, with
permission of advisers.Otherstudents received
special permission from Stanford and campuses of the state university system to attend
this course, which is unique in California. In
addition, auditors included advanced graduate students and visiting professors from as
far away as the United Kingdom, Greece,
Peru and Japan.
This film, m a d e by the Canadian Broadcasting
Corporation, examines Canadian tourist
behaviourand local reactions in the Caribbean
and is available for rental. Another, concerning the impact of tourism in the Caribbean and West Africa, is m u c h better, but
is not available for rental yet; it was made
by W G B H Television, Boston.
Most large upper-division courses at Berkeley have
'readers' w h o help the professor mark the
examination papers. In addition, this course
employed an 'associate* to teach a small
discussion section outside regular class-time.
She is an advanced graduate student w h o has
herself studied the impact of tourism and
tourist arts and images in Asia and the
United States (Hirschmann, 1976, n.d.).
Most foreign students came from areas affected by
international tourism. In addition m a n y
students come from areas of California, such
as San Francisco, Berkeley, Lake Tahoe, San
Diego and so on, inundated by both domestic
and foreign tourists. M a n y students had
worked part time in tourist-service establishments.
•- , , . . ;
8
For the mid-term examination the students were
given a list of essay questions to take h o m e and
return by a certain date. O n e compulsory
question required them to analyse a tourist
advertisement in terms of MacCannell's framework; other questions concerned the relation
of tourism to transportation advances, the
relations between work and tourism, youth
tourism ás a 'rite of passage', and thé nature
of markers of 'authenticity' in tourist environments. Thefinalexamination, taken for
three hours in an examination hall, consisted of
essay questions about the impacts of tourism.
10
A few advanced undergraduates with excellent
, records are allowed to pursue the honours
programme at Berkeley. They m a y do three
to nine months' research and then they write
: an honours thesis under the direction of two
. professors.
11
S o m e of these papers are in preparation for publication. Most of them are available for the cost
: of photocopying on application to the author.
12
For instance, the work of Shields (1978) has been
transmitted to the director of national parks
in Costa Rica for the improvement of training
for park officials and guides and for the
upgrading of information available for tourists. Another student (McCosker) studied a
kind of 'tourism in reverse' programme at a
large local m u s e u m which brings ethnic and
foreign artists, craftsmen and performers to
the local public. Through her analysis she
was able make improvements in this prog r a m m e , which she directs.
References
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National Tourism Resources Review C o m - B A R N A R D , S . 1979. Breaking with Tradition; Innomission. 5 Vols. Washington, D . C . , United
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mondsworth, Penguin. -
Centre-periphery tourism
and self-reliance*
!
Tord Hoivik and Turid Heiberg
(with the assistance of Vigdis Mathiesen)
Introduction and definitions
A tourist, by the accepted international definition,1 is
a temporary visitor staying at least 24 hours in the country visited and the purpose of
whose journey can be classified under one of the following headings:
(i) leisure (recreation, holiday, health, study, religion and sport)
(ii) business, family, mission, meeting.
The classifications actually used by countries collecting tourist statistics d o not
always follow this definition precisely. A s w e are here concerned with the main
patterns of tourism, great numerical accuracy is not needed. A s long as the basic
features emerge, the use of slightly different categories does not matter. M o r e
troublesome is the fact that global tourist statistics give only the n u m b e r of
tourists visiting foreign countries, and not h o w long they stay there. T h e economic
and social impact of tourism depends primarily on the number of tourist nights
(TN) spent in the country. :
T h e number of tourist arrivals (TÀ) is of course linked with the n u m b e r of
tourist nights, by the simple formula: ' •"' Tourist nights =tourist arrivals x average length of stay
But the average length of à stay (à) varies from country to country. In 1975, for
instance, Spain had an average of 5.5 days, while Greece had 10.5 days.
W h e r e tourist night statistics are available, w e face another problem.
In this case data collection is usually decentralized, based on registration at
hotels, guest-houses, and other places of accommodation. A great portion of
foreign tourism cannot be registered in this way. Low-cost tourism, based on
Tord Hoivik is Director of the International, Peace Research Institute, Radhusgt. 4, Oslo 1,
Norway. He has held previous appointments in Norway, Mexico and the United Republic of
Tanzania, and is currently engaged on several projects dealing with development strategies, structural
violence and social-science information sources. Turid Heiberg is affiliated with the IPRO,
where
she is engaged in projects dealing with immigrants.
•
':.."•:.'
* A version of P R I O publication S-14/77.
Int. Soc. Set. J., Vol. XXXII, N o . 1, 1980
Tord H0iv¡k and Turid Heiberg
70
camping or stays with friends and relatives, can seldom be included. Only efficient
sample surveys, which are rare, can remedy this.
Since w e concentrate o n tourism between centre (C) and periphery (P)
nations, data quality will be highly variable. Centre nations usually have good
statistics on arrivals, as well as on tourist nights—some of them based on extensive
surveys. In recent years data has also been compiled on the destinations of centre
tourists; as in the World Travel Statistics volumes.
Periphery nations often have adequate arrival statistics, but seldom tourist
night statistics. Statistics for outgoing tourism are generally lacking. This means
that our quantitative discussion is based on estimates when w e discuss global
patterns, and on selected countries with reasonably good statistics when w e discuss
specific periphery nations.
T h o u g h the data m a y be lacking, it is still of interest to ask what the most
adequate measure of international tourism is. Since w e primarily see tourism as
a form of personal interaction across borders, w e want a measure of interaction
intensity. A s afirst,crude measure w e suggest the number of nights spent by
tourists in the country, divided by the number of nights spent by its inhabitants.
This w e call the tourist intensity (/).
Normally, 95 per cent or more of a country's population, as measured by
censuses, is.present at any one time. The number of nights spent by the population
itself (P) can therefore be taken as P x 365. W e then obtain:
• • ' • ' • . :
. •
"--TNTA xa
tourist intensity:
J / = ——rrr? = -=—-rrz
Px365
PX365
The inflow, of tourists is, however, not uniform, but shows great seasonal and
geographical variations. W e get a better idea of the tourist intensity if. w e calculate / for specific places on a monthly basis.
W e must,finally,mention that the income from tourists, or tourist receipts,
is an alternative indicator of tourism. It is useful in showing the economic role
of tourism, and of great importance to planners and governments, but not of
main interest in this study, which is.focused on personal interaction.
Global tourism
In Tables 1 to 4 w e have summarized recent data on centre-periphery tourism.
W e note,firstof all, that four-fifths of all international tourism takes place between
centre countries. The tourist market is primarily a market between industrialized
countries. T h e tourist flows between centre and periphery are relatively small,
and also asymmetric. One-tenth of the world's tourism goes from periphery to
centre,.and one-twentieth from centre to periphery. T h e remaining 5 per cent
represents tourism between periphery countries.
71
Centre-periphery tourism and self-reliance
T A B L E 1. Global tourism between centre (C) and periphery (.P) nations, 1971 1
Arrivals (per cent)2
Arrivals (millions)
Centre
Periphery
Total
Centre
Periphery
145
18
163
9
9
18
.
Total
154
27
. 181
Centre , ,
Periphery
Total
80
10
90
5
5
10
85
15
100
1. Centre = Europe, North America; Japan; periphery = rest of the world.'2. The distribution of periphery arrivals between centre and periphery (10% = 5% + 5 %) is a rough
estimate.
Sources: Economic Review of World Tourism, 1976;
and
World Travel Statistics.
W e should remember that countries like Australia, N e w Zealand, and South
Africa are included in the periphery, for statistical reasons, and that all the figures
are estimates. The orders of magnitude, with:
CC : PC :CP:PP = 16:2:1:1
should be correct, however.
The flow of tourism between countries is obviously related to the'size of
the countries, when other factors (such as distance) are held constant.2 W e expect
to find more tourism between Spain and the Federal Republic of G e r m a n y than
between Liechtenstein and Andorra. In Table 2 we show trips (outgoing tourism)
and arrivals per 1,000 inhabitants for centre and periphery countries. In Table 3
we give the ratio of trips to population pairs. - •
: • ,.,
T A B L E 2 . Tourism in relation to population, 1971
Population
' (millions)
Centre
Periphery
Total
1,050
2,660
3,710
Trips
(millions)
Trips
per 1,000
inhabitants
Arrivals
(millions)
Arrivals
per 1,000
inhabitants
154
27:
181
147
10
49
163
18
181
155
7
49
Sources: Economic Review of World Tourism, 1971; United Nations Statistical Yearbook.
T A B L E 3. Trips per (108 population)2 1971
Centre
Centre
Periphery
Total
Periphery
Total
132
6
13
72
Tord Heivik and Turid Heiberg
This last table needs further explanation. Consider á world with a number
of countries numbered from 1 to n, with population sizes Px to Pn, and T international tourist trips a year. If travel possibilities were equally distributed a m o n g
the populations, the number of trips from each country, Tx to Tn, should be
proportional to its population:
Ti = k.Pi;i=l,
...,n
If the receiving possibilities were equally distributed a m o n g the populations,
the number of arrivals in each country, A x to A„, should also be proportional to
its population:
If the choice of destination was independent of the origin of the trip, the number
of trips from country i to country j (Ti}) would be:
• '• •
Ti} ' = Tk X 0"s share of all arrivals) = T{ X (AJT)
which can be written:
TiS = k. Pi X c. P5IT = (Arc/T) x P, P¡
In such a world, with equal opportunities for sending and receiving tourists,
and n o special linkages between countries, the ratio of trips to the number of
population pairs
L :
••;/ T ^ P ^ W T ) ;. ' • •':[':..;/.y- :.
Í;;:;;.;; ; :';';:VI;.;V:;,
would be the same in all pairs.
In Table 3 the ratios are very different. In- an egalitarian world without
special linkages w e would have found the ratio 13 in all four cells. Instead w e
find the magnitudes:
.
CC : PC :CP : PP = 132 : 6 : 3 : 1
These ratios show'the amount of inequality, i.e. the concentration of travel
opportunities, in the present global system, when account is taken of population
size. •
'
,:._
In Tables 4-5 w e perform the same analysis based on economic size instead
TABLE 4. Tourism in relation to economic size, 1971 ,
.-.,,,•,
GDP
($10«)
Trips
(10«)
Trips
per$10 12
Arrivals
(10«) .
Arrivals
p'er$10 l:!
Centre
Periphery
2.26
0.51
Total
2.77
154
27
181
'68
53
65
163
18
181
72
35
65
Source: G D P data from United Nations Statistical Yearbook of National Accounts, 1974.
Centre-periphery, tourism and self-reliance
73
T A B L E 5. Trips per ($10»)2, 1971
Centre
Periphery
Centre
Periphery
28
16
8
35
Total
Total
• 24
of population size. Here the differences are, not surprisingly, smaller. T h e amount
of tourism is roughly proportional to the gross domestic product. If w e ask h o w
economies interact through tourism (Table 5), it is the PC and CP linkages that
are the weakest, while the C C and PP interactions are equally strong.
European tourism
The touristflowfrom Europe towards the south can briefly be described as follows
(Table 6). T w o countries, Spain and Italy, have very exceptional positions. Spain
alone receives almost as m a n y tourists as all the other countries taken together.
Italy receives more tourists than all other countries, excluding Spain, taken together.
T A B L E 6. Southbound tourism from Europe, 1 average of 1971 and 1975, to thefifteenmost
important receiving countries
'.,,.'
Country •
Spain
Italy
Yugoslavia
Romania
Bulgaria
Greece
Portugal
Tunisia
Morocco
Turkey
Malta
Israel
Lebanon
Kenya .
Egypt
*
' .;•
Arrivals - '.
per 1,000 population
. Arrivals
(in millions)
543
19.1
11.6
. 3 . 3
,209
157 .
92
161
114
96
100
30
2.Ò
1.4
1.0
0.8
0.6
0.5
0.3
0.2
0.2
0.1
0.1
0.1
:
'•
'
•
8 '
'
628
.62
47
9
',
3
1. F r o m the following areas only: Scandinavia, United Kingdom, Federal Republic of Germany,
France, Benelux, eastern Europe (Romania and Bulgaria), U S S R . For some countries, arrival
statistics from eastern Europe/USSR are lacking, but the numbers are likely to be insignificant.
Sources: World Travel Statistics, 1975; Economic Review of World Tourism, 1976.. ,
74
Tord Haivik and Turíd Heiberg
T A B L E 7. Tourist arrivals from Europe 1 in Africa, average of 1971 and 1975
Country
Arrivals (in thousands)
Kenya
Senegal
Ivory Coast
Zaire
Ghana
Mauritius
120
56
44
26
12
.10
'
1. See footnote Table 6.
Sources: World Travel Statistics, 1975; Economic Review of World Tourism, 1976. '
Spain and Italy also have the greatest number of arrivals relative to their population, excepting the rather special case of Malta.
T h e other southern European countries: Yugoslavia, Romania, Bulgaria,
Greece and Portugal c o m e next. All these have highly developed tourist industries,
and see tourist investment as a major contribution to economic growth. Albania
has chosen different policies and receives rather few tourists. The next group of
importance consists of the remaining Mediterranean countries. T h e countries
of Africa form a fourth group. W e have not tried to include the whole of the
Middle East. Tourism in this area is different from ordinary centre-periphery
tourism. T h e amount of intra-regional tourism is about 75 per cent, compared
with 20 per cent in Africa and 25 per cent in southern Asia.3 W e assume that the
tradition of pilgrimage (Hajj) to Mecca, the cultural unity of the Muslim peoples,
the relative wealth of the oil-producing countries, and the level of political tension
all tend to favour intra-regional travelling rather than inter-regional travelling. :
It is clear that the amount of Europe-generated tourism declines rapidly
with increasing distance, and to some extent with the level of economic development of the destination country. This means that the developing countries (in
a strict sense) only have a small share of the market, and that they compete with
established tourist countries in southern Europe (Table 8).
T A B L E 8. The distribution of arrivals from selected European countries, average of 1971 and 1975
Group
Country
I
Spain and Italy
\'
Rest of southern Europe
Mediterranean, east and south
Africa (high estimate)
n
m
i.
IV:;
Arrivals
(in millions)
30.7
8.5
2.0
0.5.
Percentage
74
20
5
1
Sources: See Tables 1 and 2 . This table gives total arrivals from Scandinavia, United Kingdom, Federal
Republic of Germany, France, Benelux, eastern Europe and the U S S R .
Centre-periphery tourism and self-reliance
75
T A B L E 9. Country-to-country matrix for southbound European tourism. Average of 1971
and 1975 (arrivals in thousands)1
E. Europe
USSR
Benelux
France
Germany
(Fed. Rep
United
Kingdom
Scandinavia
Portugal
Spain
Italy
Yugoslavia
Greece
Bulgaria
Romania
Malta
Cyprus
Turkey
Lebanon
Israel
Egypt
Tunis
Algeria
Morocco
Senegal
Ivory Coast
Ghana
Zaire
Kenya
Mauritius
Total
^^
^
71
371
157
167
77
843
1,233.5
722.5
141.5
3,340.5
1,239
3,525
4,829.5
1,524.5
8,954.5
3,300
390.5
2,048
1,490
397.5
164
12
35
14
3.5
2.5
283.5
19.101.5
11,581
3,288
1,016.5
1,394.5
2,024.5
202.5
;
58.5
309
46
191.5
36.5
214
167
47.5
67
47.5
27
5.5
48
55.5
67
8.5
1
33
1
0.5
1
8.5
311
16.5
12.5
5.5
141
30.5
33
19
147
11
98.5
82.5
3.5
2
7.5
3.5
54
1
10
3.5
2.5
1.5
38.5
1
182
58
38
5
1.5
85
48
67
18.5
227.5
99
234.5
35.5
35.5
0.5
5.5
9.5
6.5
86
35
41.5
525
1,052
1,661.5
4
0.5
17.5
83
4
27.5
.202.5
37.5
65
9
97
562
128.5
499
50.5
3.5
2.5
0.5
14
9
0.5
396
130
2
55.5
43.5
11.5
25.5
119.5
10
1. See Table 1.
In Table 9 w e give the country-to-country matrix for tourism from continental and northern Europe to the Mediterranean area a n d Africa. Only a few
African countries are included. For the other countries, statistics are poor and
the amount of European tourism small.
S o m e features stand out immediately. Tourism from the socialist countries
is primarily directed towards Bulgaria, R o m a n i a , a n d Yugoslavia, with a total
of m o r e than 3 million arrivals a year. F o r Bulgaria a n d R o m a n i a , this tourist
flow accounts for about three-quarters of their European tourism. For Yugoslavia,
it accounts for one-sixth. These flows are important since the tourist policies
pursued by the socialist countries have interesting characteristics of their o w n .
W h e n w e consider tourism from the former colonial powers, the United
K i n g d o m and France; w e find a clear concentration o n their former dependencies
(Table 10). For comparison, the Federal Republic of G e r m a n y is also included.
These three countries have roughly similar population sizes (50-60 millions).
Tord Homk andTurid Heiberg ,.
76
10. Tourism from the United.Kingdom,-the Federal:Republic of Germany and France
towards former dependent areas. Average of 1971 and 19751 : .
'
TABLE
Country
Malta
Cyprus;
Lebanon
Algeria
Tunisia
Morocco
, Senegal
, ,
Ghana
Ivory Coast
Mauritius2
Kenya
arrivals
(thousands)
203
59
130
129
562
499
56
12
United
Kingdom
'%
82
81
.37
%
2
. ,".'•
7
12
20
i
,,.;
20
120
45
5
3.
37,
. :
',
47, • "
64 •
-,..
. 9
23
"9
26
. 17
8 2 .'•
65'•'
18
22
6
10
8
' 32
4•'.
Germany
(Fed. Rep.)
%
,6
77
40
6
65
; 44
. 10
France'.
• i
1; See Table 1.
2. Mauritius was a French colony till 1810, and under British rule till 1968.
Sum
%
90
,93
97
93
78
: 84
','•',88.
9l'.
. 93
95 i
: ,85 .
!.. . - '
.': '
Travel categories
Societies are durable social entities. Their survival over time depends on their
self-reproduction, in a triple sense. Biologically, the population must reproduce;
Culturally, the norms and values, which underlie the identity of that particular
society, must be carried over from generation to generation. Economically, the
society must produce the goods and services needed for biological and cultural
survival, in a way that guarantees production in the future as well.
:••• A s a social phenomenon, travel is closely linked with economic reproduction.
Let us distinguish between the two main aspects of the reproduction cycle:, production and consumption. In our personal lives these appear as work and leisure.
Travel in the service of production is found in all modern societies. Three
causes stand out: the separation of dwelling ; and workplace;, the geographical
extension of trade; and the organizational complexity of modern business. Workers
travel,to work, salespeople travel to customers, and executives meet with other
executives .to plan, co-ordinate and negotiate. Travel in connection with trade
and meetings, w e call business travel, and travel to work work travel. '.
• :<• The extent and pattern of productive travel are closely linked, with the
production process; itself. The.amount of production-related travel increases with
the growth of production. N e w telecommunications (telegraph, telephone, datalinks,, facsimile transmitters) m a y counteract this growth, but have not, so far,
turned the travel curvé downwards. Face-to-face communication and face-
Centre-periphery tourism and self-reliance
77
to-product work are still too important. Visions of multi-mode communication
consoles in every h o m e belong to the future.
• Travel as consumption is an important activity in all industrialized countriesl
T o take an example, Norwegian adults spent o n the average seventeen days.a
year on vacational travels in 1974. 4 This means that 5 per cent of one's total time
is allocated to travel for pleasure. Other highly industrialized countries show
similar situations.
A second major distinction has to d o with duration: long trips differ from
short ones. The clearest differences exist between trips lasting less and those
lasting more than a day. Staying overnight outside one's h o m e is significant both
economically and culturally. F r o m the economic point of view, a second dwelling
must be provided, which increases the cost of travel sharply. F r o m the cultural
point of view, the night—with its connotations of privacy, intimacy and sexuality—makes overnight travel ah emotionally charged activity. This is particularly
true for individual travel. But the disruption of established routines. creates
tensions and excitement even w h e n a family travels together.
W e distinguish between excursionists w h o stay away from h o m e less than
twenty-four hours, and tourists, w h o stay away from h o m e twenty-four hours
or more. Disregarding daily commuting, w e are left with four major categories:
business travel, work travel (long-term commuting and temporary migration),
excursions, and tourism proper; These are sociologically and economically distinct.
'
In our discussion w e are primarily concerned with tourism proper, or
leisure travels lasting at least twenty-four hours. But it is not always possible to
exclude other categories. T h e statistical definition of a tourist includes business
travellers, and m a y include work travellers as well. F r o m the point of view of
the receiving areas, there, is little difference between production-oriented and
consumption-oriented travel,'since the samé infrastructure is used and the same
services demanded. F r o m the consumer's point,of view; excursions and tourism
serve the same purpose: change, relaxation, or stimulation; and differ only by
duration and cost.
'
• The distinction between travel within and travel between countries is in
one sense trivial. The mere fact of crossing a border means that the trip is registered
as international. But w h e n the two countries are socially and economically similar,
such a trip does not differ from an internal one. Border crossings are significant
only.when the borders represent real differences between societies.
International tourist statistics cannot always handle this distinction. Portugal
receives about 2 million visitors ¡ a year—half of them from Spain. Tourist night
statistics show, however, that less than 5 per cent of the hotel trade comes from
Spanish tourists. Scandinavia receives about 16 million visitors a year—but
13 million c o m e from the Federal Republic of G e r m a n y , and are mostly excursionists taking brief trips across the Danish border.
78
Tord Heivik and Turid Heiberg
Leisure travel
In the highly industrialized countries the share of leisure time in the total time
budget is increasing. The working day, the working week, and the working year
are being shortened, and increased economic resources are spent on leisure
activities. Four to five hours' leisure time a day is n o w typical of urban areas
in Europe. 0
In N o r w a y , 40 per cent of leisure time is spent on visits, sports, outdoor
recreation, and travel in connection with leisure activities." This means that, on
the average, two out of the day's sixteen active hours are used for leisure purposes
outside the dwelling. This amount is higher than in continental Europe, but is
probably typical of Scandinavian countries. Leisure travel takes a large share
of those two hours. W e shall not go into time-budget details,.but note that the
amount of time spent in leisure activities away from h o m e is of the order of 5
to 10 per cent of total time available (excluding the hours of sleep).
Leisure has a double aspect. O n the one hand it is part of the reproduction
cycle. Leisure is necessary to regenerate the mental and physical powers used
in the production process. M u c h work is monotonous as well as intense. It utilizes
a narrow range of h u m a n powers, but makes very heavy demands on those used.
The more monotonous and the more intense the work, the greater the need for
variety, relaxation, and free activity during leisure hours. A n d to the extent
variety, relaxation, and freedom are provided, basically intolerable work conditions
m a y be tolerated for the sake of one's spare time.
This pattern of compensation is well k n o w n from studies in industrial
sociology.' F r o m our point of view it is not an acceptable one. Both production
and consumption are h u m a n spheres of activity. W e should demand fulfilment of
h u m a n potentials in both. W h e n the whole purpose of production is profit,
output or physical productivity, the primary producers are disregarded. Since
they regenerate the h u m a n powers of work, consumption and leisure become
productive inputs without any intrinsic value.
The over-emphasis on production at the social level creates an over-emphasis
on consumption at the individual level. The workers w h o cannot express themselves through work, put their heart into non-work activities.. In free-market
economies this is reinforced by sellers of consumption goods and services. Compare
advertisements for jobs and for goods: those for.vacancies.are generally simple
and straightforward. A s producers w e are, to some extent, treated as responsible
and rational adults. But as soon as w e enter the sphere of consumption advertising
other qualities are stressed: daydreams, fears, and desires. Both reason and
emotion are needed for a complete life, but their forced separation for external
purposes makes life poorer.
Travel involves a triple change: of physical environment, of social environment, and of activities. A n d change is the primary purpose of leisure travel.
Centre-periphery tourism and self-reliance
79
W e seek out n e w environments and n e w activities, using potentialities within
ourselves that cannot find expression in our ordinary setting.
This does not m e a n that travel is basic to h u m a n development. It is true
that h u m a n beings, like other higher animals, have a basic need for change. In
completely homogenous environments (sensory deprivation) people go m a d .
A n d severely restricted environments produce severely restricted personalities,
even if water, food, and shelter are fully provided.
Variety and change are necessary for growth. But the amount needed can
be provided without extensive travelling. The transistor radio is the outstanding
example: at a price every village can afford, continuous flows of information and
entertainment from several countries are accessible twenty-four hours a day.
M o d e r n means of communication bring travellers to all corners of the world,
but they also bring the world to every corner.
W e see leisure travel, then, as a surplus activity. It is motivated by the basic
need for change, but it is not the only way this need can be fulfilled. The provision
of change through travel demands more resources (means of transport, fuel,
additional lodging) than bringing change to people's regular setting. But the
desire for travel is a genuine one, and not an artefact of industrial civilization.
H a d tourist statistics been collected 700 years ago, annual tourist flows
in the hundreds of thousands would have been found. But the distribution a m o n g
categories w a s different of course. Leisure travel, by the I U O T O definition,
comprises recreation, holiday, health,'study, religious, and sport travel. In the
high Middle Ages, religious tourists, on pilgrimage to places such as Mecca,
Santiago de Compostela and Canterbury dominated. Trips for health were also
to religious shrines. T h e n e w institutions of learning—the universities—drew
students from the whole Western world to Bologna, Paris and Oxford. But
travels purely for recreation, holidays, and sports were rare.
Holiday tourism: a typology
Tourist consumption can be divided intofivecategories: (a) international transport;
(b) lodging; (c) food; (d) local transport; and (e) other local expenses. T w o of
these, local lodging and local food, are necessary local expenses. In tourist budgets
they usually comprise 60-75 per cent of all local expenses.8
The tourist's demand for local food and lodging takes m a n y different forms.
At one extreme w e find the 'jet set' traveller, w h o expects an identical luxury
standard at every destination. At the other w e find the impecunious hiker, sleeping
rough and subsisting on rice, pasta or tortillas. A typology for our purposes can
be constructed by combining the cost and the degree of self-reliance of local
food and lodging (Table 11).
By 'cost' w e m e a n the tourist's cash outlay per person and day; Obviously,
Tord Heivik and Turid Heiberg
80
T A B L E 11. A typology of tourism with examples
•
.
•
•
<
Self-reliance ,
:
Cost
Low
High
Medium
Low' . .
Luxury hotels
Tourist hotels
Holiday camps .
Medium
;
Safaris
. Rented rooms
Hostels .
High '
Camping-wagòns
Tenting
... Hiking
the social composition of tourism varies with the cost level. The higher the level,
the greater the percentage of rich tourists.
. , , i
The degree of self-reliance is more complicated. W e consider self-reliance
to be low w h e n both food, and lodging are provided by others. Self-reliance is
m e d i u m when the tourist depends on local lodging,, but prepares his o w n food.
This means that the tourist, like the local (urban) population, uses shops and m a r kets for food, instead of restaurants or, hotels. (The combination of self-reliant
lodging and ready-made food is possible, but rare as afixedpattern.) Self-reliance
is high when the tourist, in addition, provides his o w n lodging, either by bringing
it along (campers, tents) or by doing without altogether.
..
: The economic and social impact of tourism is related.to m a n y factors, but
the degree of self-reliance is clearly an.important one. T h e self-reliant tourist
will generally live closer to the local populations, and share more of its daily
life. But the economic benefits, tend to be smaller when individual self-reliance
is high. This is true even if the cost level is constant, since the self-reliant tourist
invests in equipment purchased in his h o m e country, instead of relying on local
goods. W e return to this point below. ,
Tourism and development
In the development planning of periphery countries, investment in tourism can
be considered by the same standards as any other investment: W h a t are the
costs? W h a t are the benefits?, H o w d o these compare with alternative investment
possibilities? It is, however, not sufficient to consider the immediate economic
impact of tourism. T h e generation of. income and employment is not, by itself,
a guarantee of development. W e must also consider whether the effects reach
the population as a whole or remain within a favoured sector. \
. Tourism has, furthermore,, a social impact in addition-to its economic
consequences. Compared with the normal run of agricultural and industrial
projects, this is actually its distinguishing characteristic. W e therefore face two
problems that go beyond the traditional, economic studies of tourism: (a) what
Centre-periphery tourism and self-reliance
81
the ultimate development effects of tourist consumption are; and (b) what the
immediate and ultimate effects of the social contacts established by tourism
are.
• . . • . - .
At present only tentative answers can be given. The impact of tourism on
the balance of payments, the domestic product, and the overall employment
has been investigated in several periphery countries." For these indicators, quantitative estimates are available. But h o w the effects relate tofinaldevelopment
goals is uncertain.
Economic consequences
A strong economic argument for tourist investment is its importance as a foreignexchange earner. S o m e of the income from tourists has, however, to be spent
abroad to provide goods and services not available locally. This leakage must
be included in any realistic calculation. A World B a n k study1? grouped tourist
countries into three categories. For a few African countries, and for some islands
in the Caribbean and the Pacific, 50 to 55 per cent of the receipts had to be spent
on imports. For most developing countries, the import component was between
20 and 40 per cent. In the most industrialized periphery countries, such as Spain
and Yugoslavia, less than 15 per cent had to be spent abroad.
The import component, in other words, decreases as the level of development increases. The question then is: Will a tourist industry based on extensive
imports negate this pattern over time? There is n o clear-cut answer. W e must
fall back on the country's general development policies. The net foreign earnings
can be used to finance import-substitution industries and export-substitution
training centres, reducing the import-content in the long run. But they can also
be used for the import of élite consumer goods, for armaments, or for personal
spending abroad.
In this connection, the inherent characteristics of the tourist industry are
negative. The standard tourist does not accept intermediate technology standards
of food, lodging, transport, and entertainment. H e or she expects basically the
same comforts as in his or her h o m e country. 'Roughing it' is not part of the
vacation image. The further south w e go, the more sharply do tourist facilities
differ from the local environment. International tourism does not allow a gradual
improvement of services, in line with the gradual development of the country.
Dependency on imported goods and expertise is therefore likely to continue for
a long time, unless the government actively seeks to change the pattern.
Within the recipient country, tourist consumption consists of two major
items, food and lodging; and two minor ones, local transport and miscellaneous.
The consumption pattern will reflect the tourist's degree of self-reliance. W e
shall assume that standard tourism, dependent on others for food and lodging,
dominates—as indeed it does today.11
82
TordHßivik and Titríd Heiberg
This means that the immediate recipients of income from tourists will,
in the main, be.units in the service sector: hotels, restaurants, transport companies.
S o m e of the income will pass on to the government through taxation. In countries
with collective ownership of the means of production, the units' operating surplus
will also be under direct government control. Income to the government from
tourism will serve development purposes to the extent government expenditures
in general are directed towards development. This is a question not related to
tourism as such, and w e will not consider this income flow below.
Within every country, tourism tends to be geographically concentrated.
International tourists from Europe to the south are,firstof all, directed towards
coastal areas; seeking sea, sun and sand. Secondly, they congregate in urban
centres, which can provide both the accustomed comforts and concentrated
experiences of a foreign culture. Thirdly, there are 'the sights'—ancient monuments
like Luxor.and natural wonders like Ngorongoro which are more widely dispersed.
But the primary concentration will be in urban areas and along the coast.
T h e urban concentration is generally unfavourable to development. T h e need
for income and employment is higher in rural areas, which tend to have massive
underemployment problems.
T h e regional effects of coastal tourism are, on the contrary, positive. In
most periphery countries there are large underdeveloped coastal areas. It is true
that m a n y centres of industry and trade are found on the coast, but these are
cities based on good harbour facilities: Lisbon, Tangier, Alexandria and Athens.
For obvious reasons, tourists seek beaches outside these areas. Shipping and
sewers do not recommend a coastal town to swimmers. A n d what tourists demand
from a coast is very different from harbour requirements. Where ships seek
sheltered basins, tourists seek sandy beaches, surf and cliffs. Most Mediterranean
countries see tourism as a means of regional development along the coast, and
the same pattern is true in Africa.
The distribution of tourist receipts by economic sector is relatively simple.
Firms in the'service sector are the interface between tourists and the economy
in general. These firms will purchase food from the agricultural sector and
consumer goods from the light industry sector. T h e amount, the quality, and the
regularity demanded of food deliveries to modern hotels and restaurants tend to
exclude the average peasant farmer from direct sales. Delivery contracts are
serviced by larger entrepreneurs, w h o m a y be middlemen between the purchaser
and the small-scale producers, or operators of market-oriented farms. Employment will primarily be generated in the service sector itself.
The development effects of this distribution pattern can only be judged
from a given point of view: a strategy for development. F r o m the viewpoint of
the satisfaction of basic needs through self-reliance tourism shows up rather
badly. T h e main problem is its indirectness: economic benefits go primarily to
the high-quality, urban service sector and its employees, secondly to modern
Centre-periphery tourism and self-reliance
83
farmers, middlemen, and (small) factories, and only thirdly to the main target
of development: the peasants.
The 'trickling-down' effect is not automatic. T h e service, firms negotiate
with their suppliers, and the suppliers with their employees and sub-contractors.
If the terms in negotiations are unequal, the outcome will favour the strong
rather than the weak. With the market constellations w e find in the tourist sector,
the major economic benefits are likely to be absorbed by firms, factories and
entrepreneurs before they reach the peasants, or even the industrial workers.
By comparison, investments can be directed at the target group without
intermediate links. Land reforms, irrigation schemes, crop price guarantees,
crop storage facilities, or agricultural extension work do at least reach the countryside in general, though these m a y also be diverted in favour of rural élites. B y a
standard cost-benefit analysis, a tourist project m a y outrank an agricultural
project. But if w e measure success in terms of, say, income generation a m o n g
the poorer 75 per cent of the population, the conclusions could well be different.
There is an obvious need for more realistic and quantitative evaluation studies
with benefit indicators directly derived from basic needs.
Social consequences
The analysis of social consequences could, in principle, follow, the same steps as
an economic impact analysis. A society has a social as well as an economic structure. Both, structures have institutions where interaction between tourists and
society is particularly intense: the tourist-society.interface.
In economics w e only study the financial aspect of interaction. This can
be measured in monetary units. With a good input-output model of the local
economy, both the immediate impact (and the interface) and the spread effects
can be estimated. T h o u g h limited to purely economic variables, such analyses are
powerful tools if they take account of distributional and structural effects, and
not only global aggregates.
Everyfinancialtransaction between tourists and locals has a social c o m p o nent as well. But social encounters without economic aspects also occur. It would,
actually, be more correct to say that every interaction is social, but that s o m e of
them also have afinancialcomponent.
The institutions at the social interface are both economic: hotels, restaurants,
shops, banks, markets; and non-economic: parks, beaches, local sights. Tourists
will have an immediate impact at the interface, through face-to-face encounters,
but with spread-effects throughout the social structure. With a good inputoutput model of the local society, both immediate and secondary effects could be
estimated.
Such models hardly exist and it m a y seem Utopian to mention them,
even as a possibility. Is not social interaction by its very nature a qualitative
Tord Hoivik and Turid Heiberg •
84
phenomenon? Is not imitation of the economic'approach—with its dependence
on quantitative measurement—bound to fail?
J:.'.-...
But it is clear that social interaction does have measurable dimensions.
Extensive' quantitative work has been done on face-to-face contacts in'small
groups and in organizations, as well as in the study of social networks. 12 They
have little direct relevance to tourism, but some of their methods could be applied
in this area; A t present, even the simplest information is lacking. W e do not k n o w
h o w m a n y locals the tourist meets; on the average, nor :how m u c h time is' spent
w i t h
t h e m :
''•
-;
'"-•
'
-',;
•
••'•'
• ' • . • ' • ' : • . ' .
••
.
• ; • . • • . : " •
Both contact frequency and contact time have statistical distributions over
the two 'populations': locals and tourists. W e have only very general ideas of the
shape of these distributions and of their behaviour w h e n background variables
like age, sex, and education, are taken into account, though m u c h anecdotal
information i exists. •
'
,; ..
<•'•. ;•.••' ....,
' T h e situation^ thereforej is not too different from that of the economist
before basic economic statistics were collected. W e can m a k e some educated
guesses, w e can start constructing concepts and 'empty' models, but w e cannot
d o convincing w o r k till n e w types of data collection are established. T h e possibilities exist, however. Tourism, in particular, is a very clear-cut form of interpersonal contact between societies, and well adapted for front-line work on
macro-models of social diffusion; '
- '
1
O u r o w n educated guesses are the following: • • :•
T h e interaction between standard tourists and locals is evenly distributed a m o n g
the tourists, but concentrated on a-few individuals in thelocal population;
this concentration is stronger, the:more intense.the interaction.'Even weak
•••''': interaction types, such as: passing glances in a street,'are concentrated,
since tourists tend to favour limited areas. Very few encounters take place
-in industrial, suburban, or slum areas. -: :
Conversation is m o r e restricted, both by language barriers and by limited 'natural'
opportunities, and occurs mainly in hotel, restaurant,'and shop settings.
- '•' Extended contact,-through informal open conversations, and lasting
relationships, is established by less than 1 per cent of-the local population.
T h e concentration of relationships creates a local group that specializes in such
contacts. Since this group bridges the gap between two cultures, and benefits
•':••••• from being the bridge, they are entrepreneurs in the anthropological sense."
:
M u c h established entrepreneur theory is likely to be useful in the analysis
o f this role.
'••
..';••.•
' .• <•.'••'
•.,.'••;••.•'';•.•, •..."•
Standard tourists at a tourist locality have a very high turn-over rate. This means
that social relationships are necessarily transient, which reduces the degree
of commitment and responsibility from both sides. Tourists escape from
' the social controls at h o m e and are m o r e impulsive with regard to drinking,
sex, and personal behaviour in general.'They are not attuned to local social
Centre-periphery tourism and self-reliance
85
¡norms, and are easily experienced as strange and uncouth. T h e locals
• : are in a more complex situation. O n the one hand they exist within a functioning community, often with strict standards of behaviour. But their
tourist contacts, on the other hand, lack normal means of ¡reinforcing
responsible behaviour. A short-term visitor w h o is exploited cannot apply
\ negative sanctions from abroad, nor are there effective ways of transmitting
local knowledge from one group of tourists to another. In some ways, the
local entrepreneurs occupy an extremely favoured position. They become
i experts on tourist interaction, and can play on different national groups
as well as on the steady stream of newcomers. There is n o need to divide
• \.. . in order to rule, since division is part of the tourist market itself; T h e strong
efforts of m a n y governments to regulate the smallest details of tourist
.-•-;•:'• services (the Spanish tourist m e n u , the obligatory display of r o o m rates,
the creation Of a special tourist police) can be explained as a compensation
measure. But formal rules never structure social relationships in. the same
w a y as informal ones. Understanding and friendship cannot be decreed,
though certain sources of friction can be removed.
There is a basic asymmetry in the way local contacts are established. The tourists
have a more or less sincere interest in getting to k n o w local people as part
of their overall vacation experience. Getting acquainted with somebody is
a.chance happening, from the tourist's point of view. The acquaintanceships have a very different meaning for the locals w h o have specialized in
•:<.:•, tourists. Such contacts are an important part of their lives, they are sys': / tematically sought, and for gains that range far beyond the values of the
encounter as such. T h e outcome is very ambiguous ¡relationships; where,
for instance, closeness and friendship are mixed with profit motives;
Tourism incorporates, strong elements of wish-fulfilment. W e have mentioned
1
the visitor's possibility of acting-out repressed desires. Another p h e n o m e n o n
.'. noted by.sociologists is the way local desires for a better life are projected
o n t o the visiting tourists.^4 The tourists represent, by their origin and lifestyle, levels of affluence and mobility that the younger generation o n the
periphery dream of attaining. W h e r e rural youths dream of the city, urban
'.-. youths dream of the West. The images they carry of the industrial West
are unrealistic, but not totally false. They have some experience of the
goods and opportunities available from local visitors and from friends
w h o have m a d e the transition. W h a t they cannot appreciate are the structural barriers that n e w entrants face; lacking marketable skills, ¡social
networks, and knowledge on h o w to remedy these. .
Tourists, then, become objects of admiration, and great emphasis is put on lasting
contacts, at least in the form of postcards and photos from the 'dream land'.
These give local status to the recipients, on the one hand, and point to an avenue
of escape, on the other. Such relationships are.not commercial, but they are still
Tord Ifûivik and Turíd Heiberg
86
deeply asymmetric. O n e could call them temporary patron-client relationships, with the reservation that the patrons seldom understand what is at
stake.
W h e n w e consider spread effects to persons beyond the interface, not m u c h
can be said. There are, certainly, some 'demonstration effects', based on goods
and mementos obtained in direct contact, and embellished with pleasant stories.
But dp these have any serious impact at all?
A s a working hypothesis w e would argue that the social-spread effects of
tourism are small. Tourists c o m e , stay for a short while and go, which means
that strong personal relationships are out of the question. T h e tourist-local
relationships cannot be used as a resource for change. W h a t remains is a screen
on which fantasies can be projected.
A t most, tourists act as transmission channels for certain goods and styles.
But it is likely that local people, w h o go away and return with their o w n experience
of industrial countries, are more important agents. T h e social consequences of
work migration are far greater than those of tourism.
The market situation
T h e most important tourist product is the standardized package tour, which is
sold directly to consumers in their homeland. The content and cost of the package
are established by bargaining between travel firms at the centre and local firms
in the periphery. T h e cost of international travel,» usually by air, and a profit
margin aré added to m a k e u p thefinalsales price.
The market is highly competitive and only loosely regulated at government
level. Contacts are established primarily between independent operators: travel
firms on the one hand: local hotels, restaurants, and transporters on the other.
Contract periods are short, often with n e w negotiations every year. W e take it
for granted that the terms of exchange in such a case will reflect the relative
strengths of the two sides.
If w e look at tourism as a set of bilateral relationships between countries,
w e can use market concentration as one indicator of dependence. In Table 12
w e give concentration data for a few centre-periphery pairs. In each column,
the percentage on the left is the receiving country's share of the sender country's
tourism. The percentage on the right is the sender country's share of the receiving
country's tourist arrivals. Tourism from the United K i n g d o m to Spain, for
instance, constituted 25 per cent of all British tourist trips abroad, but only 11 per
cent of Spain's total arrivals.
W e assume that the importance of the link, other factors being equal,
corresponds to the percentage share. T h e ratio 2 5 : 1 1 = 2.27 shows that this
particular link is more important to the United K i n d g o m than it is to Spain.
87
Centre-periphery tourism and self-reliance
T A B L E 12. Market concentration of tourism, 1975
Sending country
Receiving
country
Spain
Greece
Morocco
Tunisia
Kenya
Total tourist
trips
(thousands) •
Total
United
Kingdom
France
Germany
(Fed. Rep.)
Scandinavia1
arrivals
(thousands)
25:ll 2
2:11
1: 9
1: 7
< 0.5:14
41:31
1:8
1:23
1:32
<0.5: 3
8:14
1:14
<0.5: 8
< 0.5:14
<0.5:10
22:5
4:8
1:4
1:7
< 0.5:2
30,123 ,
2,840
1,245
1,014
407
13,635
22,892
55,060
6,321
... •
1. Based on destination data for Sweden, Denmark and Finland, and information from the Norwegian
Civil Aviation Agency.
2. Percentage ratio, sender to receiver.
Source: World Travel Statistics, 1975.
A ratio of 1.00 would represent equal importance, and a ratio below 1.00, that
the receiving country depends more on the link than the sender.
Spain is exceptional, since the United Kingdom, France, and Scandinavia
depend more on Spain as a destination than Spain depends on them as senders.
But the remaining countries show the most c o m m o n situation for centre-periphery
tourism: for any particular link, the importance to the receiver is greater than the
importance to the sender. T h e percentage ratios range from 0.5 (ScandinaviaGreece) to less than 0.04 (United K i n g d o m - K e n y a ) and (Federal Republic of
Germany-Tunisia). T h e market, in other words, consists of large buyers confronting small sellers. This, again, simply reflects the underlying distribution
of tourism between centres and peripheries. In international tourism; centreto-periphery trips have a small share, 5 per cent, of the total market. In this
marginal market, numerous smaller countries compete for the. tourists of a few,
large, tourist-generating areas.
This asymmetry is strengthened when the opportunities for international
organization are taken into account. The sender countries have strong organizations
which can be used for concerted economic and political influence, while the
receiving countries are split up. In Table 13 w e show the potential importance
of various country groups.
T o obtain real countervailing power vis-à-vis the E E C or the O E C D ,
receiver countries would have to link u p on a regional basis. But most of these
countries are under double pressure. They have m a n y c o m m o n interests, not
just as tourist destinations, but also as producers of foodstuffs and raw materials,
and suppliers of migrant labour. But politically they are separated, by military
88
Tord Heivik and Turid Heiberg
T A B L E 13. Market concentration in country groups, 1975.
Sending group
Receiving
group
Balkans
Southern
Europe
North Africa
EEC 1
5:352
OECD
Scandinavia
4:51
7:3 :
38:51
34:81
1:48
1:66
48:4
!
:
2:4
Mediterranean
region
40:50
36:78
51:3
Total tourist
trips
(thousands)
114,447
198,012
6,321
Total
tourist
arrivals
(thousands) ' Countries
15,930
Yugoslavia, Greece;
Bulgaria, R o m a n i a
Balkans, Italy,
84,084, ''._•• Spain, Portugal
3,235
M o r o c c o , Tunisia,
Algeria,'Egypt
Southern Europe,
North Africa, Turkey,
Lebanon, Israel -,
91,692
.
:
•
• •
.
•
,'.
1. France, Federal Republic of Germany, United Kingdom, Benelux, Italy.
2. Percentage ratio, sender to receiver.
Sources: Tourism Policy and International Tourism in OECD
Statistics, 1975.
Member
Countries, 1976; World Travel
alliances, differential treatment from groupings like the C o m m o n Market, and
local conflicts. This is not an argument against co-operation, but it indicates the
difficulties such an organization of tourist receiving countries would have to face.
Inherent characteristics of tourism
T o the generating areas, tourism is a non-essential consumption item. T o the
peripheral countries that invest in tourism, the industry becomes an important
source of foreign exchange. .This difference in relative importance is inherent in
tourism as such. Being non-essential to the senders, tourism is easily affected by
economic crises. A n y government can introduce exchange controls that effectively
limit tourism abroad, without political consequences. Tourist spending is highly
sensitive to changes in disposable income. T h e d e m a n d for tourism is likely to
increase faster than real income, in the Jong run. The income elasticity of tourism
is. well above 1. A n elasticity of 1.0 would m e a n that tourist expenditures are
proportional to the increase in income: a doubling of income would double the
tourist expenditures as well. But expenditures on tourism actually increase faster
than income. I U O T O has estimated an income elasticity coefficient of 1.9, and
Centre-periphery tourism and self-reliance
89
studies of individual countries have given values from 1.6 (United K i n g d o m )
to 3.2 (France).16 W e take it, then, that an increase in personal real.income of,
say, 10 per cent will lead to an increase in tourist expenditures of about 20 per
cent, under present economic conditions in Western Europe.
But any set-backs hit tourism^ especially over longer distances, very quickly.
The tourist market, in other words, is a volatile one, which makes long-range
planning difficult and long-term investment risky. T h e tourist industry at the
periphery has little influencé on the events that determine its profitability, from
year to year.1 ••••
The volatility of tourism is also geographical. Most i centre-periphery
tourism is based on air transport, which means that shifting d e m a n d from one
country to another is very easy. Tourists seldom have strong commitments to
particular destinations. S o m e change destinations deliberately, but' the point is
more to add fresh places to their list, than choosing one particular place for its
o w n sake. All this implies that events in the receiving countries have an immediate
impact on tourist flows. A natural disaster, an epidemic, or indications of political
instability—even if they present n o real danger to visitors—reduce the n u m b e r of
arrivals almost overnight. Individuals cancel reservations, and travelfirmsrelocate
their charterflights.The tourist industry of today does not create stable relationships between countries and people. In the choice between exit and voice exit wins. 16
A third type of variability is i seasonal. Tourism is heavily concentrated at
traditional European vacation times: s u m m e r , Christmas and Easter. Satisfying
peak demand means that hotel and restaurant facilities are under-utilized over
large parts of the year. In extreme cases they close d o w n altogether in the low
season, as in G a m b i a , which has only winter tourism. :
The seasonal variability of demand is open to correction, however; In the
tourist-generating countries, the right to two annual holidays of several weeks
each is likely to be established within one or two decades..Timeflexibilityis
increasing. A more even distribution of d e m a n d from the centre isto be expected:
There are also possibilities1 of utilizing tourist facilities for purposes other than
vacation tourism. T h e conférence trade is expanding even more rapidly than
regular tourism, and is m u c h less bound by traditional travel seasons. O n e could
also consider the1 possibility of combining vacation tourism, international conferences, and local residential courses using the same basic infrastructure. This,
however, involves creative planning and management. Maximal use of permanent
facilities in ¡peripheral countries often demands government participation in the
administration process.
• :
: O n a country-to-country basis, the tourist market is characterized by
asymmetric market shares, asymmetric organization possibilities, and d e m a n d
fluctuations which affect the receivers more intensely than the senders. A similarly
asymmetric pattern is found at the level of firms and organizations engaged in
t o u r i s m e .''!.•''.' . „ ' . • : ¡ •• i. •' ! ¡.-i- :'•
90
Tord Heivik and Turid Heiberg.
There is, first of all, a general difference in economic power between firms
located in the sender countries and the local firms they encounter in the periphery.
This is simply another facet of interaction between highly developed and less
developed societies. Being highly developed means having strong, well-informed
organizations with trained staff available for planning, negotiation; and execution.
Being less developed means having numerous weak and badly informed organizations with a shortage of educated manpower. A less developed country can, of
course, invest heavily in one particular sector, and bring'it u p to the highest
international standards. But it cannot do so in all sectors simultaneously, for
then it would n o longer be underdeveloped.
W h e n these organizational asymmetries are, combined, with pure interest
bargaining, the skewness of the outcome is almost given. The tourist firms from
the centre have resources, information, and alternative options not available to
their counterparts at the periphery. T h e peripheral countries can counteract the
central power by combining local interests under a single organization. This is
the policy chosen by most socialist countries, and is one of the few options.open
to peripheralgovernments seeking a more equal distribution of costs and benefits
from tourism.
W h e n weak local firms face strong foreign operators, the outcome of
bargaining will be inequitable. A deeper asymmetry, is obtained when the foreign
firms enter the local market itself, with direct investment and management
contracts. There are certain advantages in allowing such penetration: a foreign
investor acquires a lasting commitment to the local society; the flow, of skills
from the centre to the periphery is facilitated; foreign investment capital m a y
be the only source of capital available for the project. But the disadvantages are
great and have been extensively dealt with in U N C T A D documents. 17
In this respect, tourism is no different from any other industry. Foreign
investors w h o are committed to the local society are also committed to keeping
their investment safe. A 'secure investment climate' is demanded, which strongly
limits the range of development policy options. Skills do pass from centre to
periphery, butfiltersare erected between the upper levels of the project—usually
staffed by foreign experts—and local employees. Investors are not eager to train
potential competitors. T h e price of foreign capital tends to be high, through tax
incentives, subsidies, and long-term restrictions (management contracts, supply
contracts, market limitations).
• In the tourist industry, foreign penetration has taken two main forms: the
founding of local subsidiaries of international hotel chains, and the provision of
expertise in the form of consultancy and management services. According to a
survey m a d e in 1973, the world's hundred largest integrated hotel chains operate
over: 8,100 establishments with 1,232,383 rooms. T h e 100 companies covered in
the survey operate in twenty-four countries.18 .
The provision of international air transport is also largely in the hands of
Centre-periphery tourism and self-reliance
91
the sender countries, though nearly all recipients have their o w n national airlines.
Most independent charter airline companies are owned in, and operate from,
developed countries. They also carry the great bulk of charter traffic between
developed and developing countries. This occurs even if the developing country
has its o w n national flag-carrying airline, or has a management or technical
assistance contract with a foreign airline.1"
There is also an increasing amount of vertical integration, which m a y
reach from the local travel bureau in the centre to the hotel/restaurant complex
in the peripheral country, including air charter companies with their o w n fleet of
planes. The contrary tendency, of vertical integration from the periphery, hardly
exists outside the socialist countries. Tourist-oriented peripheral countries often
try to attract tourists by advertising, and have permanent travel information
offices. But they can only try to motivate centre consumers to purchase travel
packages to their country from foreign firms. T h e organizational decisions are
completely beyond their control.
The international tourist market, as presently organized, is basically
weighted in favour of the central nations, their travel operators, and consumers.
The periphery countries sell consumer goods and personal services, while the centre
provides overall planning and management, air transport, and advanced technological and managerial inputs to the local tourist industry. Over time the position
of the receiving countries is adaptive rather than innovative. They can provide
facilities, but not customers. T o invest in international standard tourism, therefore,
is to invest in dependency. Tourism m a y generate enough income to help the
country develop towards economic independence and equality. But its inherent
characteristics do not facilitate this process. Only a strong government policy can
channel the economic flows in the opposite direction: towards basic needs and
local self-reliance. Tourism is but an indirect road to development, a road that
can easily be blocked by the very structures established to promote it.
The future of centre-periphery tourism
The years since 1945 have witnessed an enormous expansion of international
tourism, with an increasing share going to less developed countries. B y 1973;
international tourist arrivals had reached 215 million. This was 8.5 times the 1950
figure of 25.3 million. Between 1958 and 1970 it rose by about 10 per cent
annually. In the period 1962-72, the percentage growth in international tourism
was most rapid in the regions of Africa and Asia/Australia. While international
tourist arrivals in general rose by 164 per cent during this period, arrivals in
Africa rose by 250 per cent and arrivals in Asia/Australasia by 350 per cent.20
M o s t economic and social trends point towards continued rapid growth.
W e shall briefly mention the main factors, but note again that tourism, as a
92
Tord Hoivik and Turid Heiberg
non-essential good, is m o r e exposed to fluctuations than essential items like food,
ores, and energy. T h e risk element is high, for those w h o invest in tourism, as
well as for those w h o predict it.:
-,
, ,
. W e assume that the rise in.(per capita)' productivity will continue in the
industrialized countries. There are several ways of using this n e w output.
Salaries m a y be increased, the working year shortened, transfer payments to
non-workers increased, foreign aid expanded, and so on. Shorter work and
better pay represent the strongest likelihood, representing: the direct interests
of the workers themselves. Both would increase the supply of tourism-generating
resources: time and m o n e y .
T h e distribution of leisure resources between alternative activities is open
to.change. They m a y be invested at h o m e , in suburban gardening,, tinkering
with the house, and domestic hobbies in general. They m a y be used for local
mobility, for trips to other central nations, and for tourism towards the periphery.
But the present tendency favours long-range tourism. Tourism is a land-intensive
activity, and the tourist intensity in many:favoured spots in northern Europe
is becoming excessive. T h e carrying-capacity of beaches, nature parks, villages,
and even m o n u m e n t s and 'sights' is limited.81 Those w h o have tried to see the
changing of the guard outside Buckingham Palace in L o n d o n in July can confirm
this. T h e tallest guardsman, with his two-foot busby, sinks fronr view in an
ocean of humanity. The. crowd itself is worth looking at, however.
'
.
A s the closer facilities become over-crowded, •• a spill-over effect of tourism
directed towards relatively unspoiled areas occurs, which, in the European
setting, m e a n s the farther Mediterranean coasts, Africa, and even s o m e Latin
American and Asian destinations. W e therefore expect that the flow of centreperiphery tourism will continue to increase faster than international tourism
in general..
Certain social factors such as increasing levels and longer durations of
education, earlier retirement, and increasing domestic mobility, also raise the
d e m a n d for tourism. T h e m o r e highly educated k n o w more about the wider
world, and feel less insecure in distant countries. They have a better c o m m a n d
of foreign languages than the preceding generation, and have grown u p with
m e a n s of travel that were revolutionary thirty« years ago. T h o u g h the 'fear of
flying' still persists, it is rapidly disappearing.
' • . ;• •• . •',•.•••
Y o u n g adults not strongly tied to work and family are the most adventurous
social group. They have a great desire to travel, and have recently acquired the
financial possibilities to d o so. T h e longer, the duration of education, the longer
will this mobility persist. In the Middle Ages the vagrantes studiosiwere a tiny
minority of ..their, generation, but n o w 50 per cent or m o r e of the young continue
education-cum-travel into their mid-twenties.
Retired people are also beginning to. m o v e . They have traditionally been
an extremely immobile group, but it is becoming clear that physical and mental
Centre-periphery tourism and self-reliance
93
vigour, and the desire for n e w experiences can continue. With improved financial
possibilities, a, sharp increase in the number of, older tourists, often staying for
long periods, is likely.
-• ...
Such tourism passes imperceptibly into permanent retirement abroad.
Spots combining sub-tropical climates with low prices are favoured. In the
Americas,„retired people seek out Florida, California,, and to some extent
Mexico; in Europe they, seek to leave the northern portions: to enjoy similar
comforts. T h e economic: and social consequences of this phenomenon have,
however, not been very m u c h investigated." .
,:
The basic factor favouring centre-periphery tourism of the standard type
isthe gap between income levels. Tourist consumption in the peripheral countries
is directed towards goods and services that can be provided cheaply by cheap
local labour.23 T h e standard tourist is a mass tourist, .with an income near the
median income in his or her o w n economy. A s long as the wage gap continues,
consumers will gain economically by shifting consumption from, the centre to
the periphery, at least with respect to labour-intensive goods and personal services.
Similarly, peripheral workers will gain from accepting employment at the centre.
The rule-of-thumb is: work in the centre, consume at the periphery. ...
The cost of transport is, however, an important intervening factor. For
airflights,the fare constitutes about 25-40 per cent of the total cost for. shorthaul destinations (southern Europe, .North Africa) and up to 60 per cent for the
more distant countries (Africa.south of Sahara, southern. Asia, Latin America
and the Caribbean).24
The general rise in the cost of energy, has already :had a ¡strong and
immediate impact on air travel : and tourism. T h e long-run effects of the n e w
price relationships are more difficult to establish. T h e set-back in aggregate
demand seems to have been temporary. Since air.transport is the most energyconsuming component: of tourist expenses,, one could argue that the n e w energy
prices will increase the price differential between short-haul and long-haul destinations. This,would m e a n that distant peripheral countries would have a relatively
weaker market position than before. But other factors, such as relative wage
gaps and over-spill from the closer periphery, m a y well shift aggregate demand
towards the periphery of the periphery.
Life-styles and tourism: towards self-reliance.
W e shall discuss the social future of tourism in terms of ä simple dichotomy
between life-styles.:,
The highly industrialized societies of the world, whether their economies
are free-market or centrally planned, have achieved something unique in terms
of basic needs> Whatever their faults; they, have more than doubled the life
94
Tord Heivik and Turid Heiberg
expectancy of their populations compared with all other historical societies. T h e
average life expectancy in the industrialized world is 70 years or above, which
is near the biological optimum of 75-80 years.25
They have done it through a n e w type of social organization, directed
towards production, the growth of production, investment, and innovation. Those
w h o are shaped by and identify with this society, with its high valuation of
economic growth, are pushed towards the industrial life-style. W e see this as a
w a y of life based on sharp distinctions between work and leisure. W o r k is a
burden, so the less work the better. The value of work lies in the goods produced
rather than the activity of working. The goods again are valued by the price
they fetch on the market. Leisure is consumption rather than freedom, directed
towards the expanding stream of consumer goods provided by the production
system. T h e ultimate goal of the system is fully automated production, where
nobody needs to work, and everybody spends his timé consuming the output of
automated factories.
The industrial life-style accepts work as highly restricted activity, where
only a few, selected potentials can be realized (alienation). Leisure becomes a
compensatory sphere, where oppressed needs canfindexpression. But the amount
of free expression is limited by the production managers, who—in the free-market
system—are compelled to transform leisure into consumption. There is a kind
of total vertical integration at work, where the supply side takes over the demand
side as well. W h e n basic material needs, for food, clothes and housing, have been
satisfied, production is increasingly pursued for its o w n sake.
Tourism and travel are ways of satisfying the freedom needs. Within the
industrial life-style tourism is an increasingly important consumption item. T h e
air package tour abroad is similar in some ways to the family car. Both are based
on technological innovations, both are expensive items gradually moving from
élite to mass consumption, and both increase mobility. The impact of the car has
been far greater than that of mass tourism, but in both cases w e see h o w genuine,
h u m a n needs have been shaped by the production system: T h e need for variety
and expression must be channelled towards costly consumption items to be of
interest to economic decision-makers.
The industrial culture, with production and consumption as its central
values, is opposed by numerous counter-currents. There is a rich socialist tradition,
which focuses on the alienation process in the production system. W o r k is still a
basic value, and m a y lead to a restricted production ideology. But it is also
possible to extend the concept of work, and include elements of creativity,
spontaneity, and play.
;
There is the wider range of expression-oriented counter-cultures, with
religious, artistic, philosophical, or psychological frames of reference. S o m e of
themfightfuriously a m o n g themselves; others exist in splendid isolation, but they
all have the rejection of the industrial culture in c o m m o n . M a n y of these traditions
Centre-periphery tourism and self-reliance
95
are ancient. Medieval heresies, Renaissance mysticism, and the Romantic m o v e ment in art have their contemporary equivalents.2'
In the past ten tofifteenyears w e have witnessed a striking process in the
most highly industrialized countries: a confluence of counter-cultures. The term
'youth culture' is a misnomer. The opposition to the industrial culture is m u c h
more extensive. But in a period where this opposition was expanding rapidly,
recruitment took place,firstof all, a m o n g the young. Y o u n g adults are the most
culturally mobile group in a population, and gave the counter-culture m o v e m e n t
a generational flavour. If they maintain their stance, and' our impression is that
they will do so over time, the age composition will approach that of the population
as a whole.
. •,
The 'new counter-culture' has no singular c o m m o n set of values. W e find
rather an extreme diversity, coupled with very great tolerance. ' D o your o w n thing'
is perhaps its most representative slogan. It does not offer a uniform life-style, but
a freedom to choose styles, and a freedom to originate n e w life patterns. But the
central idea of doing your o w n thing can be expressed as a demand for authentic,
personally meaningful behaviour in all life situations." W e shall call this an
integrated life-style, to emphasize the contrast to the splits and barriers that
characterize the industrial w a y of life.
For people w h o are able to realize an integrated lifé-style, travel has a
new meaning. They are, in general, aware of their o w n basic needs, and try to
satisfy them at work and at h o m e as well as abroad. There is less d e m a n d for
emotional compensation, since a wider range of faculties is used day b y day.
W h e n they travel, they prefer self-reliant tourism, avoiding the pre-planned
itineraries and the artificial social groups set up by package tours.:
The international hippies are the most visible members of the counterculture abroad, but anybody with extensive travel experience (at moderate cost
levels) will recognize them as a minority. T h e term fhippie' is, again, a fluid
one, but if w e restrict it to those w h o are expressing their rebellion through
clothes, manners, and behaviour, one meets relatively few. M o s t of the travellers
are genuinely interested in local people, culture and nature. They are willing
(and often obliged) to live cheaply, and do not demand h o m e standards. They
have little use for tourist facilities that segregate them from the society they have
come to visit. They want real personal encounters, not necessarily of the romantic
kind. A n d they d o not stay within the established tourist circuits. They visit
slums as well as palaces, and would gladly take work for some days or weeks to
enter more deeply into social reality (and to finance the next stage). They are
decidedly not favoured by tourist planning commissions.
Individuals living in highly industrialized societies have, at least early in life,
some choice between life-styles. The societies themselves continuously face choices
that point the one or the other way. Whether an integrated life-style, with its
particular view of tourism, will become dominant or not, depends on the central
96
Tord Hëivlk and Turid Heiberg
political process. W e cannot predict our o w n future from the outside. But as
politically conscious people who, favour the integrated alternative w e are relatively
optimistic. ..••:
...
:.: ,
.
O u r main reason is the characteristics of h u m a n needs. In satisfying the
most basic material needs, industrial societies have, unwittingly, released needs for
freedom and expression. In agricultural societies and the early industrial period,
material necessity was the foundation of social control and, w h e n internalized,
of self-discipline. ' H e w h o does not work, shall not eat'; to which was added
' H e w h o does not submit, shall not get work'. The introduction of m i n i m u m
levels of social welfare i and the, relative abundance of basic goods have removed
m u c h of this control. A n d efforts to re-establish control through non-essential
goods, by moulding the consumers' wants, are unlikely to succeed with all the
peopleall the time.
. , . ' . : . >•
• Self-reliance as a,policy applies to the decisions of individuals as well as of
societies. For those w h o accept self-reliance as a personal goal, leisure travel would
first, of all be directed towards their o w n . community, utilizing the natural and
social resources immediately available. Travel goalsoutside the community would
depend m o r e on personal choice. A n d this ideal is equally applicable to peripheral
and to central countries. A s w e have shown, two-thirds of the tourism^ from, the
periphery .goes to the centre, and. only òne-thirdNto other peripheral countries
( T a b l e 2).-
.,...•••
The,self-reliant tourist, does not depend on.heavy investments in hotels,
restaurants, and entertainment centres. H e is oriented to low-cost accommodation
in cheap hotels, hostels, cabins, and private homes. H e m a y ' carry his o w n
lodging: a sleeping-bagj a-tent,-or a camper;.often using his o w n means, of
transport/This tourist m a y primarily be interested in nature and climate, or sees
culture and people as equally important, but is likely to meet people on a more
equal footing than the standard tourist. Limited,contact restricts both understanding and [conflict, possibilities.,Extended contact, at. a genuine personal: level,
carries more influence.-Such contact; can well lead to conflict, criticism, and
ultimately to charges of intervention. This is inherent in deep encounters. But
w e see the self-reliant tourist as more likely.to establish mutual understanding than
the tourist w h o lives at à level far above, the population in general. If w e are
serious in wanting understanding, the possibility of conflict and change must
be accepted. Otherwise isolation is the best policy. .•_•..:•
.
At the government level a. self-reliant, policy means two things: first, to
draw on local resources in the construction and running, of a. tourist industry
and, second, to create facilities adapted to the more self-reliant;tourist..These
goals are logically distinct, but turn out to be the same in practice.
The self-reliant tourist isgenerally satisfied with what, happens1 to be
locally available. H e will use,the local-transport network, sometimes railways,
but more often the omnipresent, battered, over-crowded buses. Investment, in
Centre-periphery tourism and self-reliance
97
this infrastructure benefits locals and tourists alike. The same is true of food and
lodging.
The traveller w h o seeks a profound experience of peripheral countries is
faced with m a n y obstacles. Living with local people in their homes, participating
in work, travelling everywhere freely is not always acceptable. Governments
stressing the economic value of tourism prefer to keep tourists within distinct
enclaves. There are reasons, m a n y of them good, for this practice. But if w e see
tourism in a context of development and international understanding, the limitations of enclave tourism must be emphasized.
The insulation of tourists means treating them as buyers, and providing
the goods with as little social contact as possible. The relationship between tourist
and host becomes purely economic; in a h u m a n sense, they exploit each other.
Enclave tourism also channels tourist income towards local élites. If the
government were to pass it on to those sectors that need it, more general development would occur, but there is little likelihood of this in most cases. W h e r e the
tourist facilities are state-owned, however, such transfers are feasible.
With regard to international understanding, enclave tourism has little to
offer. Transmission is limited, highly selective, and often adapted to the tourist's
o w n taste. A n d since the tourist plays the role of an affluent customer ' w h o is
always right', there is n o real cross-cultural encounter. W h a t can tourists transmit
from their o w n backgrounds under such conditions?
Genuine understanding, based on well-founded likes and dislikes, can only
be established through the integration of the tourist into the local society,
encouraging forms of tourism and the type of tourist that establish meaningful
personal contacts. M a n y such forms have been tried out, and more can surely
be invented. Examples are: combined work and vacation trips, holidays with
local families, camps with local and foreign participation, language and culture
courses, inter-rail and other forms of unlimited travel, and the whole spectrum
of exchange possibilities: of staff between organizations, of apartments and of
children between families; of empty rooms or sleeping-space in social, networks.
But the main point to be m a d e is that these forms are positive contributions to
understanding between peoples. They generate lasting friendships and trust, and
to some extent they also require openness and trust.
Notes
1
2
3
1
5
World Travel Statistics 1975, p. 1.
See Tord Htoivik and Nils Petter Gleditsch, 'Best
Interaction Models', Quality and Quantity
(forthcoming), for a general discussion.
Economic Review of"World Tourism, 1976, p . 17-18.
N O S , Holiday Survey 1974, p. 44.
Alexander Szailai (ed.), The Use of Time, Mouton,
e
1972, cited in N O S , The Day's 24 Hours. An
Analysis of Time Use in 1971-72, p. 83.
The Time Budget Survey 1971-72, Vol. 1,
p. 103.
' T o m Burns, Industrial Man, Harmondsworth,
Penguin, 1970. (Penguin Modern Sociology
Readings.)
98
Tord Hûivik and Turid Heiberg
Notes {continued)
World. Bank, Tourism. Sector Working Paper, 16
1972, p. 8.
' For a summary, see Elements of Tourism Policy In
Developing Countries. N e w York United
Nations, 1973 (TD/B/C.3/89/Rev.l); and The 17
Impact of International Tourism on the
Economic Development of the Developing
Countries. Geneva, I U O T O , 1975 ( P R O /
ECOSOC/1758(LIV)).
10
World Bank, Tourism. Sector Working Paper,
18
1972.
11
Arrival data for Kenya and Tunisia show, for 1 8
instance, that three-quarters of all tourists, 2 0
arrive by air, and so cannot bring much 2 1
equipment of their o w n . Economic Review of
22
World Tourism, 1976.
12
Robert Freed Bales, Personality and Interpersonal
Behaviour, N e w York, 1970; Paul Hare,
Edgar F . Borgatta and Robert Bales, Small
Groups. Studies In Social Interaction, N e w23
York, 1965; Hayword Raji Alker and'Bruce
M . Russett, World Politics In the General
Assembly. N e w Haven, Conn., 1965.
21
13
Fredrik Barth, 77je Pole of the Entrepreneur In
Social Change in Northern Norway, Bergen,
25
1963.
14
Erik Cohen, 'Arab Boys and Tourist Girls in
a Mixed Jewish-Arab Community', International Journal of Comparative Sociology, 26
Vol. 12, 1971.
16
George Young, Tourism. Blessing or Blight? 27
Harmondsworth, Penguin, 1973.
8
Albert O . Hirschman, Exit, Voice and Loyalty.
Response to Decline In Firms, Organizations,
and States, Cambridge, Mass., Harvard
University Press, 1970.
Multinational Corporations In World Development,
N e w York, United Nations, 1973. (ST/
E G A / 1 9 0 . ) The Impact of Multinational Corporations on Development and on International
Relations, N e w York, United Nations, 1974.
(ST/ESA/6.)
Economic Review of World Tourism, 1976.
ibid.
ibid.
Allan J. Patmore, Land and Leisure, Harmondsworth, Penguin, 1970!
K . Moore, 'Modernization in a Canary Island
Village, A n Indicator of Social Change in
Spain', Journal of the Steward Anthropological
Society, Vol. 2, 1970, p. 19-34.
According to the Yearbook of Labour Statistics,
1975, a worker in the food industries earned
four times more per month in Norway
($542) than in Yugoslavia ($133)in 1974.
World Bank, Tourism. Sector Working Paper,
1972.
Alfred Sauvy, General Theory of Population. London, Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1969, p. 303; 20.
Alvin Toffler, Future Shock, N e w York, R a n d o m ,
1970.
John R o w a n , Ordinary Ecstasy, London, Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1976.
Leisure and tourism in Europe
Miro A . Miho vilo vie
The evolution and impact of leisure1
The progress modern industrial society has achieved in various spheres has
greatly enhanced the amount and quality of leisure time. Amongst the factors
that have played their part in this are the prolonged life span and earlier retirement;
changing patterns of life in the family and in society; greater abundance of material
goods; new styles of life and work; the homogenization of urban and rural lifestyles; the shorter working week; progressive urbanization; mass education and
culture, and the elimination of illiteracy and ignorance, thus gradually levelling
the cultural standards of different social strata.
While leisure time is conditioned by economic and social structures, that
is, by the productivity of working hours, it is today not simply the spare time
available each day or the antithesis of work, but represents a period that should
serve to recuperate from work. The process of humanizing work is, in effect, the
interaction between leisure and work.
The conception of leisure time has become wider and richer, both in
content and in purpose. It used to have but secondary importance, in the daily
time-budget but is gradually becoming one of the fundamental components of
contemporary man's complex personality.
For this reason the use of leisure time is acquiring a character different
from the traditional one. It is changing from being the simple recuperation of
energy or purely personal pleasure into a process of forming and creating
harmonious personalities and a well-balanced society. Leisure has become the
medium by means of which contemporary m a n and society acquire and expand
education and culture.
Miro A. Mihovilovic is professor and research advisor at the Town Planning Institute of Croatia,
Centre for Tourism, Recreation and Leisure, Marinkoviceva 4, 41000 Zagreb, Yugoslavia. He has
published very widely on questions of leisure, recreation, time-budgets, sport, tourism, the family,
regional planning and other subjects in Serbo-Croat, French, Romanian, English, Italian, German,
Czech and Spanish, and is affiliated with numerous professional groupings.
Int. Soc. Scl. J., Vol. XXXII, N o . 1, 1980
Miro A . Mihovilovic
100
The distribution between work and leisure have, in different historical
periods, depended on various factors. Thus, in ancient Egypt, workers had
53 days of rest a year. In Athens they had 50 to 60 days, while in R o m e onethird of the year was considered to be unpropitious for work. These days were
called Nefasti. Trade unions and workers' organizations have succeeded during
their century-long struggle to shorten the number of working hours in industrial
countries from about 84 to 42 hours or less a week.
In 1840, people worked 72 hours a week, only 12 hours being left for leisure.
In 1890 the proportions were 60 working to 24 leisure hours, in 1962, 48 working
to 36 leisure hours. Today the majority of people in the industrial world work
42 hours a week and enjoy 42 hours' leisure time. This tendency is shown in
diagrammatic form in Figure 1 for the United States.
Workers throughout the industrial world have approximately 52 Sundays,
52 Saturdays and a number of national and religious holidays during the year.
If w e add vacation time varying from 14 to 30 days a total of 130 to 150 nonworking days a year results.
In 1936 approximately 14 per cent of holidays were paid as normal
working days and 86 per cent were not paid, while in 1954, 96 per cent were paid
and 4 per cent not paid. F r o m 1967 onwards all non-working days were paid.
It is estimated that automation will eventually shorten working time to
Year
<
Working time
1970
Leisure time
T
><
Psychological needs
(food, sleep, hygiene.
>
.)
1960
1950
1940
1930
1920
1
1910
i
i
1900
1890
\
1880
\
f
1
1
1
!
\
1870
i
1
\
1860
Í
1
1
\
1850
i
i
1840
¡
0
10
-20
Hours per week
30
1
1
i
'
40
50
60
70
1 — • — i
80
90
— i
1
100
1 — - i —
í
:
'
:
'
7
110 120 130 140 150 160 168
F I G . 1. Working week over the past 120 years (from: M . Kaplan, Leisure in America).
Leisure and tourism in Europe
101
32 hours a week. This will m e a n that there will be three non-working days
a week, longer holidays, more years spent o n education, and an earlier
retirement.2
Those working o n atomic and electronic innovations claim that the industrial
revolution was meagre compared with the revolutions w e can expect in the
future. Such an evolution in the sphere of work will give rise to n e w dimensions
of leisure time, especially at the economic and social level. It is widely believed
that w e are on the brink of a hew era of leisure. Owing to the industrial revolution
and modern inventions, 98.5 per cent of working energy is n o w obtained by
mechanical means, while only about 1 per cent comes directly from h u m a n
sources, and 1 per cent is derived from animals. A hundred years ago, the
situation was reversed. According to a survey carried out in the United States,
industrial m a n n o w spends twenty years of his life working, twenty years sleeping
and sixteen years in leisure activities.
The improvement of general living conditions has had a marked effect on
the prolongation of the h u m a n life span. Between 1851 and 1921, the proportion
of the population in the world over 65 years old was about 10 per cent; by 1951
it was 18 per cent and in 1971 it increased to 28 per cent. Fifty years ago there
was .only a slight difference between the working life and the total life-span of
an individual. In 1950 the average life of the old-age pensioner doubled as
compared with 1900, lengthening from 2.6 to 5.7 years. While leisure as a product
of industrialized society is a component of life and a social affirmation, it still
retains a consumer character since in economic terms, leisure expenditures are
based on available means. T h e commercialization of leisure has increased its
costs. Thus, in the United States, expenditure on leisure has increased over the
past three decades to $41 billion, which roughly corresponds to the country's
defence budget, or to one dollar in every six of. personal income.
Thus w e m a y conclude that it isfinancialresources that primarily determine
leisure activities, especially in industrial society. T h e pressure of consumer and
commercialized leisure in contemporary society has the beneficial effect of levelling
the leisure pursuits of various social strata. O n the other hand, there is also the
danger of directed collective leisure pursuits becoming a socially determined
constraint, thus perverting the true essence of leisure.
Novel uses of leisure time are restructuring the life of the individual and the
social environment. M o d e r n citizens can choose from more than 10,000 leisure
activities.' Figure 2 shows the trend of changes in this respect.
A number of factors influence the pattern and manner of leisure-time use.
They are as follows:
Educational and psycho-sociological factors: underdeveloped needs and
consciousness with regard to a richer and diverse w a y of using leisure time; the
absence of certain habits; conservatism about after-work hours; simple-mindedness
with regard to rest and recreation; the absence of cultural leisure pursuits.
102
Miro A . Mihoviloviâ
N e w activities
Traditional activities
Persistent
activities
1905
1935
1945
1955.
1965
1975
1985
Year
F I G . 2. Traditional and new leisure activities (Source: M . A . Mihoviloviö, Methodologische
Ansätze internationaler Freizeltforschung, Düsseldorf, Edition Freizeit, 1975
(Dokumentation eines Expertengesprächs).)
Financial factors: the general level of living; the spread arid level of development of institutions, facilities and space for social-cultural-entertainment
activities, sport and tourism; the purchasing power of potential users and
consumers of leisure activities.
Despite the significant contribution of industrialization, leisure is still not
fairly divided a m o n g all m e m b e r s of society. While no longer a monopoly of the
privileged, it has become the property of skilled and semi-skilled workers in
industrial society. Leisure also opens u p n e w problems. T w o approaches are
evident: one seeks to solve problems through enthusiasm and activity (exhaustion),
while the other seeks results through apathy and passivity (dolcefar niente).
The volume of tourism
A s distinct from other economic activities, for example industry, which are m o r e
or less localized and homogeneous, tourism consists of and depends on a series of
103
Leisure and tourism in Europe
T A B L E 1. Percentage of international tourist trade by regions, 1950-75
Region
Africa
Americas
Europe
Middle East
Asia
1950
1970
1972
1973
1974
1975
2.0
1.2
1.5
1.3
1.4
1.6
29.4
66.6
19.0
75.0
18.2
75.3
20.8
73.0
22.0
71.3
22.1
71.1
1.8
1.8
3.0
2.0
3.0
1.8
3.1
1.9
3.4
1.4
3.8
.1.2
Source: Matulli, Chiarclli, Andreani, Chiti, Barucci, Raporto sul turismo italiano, Florence, Collanc del
Centro di Studi Turistici, 1977.
various well-co-ordinated elements. Apart from these, it is also influenced by a
number of more or less fortuitous circumstances, such as monetary crises,
unemployment, international conflicts, disordered economies, uncertain public
order, the system of government of the receiving country, etc. Between 1950
and 1973, international m o v e m e n t underwent an important evolutionary process
and jumped from 25 million to 215 million tourists for a number of countries.
T h e number of tourists entering Yugoslavia, for instance, increased from
23.8 million in 1973, to 29.23 million, in 1978. Between 1965 and 1975 border
crossings increased from 1.3 million to 13.8 million, while in 1978 there were
21.4 million crossings.
;
U p to 1973 international tourism w a s concentrated in western Europe;
Italy and Spain being the leading countries. N e w countries joining the tourist
market gradually confirmed Europe as the dominant tourist region of the world
by the number of tourists (see Table 1).
T h e economic crisis (monetary, energy and fuel crisis) that hit the developed
countries, caused a decline of tourism in 1974, but by 1975, a rise in tourism
occurred again. Inflation affected the tourist trade during the next few years,
and the second energy crisis in 1979 is also expected to have an impact. A s an
illustration of the international movement of tourists, a survey was m a d e by
W a h a b . 3 T h e result is shown in Table 2 .
The table shows that the United States, D e n m a r k , Canada, the Federal
Republic of G e r m a n y and the United K i n g d o m are the leading countries from
which international tourists originate. This can be explained by the high standard
of living and purchasing power of their citizens. If for the total population
participating in tourism, the leading countries are N o r w a y , Sweden, D e n m a r k ,
the United K i n g d o m , Switzerland, the Netherlands, France and Austria. This
high percentage of tourists coupled with the volume of domestic tourism is
closely connected not only with the high standard of living but also with the
advanced culture level.
104
Miro A. Mihovilovic
T A B L E 2 . Tourist movements from and within selected industrial countries
International tourists
Country
Denmark
Norway
Sweden
United K i n g d o m
Belgium
Netherlands
G e r m a n y (Fed. R e p . of)
France
Switzerland
Austria
Italy
Spain
Yugoslavia
Canada
United States
in thousands
10,927
—
1,626
8,100
—
2,500
10,362
3,100
—
1,018
700
4,150
—
10,058
17,188
per 1,000
of population
299
—
307
247
460
535
365
310
560
—
107
—
—
563
164
Tourists as percentage
of population
Total
66.0
78.0
77.0
60.0
34.3
54.0
39.0
41.0
57.0
41.0
19.5
12.0
12.0
—
36.0
Domestic
only
41.0
67.0
52.0
50.0
15.5
38.0
20.0
35.0
28.0
26.0
18.7
—.
10.0
— .
33.0
Research on tourism
In their research, analysis and presentation of contemporary tourism, scientists
have mainly investigated thefinancialimplications for the host countries. These
investigations are based on the registered number of frontier crossings, the
duration of holidays as expressed by the number of overnight stays and on
calculations of income from tourism for the economy of the host community.
M u c h less research has been done on the impact of tourism in the sociological
sense (on the individual, on the immediate social environment and on society
in general).
A m o n g the m a n y research methods used w e wish to draw attention to
those applied by Sir George Y o u n g . In the analysis of tourist statistical data
from the sociological point of view, he applies a 'saturation point' concept,
which demonstrates that, above a defined 'saturation point' the further development of tourism is neither economically, socially nor spatially justified or
beneficial. Thus in the I U O T O Table in the Tourism Statistical Year Book, which
he supplemented with data from the Tourism Committee of the Organization of
Economic Co-operation and Development ( O E C D ) , Y o u n g indicates the saturation
points for certain locations for the number of overnight stays per 1,000 inhabitants
(e.g., Bermuda 3,249, London 855, the Philippines 2 , Yugoslavia 105) and the
Leisure and tourism in Europe
105
density of tourists by the number of overnight stays as against square miles per
year (Bermuda 30,478.48; London 37,838.09; the Philippines 2.70; Y u g o slavia 88.03). Y o u n g further analyses the saturation point in connection with the
number of hotel facilities per 1,000 inhabitants, square metres of beaches, and of
land, as well as in connection with cultural monuments, institutions, the work force,
tourism in local and regional planning, etc.4
A large part of tourism research is directed at procuring and analysing
data, documentation, analyses of the existing situation as well as of various needs.
Such research is in turn useful for planning and programming. In some sectors,
such as regional planning, the construction of hotels or of fully equipped tourist
centres, the tourist economy, the rationalization and specialization of various
services and of the work force, of publicity, road and air travel, tourist supply
and demand, and a great m a n y more, m u c h valuable research has been done.
A number of organizations play important roles at the international level,
a m o n g them the World Tourist Organization ( W T O ) with headquarters in
Madrid, the Committee for Tourism of the Organization of Economic Co-operation
and Development ( O E C D ) in Paris, the European Tourist Committee ( E T C ) ,
the International Association of Hotels and Restaurants ( H O - R E - C A ) , the World
Federation of Travel Agencies ( F U A A V ) and m a n y others, more or less
specialized.
Typologies of tourists
The typology of tourists is a focal point in the organization, planning and
practice of a certain tourist policy. So far as tourism is concerned there are two
main categories of typologies: theoretical and empirical. Theoretical typologies
group tourists according to criteria based on their social demographic, economic
or political characteristics, such as age, sex, social origin, level of education,
profession, income, matrimonial status, scale of accommodation, nationality, or
socio-political origins. B y analysing these more or less comparable characteristics
theoretical typologies are constructed.
Empirical typologies base their classification on psychological and sociological categories and characteristics of tourists, especially the needs, motives
and expectations of travel, on behaviour, interaction, activities and dynamics.
In this way they derive types such as: inquisitive persons, sporty people, bachelors,
extroverts, wanderers, picnickers, drivers, universal types, etc. A m o n g typologies
based on empirical studies, those derived by M . Bassand and E . Cohen are
notable.5 These authors build their classifications on the basis of knowledge,
experience and data obtained from international tourism. K . Przeclawski has
based his typology on the needs, wishes, strivings and knowledge of various
categories of tourists.*
106
Miro A . Mihoviloviâ
The T O U R project
A group of scientists from Austria, France, Czechoslovakia, Poland and Sweden
working on problems of tourism suggested in 1972 that the European Centre for
Co-ordination of Research and Documentation of Social Sciences in Vienna take
over and co-ordinate a research project on tourism in Europe. This was accepted
as the multinational comparative project on: 'Economic and Sociological
Problems of Tourism in Europe'—the T O U R project, with participation from:
Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, the United K i n g d o m , Finland, France, Italy, Y u g o slavia, Hungary, T h e Netherlands, the Federal Republic of Germany, Poland,
Spain and Sweden.
The T O U R project comprised three research components: desk research
( D R D ) , domestic tourists (NSQ) and foreign tourists (STQ). Originally planned
to last from 1972 to 1976, it was prolonged to 1978 and the full results are to be
published by the s u m m e r of 1980. The author, as one of six co-ordinators of the
project, can here report some details on methods and findings.
The study was divided up into a set of sub-aims:7 (a) chief characteristics of
each nation's tourist resources and mapping the main current tourist flows in
Europe; (b) place and importance of tourism a m o n g other possible consumer
needs; (c) structure and flow of travel abroad over a given period; (d) plans for
travelling abroad in the coming years; (e) main motivations for travelling abroad
and the chief expressions of this desire; (f) images (positive and negative) of
different European countries; (g) degrees to which different countries meet
visitors' expectations; (h)finaldecision for visiting a given country; and (i) preferences concerning different forms of tourism.
The framework of data analysis '•
The general conception for the framework of the T O U R project is shown in
Figure 3. The general context lies in the time element, at the level of technical
facilities, industrial society, and the macro tourist output, while the basic data are
obtained through desk research.
O n the basis of statistical backup data, and from, the investigation itself
there emerges a profile, as well as a socio-economic, and cultural structuration
of tourists and tourism.
The attitudes of tourists as determined by significant psycho-sociological
variables provide a scale of satisfaction-dissatisfaction, representing influences
on the dynamics of tourism.
The data on touristic output provides the basis for measuring and evaluating
the local and regional potential and.demands and thus helps to establish the
tourist product.
The product structure is derived from the data obtained byfieldresearch
107
Leisure and tourism in Europe
Desk research
Time conditions
technical standard
industrial society
touristic macro output
General context
NSQ
STQ
Statistical backup data
Socio-demographic-
sex, age, family size
' marital status
Socio-economic-
income, professional
" situation, free time
Socio-cultural-
. education level
size of community
Freedom
of choice
administrative regulations
"currency regulations
O
Tourist attitudes
Motivations •
type of holidays sought
• type of product
type of context
Orientations -
spatial (where)
- social (with w h o m )
mental
Images
- (emotional associations)
—
Socialization •
individual
" club associations
Expectations -
product oriented
" people oriented
I
C
Touristic output
j
Intensity
national, personal
- regional, potential
by social groups
Product use
• (consumption)
Regionallzation
Product evaluation
Desk research.
Accommodation
+ other facilities
_>. f
Confection
of the product
Product structure
Country
features
+ conditions
-STQ
y^.
Transportation
Organization
F I G . 3. The T O U R project: general conceptual framework for data analysis.
108
Miro A. Mihovilovic
concerning foreign tourists ( S T Q ) and from the desk-research. T h e product
structure covers accommodation and other facilities, characteristics and features
of regions, countries, conditions, transport and organization, etc.
In analysing the tourist system it was necessary to correlate and connect
supply and d e m a n d , expectations and experiences, as well as tourist satisfaction,
the country of origin and the economic and socio-economic success of tourism.
In the general context the methodological approach and the synthesis of
the T O U R project the investigators started with the assumption that all the
elements and factors of the tourist system were inseparably connected regardless
of their nature.
Some findings relating particularly to Yugoslavia
The main motivations for visiting Yugoslavia were (in percentage terms): rest
(83.5), transit (4.3), professional reasons (3.4), cultural reasons (2.7), visiting
friends and relatives (2.1), other (0.5). According to the survey of the T O U R
project, foreign tourists visiting Yugoslavia in 1975 listed the following reasons
for their visit: natural beauty (66.3), getting to k n o w the people (12.31), reasonable
prices for tourist services (7.3), cultural and historical treasures (5.88), other
motives (7.11), gastronomy (1.26). T h e great majority, that is 96 per cent c o m e
for rest, recreation, rehabilitation and entertainment.
In all the other T O U R countries the main motivation was also rest. Other
motives were: sport in Czechoslovakia, professional reasons in the Federal Republic
of G e r m a n y , visiting friends and relations in Hungary and Poland, cultural
reasons in Italy, professional reasons in Spain, and transit in Yugoslavia.
F r o m the T O U R data on publicity and factors that influence tourists to
visit Yugoslavia^ it emerges that previous visits influenced decisions in 43.11 per
cent of cases, recommendation by family and friends 28.52 per cent, travel agencies
and clubs 10.94 per cent, newspapers, articles, books and films 5.95 per cent,
posters and brochures 3.92 per cent, radio and television 1.1 per cent, initiatives
T A B L E 3. Frequency of visits to Yugoslavia
N u m b e r of visits over
pastfiveyears
1
2-3
4-5
Over 5
- .
Never before
N o answer
TOTAL
N u m b e r of
respondents
370
289
265
96
115
26
1,161
Responses
(percent)
31.9
24.9
22.8
8.3
9.9
2.2
100.0
'•
Leisure and tourism in Europe
109
of clubs and organizations 2.5 per cent, combining with professional interests
3.4 per cent. The frequency of visits to Yugoslavia over, the last five years by
foreign tourists is shown in Table 3.
The duration of stay of foreign tourists in a given country was analysed
in relation to nationality, length of vacation and monthly income. In all countries
of the T O U R project, except Spain, tourists remained one to two weeks. T h e
majority of tourists visiting Spain stayed for over two weeks.
All tourists, except the- French, stayed in Yugoslavia on average between
fifteen and twenty-one days. T h e majority of the French prolonged their stay
for over three weeks. Germans, Dutch, Italians and Czechoslovakians also
prolonged their stays somewhat. The duration of stay is positively correlated to
monthly income and to the number of available vacation days.
According to the data for 1978 on the number of nights spent by foreign
tourists in each country, Germans top the list with 41.5 per cent. Austrians come
next with 13.3 per cent, Italians with 7.2 per cent and the others follow. This
structure according to nationalities has not changed for quite a number of years.
The numbers of foreign tourists and nights spent in Yugoslavia during for 1973
and 1978 are as follows: number of tourists 6,149,000 (1973) to 6,384,000 (1978);
number of nights spent 32,037,000 (1973) to 34,866,000 (1978). The number of
domestic tourists and the number of nights spent by them also constantly pose
in the same period from 1973 to 1978: rising from 8,148,000 (1973) to 9,090,000
(1978) tourists and from 32,015,000 (1973) to 48,680,000 (1978) nights spent.
The Adriatic coast is the main attraction in Yugoslavia because of its
natural beauty. This is confirmed since, in 1978, 86 per cent of the nights spent
by foreign tourists and 56 per cent of those by domestic tourists were in locations
on this coast.
In T O U R project countries the most sought-after types of accommodation
were tourist-category hotels and private accommodation, followed by ' A ' category
hotels, camp-sites and trailers. If w e compare monthly income with the various
categories of accommodation w e obtain the following picture: tourists with low or
middling monthly incomes prefer camping accommodation, that being the cheapest
way of spending holidays. Tourists with average monthly incomes prefer tourist
category hotels and private rooms, while the tourists with high monthly incomes
prefer ' A ' category hotels. Variations in accommodation use are influenced by the
number of family members and a series of other relevant factors.
F r o m the report on international tourism and the tourist policies of O E C D
m e m b e r countries, it transpires incidentally that several countries have considerably
increased the space available in trailer-camps between 1967 and 1972, Spain
by 54 per cent, Italy by 76 per cent, Greece by 40 per cent, Yugoslavia by 58 per
cent, N o r w a y by 19 per cent, and Belgium by 33 per cent. In Yugoslavia alone there
are 210 trailer-camps covering an area of 8.1 million square metres and capable
of accommodating 220,000 people.
110
Miro.A. MifioviloviS
The tourist d e m a n d fluctuates with the seasons and is concentrated
during certain months determined by the character and motivation of the
demand—vacations, national and religious holidays, school holidays, scientific,
cultural and artistic events, congresses, sports and other events and manifestations.
The statistical data clearly confirm that mass tourism has a distinctly seasonal
character and is mainly concentrated during the s u m m e r months (June, July,
August) and partly during the winter months of January and February.
Ideally, vacations should be token in at least two parts for the fullest
benefit: at the same time m a n y problems arising at the height of the tourist season
could thereby be resolved. Furthermore, the prices in all tourist centres are
20-40 per cent lower before and after the high season,' which favours those with
less m o n e y to spend.
'Social tourism' constitutes a n e w category, the aim of which is to induce,
through economic measures, participation.in recreational, social, cultural and
entertainment activities during leisure time. T h e aim of'social tourism' is the
healthy and useful use of leisure, and the creation and extension of the culture
of leisure'. While this applies to all social strata, those with lower economic pull,
such as children, students, workers, and pensioners, are particularly and directly
affected.
In Yugoslavia over 50 per cent of overnight stays occurred in July and
August, of which total foreign tourists accounted for 58 per cent; if w e add
occupancy in September, the total equals 70 per cent for the year. This means that
accommodation facilities remain practically unused 200 days out of the year.
M e a n s of transport used by foreign tourists in 1975 were: cars, 63.87 per
cent; aeroplanes (including charterflights),22.63 per cent; coaches, 5.74 per cent;
trains, 4.26 per cent; ships, 1.88 per cent; motorcycles andothermeans of transport,
1.62 per cent. For travelling to and within Yugoslavia, tourists mainly use their
o w n cars (72.1 per cent). This category' of tourist is characterized by great
mobility. Since they have their o w n means of transport they mainly stay in camps,
caravans and hotels of the tourist category, facilities that provide, the special
services and comfort necessary.for travelling.by car. Planes c o m e second (15.2 per
cent), then coaches (12.5 per cent), trains (5.9 per cent) and ships (4 per cent).
• •;• In the majority of the countries in which the T O U R investigation was
carried out, it was found that foreign tourists most often use their o w n cars as a
means of transport. In the. Federal Republic of G e r m a n y and Czechoslovakia,
however,.coaches take first place (50.8 and 55.8 per cent respectively). A relatively
high percentage of foreign tourists travel by plane within the. Federal Republic
of G e r m a n y (22 per cent).
The data of the T O U R project also shows modes of travel by foreign
tourists in Yugoslavia in 1975. It was as follows: individual trips without the help
of travel agencies.and without prior reservations, 51.19 per cent; individual trips
by arrangement with travel agencies, 16.94 per cent; groups organized by travel
Leisure and tourism in Europe
111
agencies, 16.39 per cent; individuals trips without the help of travel agencies, but
with prior reservations, 13.98 per cent; and trips arranged by trade unions or
clubs, 1.49 per cent. Those w h o preferred individual arrangements were the
Italians followed by the French, Germans and Austrians. T h e Hungarians and
the British mostly preferred organized travel. The British often use charter flights,
while the Hungarians prefer coaches. The majority of tourists from Czechoslovakia
and the Federal Republic of Germany came in organized groups.
Another aspect investigated was the travelling companions of foreign
tourists. Answers were distributed in various ways. Tourists visiting Czechoslovakia
came mostly by themselves. Those visiting the Federal Republic of G e r m a n y , of
Italy and Poland usually travelled with friends while those visiting Hungary,
Italy, Spain and Yugoslavia usually travelled in family groups.
The data of the T O U R project show that foreign tourists in the Federal
Republic of Germany, Hungary, Spain and Yugoslavia mostly spend their
holidays in one or two locations. In Italy and Poland they usually stay in a
number of towns and regions. In Czechoslovakia they combine their stay in one
location making short trips and excursions.
The construction of accommodation for tourists in Yugoslavia is increasing
constantly. Basic accommodation facilities comprised 93,455 beds in 1965; in 1977
they numbered 253,632, while the complementary capacities numbered 279,640 beds
in 1965 and 464,159 in 1977. In 1965, camps contained 71,364 beds and 969,467
in 1977. The number of beds in complementary facilities (children's, youth,
workers' and bathing resorts, mountain chalets, private rooms), was 279,600
in 1965 and 464,700 in 1977.
In 1965 there were 71,364 beds while in 1977 there were 250,670 beds in the
313 existing camps. The number of beds in camps thereby rose to equal those in
hotels. Expressed as a percentage of total accommodation facilities it reaches 24.5;
9.5 million nights were spent in camps during 1975; 6.8 million of these were spent
by foreign tourists (71.5 per cent of the total).
The three five-year plans from 1955 to 1970 for economic and social
development specify that tourism should be treated as 'an activity of special
importance for the development of the country in general'. It has been estimated that
Yugoslav foreign and domestic tourist trade will increase by 7 per cent per a n n u m ;
while the foreign currency influx will increase by 9 per cent. According to these
estimates 44 million nights spent by foreign tourists and a foreign currency inflow
of $1.2 billion (at 1975 prices) are expected in 1980. For the same year 54 million
nights spent by domestic tourists are expected. In order to meet these estimates
the building of 80,000 beds in hotels and 125,000 in complementary facilities is
planned.
In view of the importance of tourism on the Adriatic, Yugoslavia has, with
the help of the United Nations, completed complex studies on the development of the
Adriatic coast with special regard to tourism. The projects for the southern and
Miro A . Mihovilovic
112
northern Adriatic encompass the coastal area from the Albanian to the Austrian
borders. Regional studies, seven general plans of important tourist areas, twentythree detailed plans of n e w tourist agglomerations and three plans for major
traffic and social functions were worked out.
Experiences and impressions
T h e T O U R project worked out nine basic characteristics for each of the countries
comprising the bulk of tourist origins. Tourists were asked to grade them. T h e
questions related to two time components: what tourists expected before coming
to a given country and what they actually experienced while staying there. These
questions are part of the key themes of the T O U R research and constitute the
best indicators of relative satisfaction or dissatisfaction. Table 4 shows the
evaluated characteristics of countries of destination under nine significant categories.
Characteristics arousing the highest expectations were, in order: climate,
physical features, natural beauty, food/gastronomy, hospitality of the inhabitants,
administrative regulations, service, condition of roads and traffic signs, quality of
accommodation, prices. Experiences that failed to please foreign tourist were, in
order: prices, condition of roads and traffic signs, service, quality of a c c o m m o dation, food/gastronomy, climate, administrative regulations, physical features,
natural beauty, hospitality of inhabitants.
T A B L E 4. Evaluated characteristics of tourist destinations1
Expectations
Characteristics
Climate
Physical characteristics
Condition of roads
and traffic signs
Quality of
accommodation
Administrative
regulations
Prices
Service
Hospitality of the
inhabitants
Food/gastronomy
1. J V = 1,161.
Good
Average
Experience
Bad
Better
Same
Worse
9
44
967
662
8
24
48
19
226
374
94
49
18
463
159
44
188
259
57
453
42
37
323
124
100
43
33
520
303
512
85
116
83
129
27
63
191
336
187
59
267
144
78
21
605
640
47
49
43
40
468
. 275
45
97
Leisure and tourism in Europe
113
T A B L E 5. General impressions of countries of destination (percentages)
a
33.2
47.5
15.0
42.2
40.9
12.6
40.4
48.4
10.8
34.4
48.6
14.0
30.3
49.1
19.1
1.6
0.7
1.0
0.8
0.4
—
2.3
0.1
1.2
0.2
_£
35.3
51.4
11.7
1.3
0.2
TAL
oê
o
and
>>
Ita
Very positive
Quite positive
Neutral
Quite negative
Very negative
.cou
S
U
ngar
General
impression
•
>. °"
gosla via
lovakia
Country
£
H
24.0
50.5
20.2
33.6
49.1
14.7
1.8
0.3
O
1.5
0.2
Foreign tourists could express their impressions of the country of destination
according to the following scale: very positive, quite positive, neutral, quite negative,
very negative. The answers for some countries covered by the T O U R project are
shown in Table 5.
Notes
1
2
3
1
M . A . Mihovilovié, 'Evolucija i utjecaj slobodnog 5 M . Bassand, 'Sociologie des loisirs et du tourisme',
vremena u suvremenom druStvu' (The EvolTurin, U I O T O , 1968 (mimeo). E . Cohen,
ution and Influence of Leisure Time in
'Toward a Sociology of International TourContemporary Society), Zagreb, Encicloism', Social Research, N o . 39, 1972.
6
paedia Moderna, Vol. VI, N o . 15, 1971.
K . Przeclawski, Tourisme—Rencontre des cultures
cf. Joseph Prendergast, Non-working Time Con(Introduction à la sociologie du tourisme),
tinues to Expand, 1956.
Warsaw, Institut de la Recherche sur la
On Tourism Management, London, 1975. Sources
Jeunesse, 1976.
for this survey include: O E C D statistical data 7 J. Bystrzanowski, 'The Economic and Sociological
for 1969; I U O T O Economic Review of World
Problems of Tourism in Europe, a MultiTourism, Nos. 3 and 4; the World Bank's
national Comparative Study', Estudios TurísTourism Sector Working Paper (June 1972).
ticos, N o s . 55-6, Madrid, Instituto Español
George Young, Tourism—Blessing or Blight?,
de Turismo, 1977.
Harmondsworth, Penguin Books, 1973.
International tourism originating
from Poland
Olaf Rogalewski
Introduction
T h e tremendous development of international tourism after the Second World
W a r was generated by the richest countries of the Western world. They accounted
for the dominant share of international tourist traffic and their needs also shaped
contemporary tourism. Other countries participated in this process mainly as
recipients; for some of them foreign-exchange earnings from tourism form a
substantial part of national revenue.
. .
The past decade has brought a substantial growth of outgoing tourism by
nationals of European socialist countries. Although this traffic is mainly between
these countries themselves and only to a minor degree concerns other countries,
questions are repeatedly asked about the prospective development of outgoing
tourism in the near and more distant future.
The aim of this article is not to provide ah answer to this question, because
m y impression is that a general answer, to a question so formulated is absolutely
impossible, because conditions for the development of tourism in each country
are so different. I therefore only wish to m a k e an attempt here to characterize the
main features and elements of the development processes of the outgoing traffic
of the nationals of the Polish People's Republic—a m e m b e r of the socialist
community. T h e choice seems expedient since Polish society has already attained
a relatively high level of tourist activity, both national and international, expressed
in various and sometimes very complex forms. I hope that this information m a y
prove useful to obtain a general idea of specific problems of tourism in Polish
society and to establish a view on certain problems of the development of social
tourism under the conditions of a developing socialist society.
Olaf Rogalewski is Director of the Department of Social and Economic Problems of Tourism of
the Central School of Planning and Statistics, Wisniowa41, 02-520, Warsaw, Poland. The present
article is a systematic approach to his research, so far unpublished.
Int. Soc. Sei. J., Vol. XXXII, N o . 1, 1980
international tourism originating from Poland
115
The background
The development of tourist movement in Poland in the last thirty-five years has been
closely linked to the emergence, after the Second World W a r of a people's
democracy whose leading power is the Communist Party. Nevertheless, the directions and dynamics of the tourist movement in Polish society have been equally
influenced by other factors, three of which played a particular role in the post-war
period: existing tourist traditions, specific tourist attractions of the geographical
environment, and tourist development after the devastations of war.
The oldest traditions of Polish tourism are travels to those western European
countries with which Poland has maintained particularly close cultural relations.
These traditions date from the seventeenth century when a relatively large proportion
of young noblemen pursued studies abroad, mainly in Italy. Later, tourist trips
were continued in various forms by the better-off landed aristocracy and, from
the nineteenth century, increasingly also by intellectuals, the main destinations
being France and Italy.
There was equally a tradition of several hundred years of tours by the
aristocracy to foreign spas for curative purposes. In the nineteenth and twentieth
centuries these became more and more social and entertaining in character,
characterized by extravagance; whereas tourist trips always enjoyed very high
social prestige, those taken for entertainment met with strong disapproval.
In the second half of the nineteenth century domestic tourism began to
flourish. The characteristic feature of this process, which went on until the
outbreak of the Second World W a r , was the existence of two clearly distinct
streams of, tourist movement for recreation and for cultural purposes. Tourism
was pursued mainly by intellectual circles, its primary aim being touring the mother
country, learning about its past, its historic monuments and cultural heritage.
Until 1918 the Polish nation was deprived of its statehood, having been partitioned
by Russia, Prussia and Austria towards the end of theeighteenth century. In; that
situation tourism was one of the most important instruments of patriotic upbringing,
and it retained this character after independence, in the period of the 'Second
Republic' (1918-39), w h e n attempts were m a d e to expand tourist participation
beyond intellectual circles.
Recreation was the domain of the bourgeoisie, w h o m a d e up the core of the
clientele of the expanding or newly opened holiday resorts. The less prosperous
middle class stayed in modest boarding houses or, more frequently, in cottages
situated attractively, from the point of view of climate and scenery, in suburban
localities. and mountain villages. In the 1930s s u m m e r holiday camps for the
children of poor urban dwellers were founded. At the same time workers' social
organizations initiated holidays for families, within very modest limits.
116
Olaf Rogalewski
Tourism since the Second World W a r
After the war, substantial territorial changes took place. Eastern territories
inhabited mainly by Lithuanians, White Russians and Ukrainians were included
in the respective Soviet republics, whereas the historic western and northern
territories which, until 1945, had been under G e r m a n occupation returned to
Poland. In her new, post-war geographic shape Poland is typified by heterogeneous
touristic values: a sea-coast several hundred kilometres long with beautiful sandy
beaches compensating to a large extent for relatively cool water and unstable
weather, m a n y thousand square kilometres of lacustrine areas which boast
numerous large and small lakes and rivers, as well as a profusion of forests and
diversified geographical configurations. T h e entire south of the country is taken
u p by mountainous ' expanses with a richly diversified landscape. In spite of
tremendous w a r devastation, m a n y relics of the past, monuments, localities with
natural curiosities, have been preserved all over Poland. M a n y of the tourist
attractions are not of international standard, but they are sufficiently cheap,
numerous and abundant, to satisfy most of the tourist needs of Polish society, which
seemed particularly evident in the immediate post-war period w h e n international
tourist traffic in Europe was practically non-existent.
Following the post-war territorial shifts, Poland's tourist development
changed considerably. Pre-war Poland had been underdeveloped in this respect,
whereas the regained western territories, both the coast and the Sudeta mountain
region, presented a high level of development as far as general tourism and spas are
concerned. B y a happy coincidence, the main Polish touristic regions came off well
with respect to war damage and devastation. These regions are estimated to have had
around 50,000 accommodation and catering points suitable for further utilization.
The three factors discussed above, the tourist traditions, recreational
attractions in the country and a preserved material base, have undoubtedly
facilitated and steered the general decisions of popular rule concerning the development of tourism in the first ten years of the Polish People's Republic (1945-55).
O n the strength of the principles that the health, leisure and intellectual development of the working class, peasants and intelligentsia are matters of concern,
three primary principles were adopted.
Thefirstwas the setting u p of a system of holidays for the working people,
particularly for the working class. T h e entire existing boarding-house infrastructure in holiday resorts was turned over to the trade unions, which still
administer it through a special enterprise called the Workers' Holiday Fund,
founded in 1948. Every person employed in the public sector had the right to a
two-week holiday in one of the W H F rest-homes, the cost of transportation and
stay forming but a minor part of total personal expenditure, the rest being covered
by the state. In this w a y all the working people were given access to holidays
formerly available only to propertied groups.
International tourism originating from Poland
117
The second principle was the large-scale development of s u m m e r holiday
camps for schoolchildren resident in industrial agglomerations, towns and cities.
These camps, which retained their pre-war n a m e , were organized throughout the
country in areas of rich natural and tourist attraction: at the seaside, in the lake
districts, in the mountains. T h e camps were accommodated in properly adapted
school buildings and boarding schools. Even in this case the state took over most
of the costs of transportation, accommodation, food and administration.
The third direction was the development of group excursions by schools,
institutions and tourist social organizations, the main objective being acquaintance
with the mother country, with particular reference to the achievements in reconstruction after war devastation, socialist industrialization and the populating and
development of the regained territories.
In the first decade of popular rule, outgoing tourism remained underdeveloped, and permission for private ventures abroad was rarely granted. N o
doubt, the main reason for this was the so-called 'personality cult' but it is also
beyond all question that, during this period, interest in foreign travel was
exceedingly modest. T h e social strata that pursued foreign tourism before the
war were either eliminated from social life (aristocracy and bourgeoisie) or
exterminated and pauperized during the war (intelligentsia). Social groups and
strata that could afford to pursue tourism in socialist Poland were satisfied with
the very fact of availing themselves of holidays and domestic trips.
N e w directions after 1956
After 1956 Poland underwent considerable changes in social and economic policies
under the heading of the elimination of errors and deviations of the 'personality
cult' period. In the sphere of tourism two sets of actions were of great importance.
Thefirstwas aimed at fast and considerable improvement of material and nonmaterial conditions of living, also in the sphere of leisure. The other w a s represented by actions aimed at the liberalization of civil rights also through the
lifting or easing of restrictions on movement within the country and o n travel
abroad.
The year 1956 opened a n e w period of tourist development, which lasted
for aboutfifteenyears, until 1970. T h e pivotal problem of those days was the
satisfaction of the growing demand for holidays and tourism, the main feature
being an avalanche of demands for tourist services thrown open in the previous
decade. Whereas towards the end of the 1940s it was necessary to encourage
workers to take holidays and to persuade parents of the need to send their children
to vacation camps, by the mid-1950s demand ran well ahead of existing supply.
Within a few years holiday traffic—sending children to camps and taking one- or
two-day tourist trips—became a need for the greater part of town dwellers. B y
Olaf Rogalewski
118
the end of the 1950s tourist trips were becoming increasingly popular also a m o n g
the rural population. Tourist needs, disseminated to the masses in the years 1956-70,
did not lead to major changes in tourist movement or in the direction of foreign
travel. For recreation, the seaside became most popular, while sightseeing concentrated in the high mountains, on the Baltic coast, in the great complexes of lakes in
the lake district, in forests as well as in big cities as the main centres of culture and
the national economy. T h e traffic structure, however, remained unchanged. In
place of individual travel, more and more employees took tourist trips together
with their families.
It is obvious that the pre-war tourist facilities and the systematic solutions
introduced in the previous period could not satisfy the growing demand. Thus,
meeting the recreational needs of the working people and their families fell
directly within the scope of interest of the work organizations, and this process
w a s initiated by large industrial enterprises in the mid-1950s. Within the next
dozen or so years such practices were taken up by all public institutions throughout
the country. This system was granted legal and administrative forms still in force
today, the gist of which is that every public enterprise disposes of a special fund for
social purposes. F r o m it resources are allocated for building holiday resorts, renting
private accommodation, buying motor-coaches and tourist equipment as well as for
the partial financing of tourist trips for the staff and their families.
In this w a y enterprises became the main investors in tourist facilities and
major promoters of holidays and week-end tourism for a vast majority of the
population. The scale of this phenomenon is shown by the fact that the enterprises
today o w n about 430,000 accommodation units in the camp-recreation centres,
while the Workers' Holiday Fund owns only about 42,000 accommodation units.
After 1956 there occurred a steady, parallel development of tourism a m o n g
schoolchildren, organized in the form of holiday camps as well as walking and
other kinds of holidays for teenagers. The present accommodation base equals
around 400,000 c a m p places in school buildings and boarding schools and
40,000 places in school excursion shelters, plus the above-mentioned 110,000 c a m p
places in centres owned by enterprises.
Travel abroad
T h e question m a y be asked w h y , in contrast to other countries, in the Poland in
the 1950s and 1960s, the desire for foreign travel for holiday and cultural purposes
did not manifest itself. This question is not easy to answer since several factors
were at play different for each case. First of all, a considerable number of
individuals going for holidays.and tourist trips in that period remembered the
pre-war situation w h e n tourism had been beyond their means. They were therefore
easily satisfied with what had been the privilege of the upper classes, which, as has
International tourism originating from Poland
119
already been pointed out, took holidays and travelled mainly within the country.
Undoubtedly, the fact that Poland abounds in diversified holiday and tourist
attractions was of primary importance.
In m a n y enterprises there was a tendency a m o n g a section of the staff to
organize foreign excursions. It turned out, however, that such ventures were
several times more expensive than domestic tours of a similar character, for
example, two weeks on the Black Sea, in Bulgaria, R o m a n i a or the U S S R , burdened the works' fund with costs equivalent tofiveto ten two-week holidays on the
Baltic Sea. The disproportions were too large to allow for even the slighest cuts in
domestic tourist spending in favour of foreign tourism, which would have been
transformed into tourism for the privileged, with all its negative social implications.
Having collected a certain number of experiences of this type, the authorities issued
a decree prohibiting the financing of outgoing tourism from the works' fund,
except for so-called 'friendship excursions' to the Soviet Union and barter holidays,
i.e. bilateral schemes between enterprises of two countries, not involving foreign
exchange.
Practically, the imposition of the ban meant that the authorities excluded
foreign tourism from the social needs of the enterprises, which constituted a sphere
of the social policy of the state, and enjoyed various forms of assistance and
facilities from it. That attitude, universally approved as right and just, helped to
strengthen the tendency to satisfy basic recreational wants domestically. .
This, however, did not m e a n that there were n o explicit needs for foreign
travel. The liberalization in the issuing of passports, introduced in 1956, brought
to light,firstand foremost, a tremendous aggregate of family problems between
Poles residing in the country and their relatives living abroad.
It must be explained here that in the nineteenth century and in thefirsthalf
of the present century quite a number of Poles emigrated, mainly to the United
States and the industrialized countries of western European, particularly G e r m a n y
and France. There was also political emigration, especially extensive after the
unsuccessful national uprisings of 1831 and 1863. The Second World W a r dispersed
several million Poles all over the world, hundreds of thousands of w h o m did not
return h o m e . Consequently, several million people of Polish origin living abroad
seek to maintain ties with their country of origin, while within Poland there are
millions of persons w h o have close and more distant relatives.abroad.
In the mid-1950s the need to maintain. contacts between these families
began to be viewed as an obvious and natural manifestation of interhuman relations.
The state,. however, did not dispose of sufficient foreign exchange to finance
thousands of foreign trips, often to other continents. A formula was therefore
adopted to grant permits for travel abroad to all those w h o could submit evidence
that an inviting person would cover all their fare and the cost of their stay abroad.
Travellers could procure minimal foreign exchange only for petty expenses during
the journey. A s time went by, this formula became increasingly popular and
120
Olaf Rogale wski
embraced not only invitations from family members but also from friends. It was
then m a d e possible for those invited to western countries to pay their fare in
Polish currency to those destinations where Polish air and shipping lines maintained
services. Fares to socialist countries could always be covered in Polish currency.
In this w a y the problem of foreign travel for persons w h o had relatives
abroad was solved. T h e problem of travel for purely tourist purposes, both
recreational and cultural, was dealt with by means of package tours organized by
the Polish Travel Office 'Orbis' and several other specialized offices opened in the
second half of the 1950s. T h e destinations were seaside resorts in Bulgaria,
Yugoslavia, R o m a n i a and the Soviet Union. Travel to western European countries
was relatively rare, due to foreign-exchange restrictions, and were of a cultural
(sightseeing) character to countries traditionally visited by Polish tourists: mainly
Italy, France and Austria.
O n account of the restricted supply and, in the case of travel to the West,
the cost structures, overall expenses were very high, thus accessible only to the
relatively small, well-off section of society. Meanwhile, foreign travel became
increasingly popular with the young generation, w h o as a rule did not dispose of
larger sums of money. In order to enable this social group to pursue outgoing
tourism, 'Juventur' (a travel bureau for young working people) and 'Almatur'
(for students) were opened in 1957. These offices were granted licences to develop
foreign tourism on a barter basis, which meant that the partners exchange tourist
groups with equivalent accommodation, transport, catering and other services and
not against cash payments. D u e to such bilateral arrangements youth travel
bureaux can organize foreign tours with no great outlay of foreign exchange, and
the ventures are m u c h cheaper than those organized by travel offices operating on a
commercial basis.
In the mid-1950s thefirstattempts to develop passport-free foreign traffic
were m a d e , following the pre-war tradition where members of Polish and
Czechoslovak tourist societies could tour the Tatras—the only alpine mountain
range of the Carpathians one-third of which belonged to Poland and two-thirds
to Czechoslovakia. In 1955 the Polish and Czechoslovak authorities adopted a
convention allowing nationals of both countries to m o v e about freely all over
the Tatras with a pass issued by touring offices. In 1960 this conventioh was
extended to the central part of the Sudetas.
In the 1960s n e w needs quickly accumulated, brought about by the growing
participation of young people brought u p in socialist Poland in the economic,
social and political life of the country. For them, better educated as a rule, with
far greater and richer aspirations than the older generation, owning a car or going
abroad was becoming an important criterion of the quality of life. The fact that
the young generation of Poles is accustomed to great spatial mobility added
another dimension. This m a y to some extent be the outcome of the great
migrations during the war and then, immediately afterwards, the moves westward
International tourism originating from Poland
121
and northward to populate the regained territories, andfinally,to the process of
industrialization and urbanization, still under way.
The tourist requirements of the new generation were concentrated in two
spheres. T h efirstwas to pursue tourism within the European socialist countries
associated in the Council of Mutual Economic Assistance and the W a r s a w Pact.
D u e to the abolition of passports for individual movement to socialist countries,
passport^ and exchange regulations as required between European members of
C M E A were viewed by m a n y as formalized bureaucracy.
The second problem was tourism to Western countries. A situation where
travel was practically accessible to persons with relations abroad, for the rich but
only for very few young people, could not be tolerated in a society with a highly
developed sense of egalitarianism. Furthermore, group excursions alone could
not satisfy diversified tourist requirements. Finally, in connection with increasing
car ownership, there emerged the need to solve the problem of outgoing traffic
pursued and organized individually. Those growing needs began to be dealt with
in the second half of the 1960s and complex solutions were adopted in the 1970s
when Edward Gierek was chosen First Secretary of the Polish United Workers'
Party.
Easing passport formalities for individual traffic to European socialist
countries occurred in three stages. Since 1971 passports to these countries have been
replaced by so-called passport inserts attached to identity cards, authorizing
multiple trips over five years. T h e inserts could be obtained through simple
formalities and a fee m u c h lower than that for a passport. In 1972 passport inserts
to the G e r m a n Democratic Republic were replaced by a 'while-you-wait' entry on
identity cards, byfillingin a short form. In 1977 the same principle was extended
to the other C M E A m e m b e r countries in Europe. In this way, passports between
Poland and these countries were practically eliminated for individual trips.
The problem of the purchase of foreign currency by Polish travelling
nationals w a s also solved. Every two years, each Polish citizen is entitled to
purchase foreign currency for afixedamount of zlotys. For the years 1979-80, the
limit is set at 7,000 zlotys, equivalent to 1.5 months net remuneration. Supplementary
provisions set out the principles both of currency purchases to foreign countries
and the m i n i m u m amount of foreign exchange a traveller should possess on
entering certain countries. These regulations are subject to adjustments depending
on the market situation, and are aimed at reducing traffic for commercial purposes
and adjusting the volume of traffic to reception capacities.
With regard to the latter principle, somewhat different solutions have been
adopted in the case of individual trips to the U S S R : the tourist must procure
accommodation himself, either by purchasing vouchers in a travel office or by
presenting written invitations from residents of the Soviet Union.
For Western countries the state is not in a position to cover the d e m a n d for
convertible currency for travel. In order partly to satisfy constantly growing
122
Olaf Rogalewski
needs a regulation was issued by virtue of which every citizen can apply for an
allowance, equivalent to U S $ 1 5 0 . Since applications exceed the means, the allowance is decided upon by the state authorities after the applications have been
examined by a special qualifying commission.
Furthermore, since 1970, private persons can open bank accounts in
convertible currencies, while for the last two years, documentary evidence of the
source has not been required. Such currency can be used to cover the cost of
tourism to Western countries by the account holder and his family. There are
about 700,000 such accounts at the m o m e n t .
Both these decisions considerably facilitated the growth of tourism to
Western countries. Limited foreign exchange reserves, however, d o not permit
all the needs to be met. Although current passport regulations in Poland are very
liberal, Polish tourists d o encounter visa difficulties imposed by certain Western
countries, only three of which, Austria, Finland and Sweden, have signed an
agreement abolishing visa requirements.
Flows of outgoing tourism
In thefirstdecade of the Polish People's Republic.the main tourist problem was
to recruit the working class to the tourist form of leisure and sightseeing. In the
followingfifteenyears the pivotal problem remained the satisfaction of the rapidly
growing demand for recreation and sightseeing of the working people, their
families and schoolchildren, mainly through the development of a catering and
accommodation base and motor-coachfleet..In this decade, however, the main
problem of the Polish tourist movement has been incoming and outgoing traffic.
This does not imply retrograde trends in international tourism or a decline of
interest on the part of the political and state authorities of the country. O n the
contrary, in the 1970s the further development of national tourism was noted,
facilitated by diverse state decisions. Annual holidays and sightseeing tours
became fashionable for a considerable section of society involving over 40 per
cent of the population.
A fashion for foreign tourism can, nevertheless, be noted in Polish society,
as shown by the fact that, in this decade, after the substantial easing of passport
regulations and foreign-currency allowances a very considerable increase in
cultural traffic has occurred. The volume of this phenomenon can be best illustrated
by fourfigures:in 1978 Polish visitors to socialist countries totalled 10,641,000 as
compared with 757,000 in 1970; in 1978 other countries were visited by
597,000 Polish tourists as compared with 114,000 in 1970.
Passport and foreign-exchange problems were, of course, not the only
reasons for this increase. Also of basic importance was the changing attitude of
the younger generation to international tourism. In the 1970s this clearly became
International tourism originating from Poland
123
acute: there are over 60,000 graduates and 400,000 school-leavers annually in
Poland today.
The third factor of major importance was a considerable improvement in
general living standards, which in turn aroused n e w consumption needs. They
had a twofold effect on the development of outgoing tourism: first, by an increased
demand for purely tourist trips for holidays and sightseeing; secondly, by an
increase in trips to the socialist countries and, to some extent, to.other countries
as well to purchase goods either unavailable or in short supply in Poland.
The fourth factor which facilitated the outgoing tourism of Polish nationals
was a wide car-ownership programme launched by the state authorities. Since
the mid-1970s several hundred thousand n e w car-owners have emerged every
year, despite the fact that the scheme is based mainly o n low-capacity vehicles
unfit for long-distance touring; they are, however, frequently bought precisely
for touring purposes. A great m a n y Poles do not use their cars for professional
or prestige purposes but for tourism, motivated by their spatial mobility.
O f late, about 12 million people go abroad annually, which accounts for
one-third of the total population: about half a million to non-socialist and close
to 11.5 million to socialist countries. A m o n g the non-socialist countries, the
Federal Republic of Germany is the most popular (over 100,000 visits), followed
by France, Italy and Austria with about 50,000 tourists annually each. Around
25,000 to 35,000 Poles visit Sweden, the United States, the United K i n g d o m ,
Turkey and Greece. A m o n g the socialist countries, the G e r m a n Democratic
Republic occupies the first place (about 8 million trips annually), followed by
Czechoslovakia, Hungary and the Soviet Union, each receiving about a million
Polish tourists a year. Bulgaria and Romania take in close to half a million people
Bulgaria being the destination for about two-thirds, and R o m a n i a for one-third,
of the traffic. Relatively few tourists (about 60,000) visit Yugoslavia, since bilateral
tourist settlements between Poland and Yugoslavia are m a d e in convertible
currencies.
The most characteristic feature of outgoing Polish tourism is the relatively
low proportion of foreign trips m a d e for recreational purposes, for physical
and mental regeneration. In this respect, the situation in Poland is essentially
different from that of highly developed countries in western Europe. This dissimilarity can be explained by the strikingly different structure of the costs of
recreation within the country and abroad. For western Europeans a holiday
abroad is not m u c h more expensive than a holiday at h o m e , and at times it
m a y even be cheaper. For Poles, holidays abroad are at least several times dearer
than those spent at h o m e .
For Poles w a r m seas are most attractive but the cost of going there makes
them accessible only to the better-off sections of society, and then only to socialist
countries, mainly the Black Sea—Bulgaria and Romania. Recently, car trips have
become increasingly popular. They are mainly family ventures pursued by those
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Olaf Rogalewski
w h o have just bought a car and still have an appetite for driving and space.
A s they usually choose camping sites and prepare their o w n meals, such trips
turn out to be most economical.
In the second basic motivation for outgoing tourist trips abroad (sightseeing, etc.) one can distinguish between trips for purely cultural purposes, and
those of a m o r e complex nature, with sightseeing as only one of the motives;
the latter stream is m u c h m o r e popular.
The main directions of the purely cultural trips are the neighbouring socialist
countries and, traditionally, Italy, France and Austria, though Spain, Greece
and the United K i n g d o m are becoming increasingly attractive. A m o n g the socialist
countries, the Soviet Union enjoys particular popularity with the intelligentsia,
i.e. persons with degrees. Year by year, however, the proportion of persons with
only secondary-level education is growing, and motivations are gradually changing.
Whereas the chief objectives of tourist trips before the war were cultural, such as
architectural m o n u m e n t s , m u s e u m s , art galleries, theatres, etc., interests today
are m u c h m o r e diversified. Aside from the priceless cultural heritage and natural
environments in form of characteristic scenic areas and natural curiosities, big
cities enjoy particular popularity. This is so because Polish tourists are keenly
interested in the broad living patterns of other nations, and large cities are
examples of both architectural and functional achievements and the main centres
of modern civilization, economic and social life. Tourist trips to Western countries
are usually taken individually, by car; most of the traffic to socialist countries
takes the form of package tours organized by travel bureaux.
A m o n g trips with complex motivations, there are those of a sightseeing/
supply and those of a sightseeing/profit character. The former are one- to three-day
outings usually aimed at taking a foreign trip perfunctorily and obtaining a
superficial impression of social conditions and relations in the host country on
one hand, while purchasing attractive commodities for personal use (household
goods, etc.), o n the other. This type of trip prevails for the tourist traffic to the
G e r m a n Democratic Republic, Hungary and Czechoslovakia. It must be added
that most short trips by the nationals of these countries to Poland are of a similar
character. O n e might say that the functions of foreign-trade enterprises and retail
outlets are assumed by the citizens themselves, were it not for the fact that a
search for such kinds of attractive goods is gradually becoming a peculiar kind
of sport or entertainment.
Sightseeing/profit traffic is of a different character. A s a rule the trips are
longer, from several weeks to several months, undertaken mainly by students
during their s u m m e r holidays to enter some kind of temporary employment.
The m o n e y earned is occasionally spent o n further travel, more often o n the
purchase of attractive goods, but most frequently it is repatriated and deposited
in a foreign-currency account to facilitate another trip the following year. Year-byyear directions of this traffic change according to the labour market in different
International tourism originating from Poland
125
countries. Until the ban o n free-choice employment of seasonal workers from
Poland was introduced, Sweden had been most popular for easy access and high
wages. France and the United K i n g d o m remain attractive for their great touristic
resources.
Qualified tourism is of purely marginal importance in the outgoing Polish
traffic. Under 'qualified tourism' I classify those activities requiring special qualifications, equipment and often formal licences: mountain-climbing, yachting,
hunting, speleology, angling, etc. There are several hundred thousand hunters
and anglers in Poland. D u e to the abundance of g a m e in Polish forests and
fields, and fish in the lakes and some rivers, it is not necessary to go abroad to
practise these sports. A somewhat different situation prevails for mountaineering
and yachting as Poland is relatively poor in particularly suitable mountains and
coast. It is therefore clear w h y mountaineering and yachting are practised abroad:
in most cases expeditions are arranged and, in varying degrees, financed by
specialized Polish social organizations. A s a rule, experienced sportsmen of
exceptional yachting and climbing skills take part in them.
O f particular importance is family tourism, i.e. visits to relatives, friends,
or acquaintances abroad. This forms a special strand in the tourist m o v e m e n t
motivated by personal needs of contact with those near and dear, but also
embodying m a n y recreational and cultural values. Occasionally, it is not free
of supply or profit motives. Family tourism accounts for the better part of the
traffic from Poland to the G e r m a n Democratic Republic and the United States
of America, but also affects movements to France, the United K i n g d o m and the
Soviet Union. It is significant that family contacts thus established are increasingly
becoming permanent and bilateral, with periodic visits and revisits, and that
these traditions more and m o r e frequently pass from one generation to the next.
Perspectives
In spite of the tremendous development of outgoing tourism in this decade, the
demand is still greater than the means of satisfying it. This is mainly due to the
fact that the state is in a position to allot only a limited part of its foreign exchange
to meet tourist needs. Setting limits on foreign-exchange allowances is of particular
importance in adjusting the volume of the traffic to non-socialist countries, but
its influence on the traffic to socialist countries should not be ignored. It is
difficult, at the m o m e n t , to speculate change considerably in the near future,
but it seems that this policy will have to take into account three factors, one of
which will promote the steady accumulation of foreign-exchange reserves, while
the other two will, to some extent, check this.
The factor encouraging increased foreign-exchange reserves will be the
constantly growing needs—the effect of the growth of overall tourist mobility
126
Olaf Rogalewski
in society at large. This will certainly be stimulated by rising general prosperity,
advanced education, the development of car-ownership as well as b y the d e m o n stration effect of highly developed countries. While appreciating the importance
of all these processes, it should be remembered that most needs for qualified and
recreational tourism can well be satisfied domestically, and at m u c h lower cost.
It is probable, therefore, that such needs as can only be met by travel abroad
(cultural needs in particular) will be given preference.
A limiting influence will also be exerted by the foreign-exchange needs
of those branches of the national economy the meeting of which, at the present
stage of socialist development, has priority over the development of outgoing
tourism. Apart from basic industries, such important sectors as housing and
medical care are involved here.
For outgoing tourism to non-socialist countries, state policy concerning
convertible currency allowances has practically n o influence on the volume of
family tourism and toursfinancedfrom currency accounts. In the coming decade,
the volume of family visits will probably remain unchanged, since, it has been
stable for some time. It is more difficult to forecast the trend of tourism financed
from personal accounts, as this largely depends o n such changing factors as the
domestic conditions and means of currency acquisition, the situation on the
markets for temporary and casual jobs abroad, etc. T h e state can; however,
exercise influence on the volume and structure of outgoing traffic through currency
allowances and state reserves. The overall increase in currency allowances will,
of course, be the essential instrument for the full satisfaction of needs. In addition,
extending package tours best adapted to needs and tourists' purchasing power
will be of great importance. This would have to involve putting resources at the
disposal of the tourist offices to organize sightseeing tours aimed at meeting
the most universal needs: becoming acquainted with the capital cities and main
centres of West European countries, traditionally recognized as most interesting.
Since interests of this type are not attached to a particular month or tourist
season and the cultural programme is more important than comfort or services,
such tours can be m a d e relatively cheap.
For individual traffic to Western countries, the present situation will not
undergo significant changes in the near future. It will continue to consist mainly
of car trips for white-collar families using camping sites, preparing their o w n
food or patronizing cheap catering establishments but wishing to see the most
attractive West European countries, from the point of view of the Polish tourist.
M u c h more meaningful changes in the coming decade m a y affect the structure of outgoing tourism to socialist countries. A t present about 80 per cent of
the total traffic consists of short trips of a cultural/supply character to the G e r m a n
Democratic Republic, Czechoslovakia and Hungary. The enormous volume of
this traffic, embracing also citizens of the other socialist countries, results from
the fact that it is not so long ago that passports were abolished and the very idea
International tourism originating from Poland
127
of going abroad is still a big attraction. This can well be observed in the traffic
to the G e r m a n Democratic Republic, where day trips account for several million
entries. This motivation will in future decline, while the progressive integrative
processes between C M E A countries will surely lead to a further có-ordination
of consumer-goods supply and prices on the retail markets of the m e m b e r countries.
This should decrease the importance of the supply motivations of tourist traffic.
The present patterns of cultural and supply traffic between Poland, Czechoslovakia, the G e r m a n Democratic Republic and Hungary will soon change
slightly. This is demonstrated by the tourist traffic between Poland and the G e r m a n
Democratic Republic where, despite the seven years that have elapsed since
the frontiers were opened and currency restrictions greatly reduced, the volume
of traffic still remains very considerable; a large tourist region is thus in the
making, embracing these four countries, capable of accommodating short motor
tours. Tourism is becoming an important instrument of cementing friendly relations
between these countries and peoples.
Apart from this central European region of holiday tourism, the Black
Sea coast will continue to be exceptionally attractive to Polish tourists. It must
be expected, however, that the n e w situation in that region m a y affect Polish
tourists in two ways. Firstly, for the economies of Bulgaria and Romania, the
seaside regions are essential for earning foreign currency; secondly, in both these
countries as well as in the Soviet Union the domestic demand for seaside holidays
is on the increase. The process of solving these problems m a y , in a way, also
increase the receptive capacities for tourists from Poland.
Traffic to the Soviet Union will most probably constitute a meaningful
dimension of Polish international tourism. There is extreme interest in tourist
travel to the Soviet Union for the enormous and uniquely diversified holiday,
cultural and special attractions of this country and its direct approximity, language
similarities and system bonds. The unprecedented development of service infrastructures in the Soviet Union will soon undoubtedly facilitate the considerable
expansion and diversification of the offer for Polish tourists.
Tourism within, from and to Japan
T a m a o Tokuhisa
Introduction
In a number of published studies, definitions have been provided of the concept
of tourism. Examples of such definitions are, 'the s u m of the relationships that
exist between the inhabitants of a given area and temporary visitors from outside',1
and 'the various relationships and phenomena arising from the presence and
travel, within a given area, of temporary visitors.'2 The implication is that tourism
is connected with the economic consequences of tourist travel, the elements of
culture that tourists m a y acquire, and—as the background—the natural, historical
and cultural differences between different regions of the world. T o understand
tourism purely as a regional economic phenomenon is to grasp only a part of
its significance: it must be thought of as a comprehensive phenomenon, with
economic, cultural and social aspects. In Japan in particular, while it does have
some relation to domestic economic development, a big problem is the safeguarding
and development of the country's tourist 'resources'.
Not only in Japan but throughout the world, amid all the présures both
for economic development and for the preservation of traditional culture in each
region, tourism presents us with m a n y issues to be tackled, as m e n strive to improve
their lot without losing sight of the role that culture has to play in their daily
lives.
Changes in tourism in Japan
It was from about the middle of the E d o period (1600-1867) that travel in Japan
became a widespread reality. T h e feudal government in E d o (Tokyo) had brought
stability to the country, and thanks to the sankin-kotai system, by which provincial lords were required to reside in E d o in alternate years, a network of road
communications, based on a w e b offivemajor routes emanating from the capital,
Tamao Tokuhisa, trained as a geographer, is professor at Aoyama Gakuin University, 4-4-25,
Shibuya, Shibuya-ker, Tokyo 150, teaching courses in Geography, Tourism and Regional Development; among his works available in translation are contributions to P . Lavery (ed.),
Recreational Geography (1977), and to Schwind, Religiongeographie (1978).
Int. Soc. Sei. J., Vol. XXXII, N o . 1, 1980
Tourism within, from and to Japan
129
had been established. Against this background;'travel by the general public came
to be permitted, and trips were frequently m a d e , the most popular involving visits
to temples or recuperative stays at a hot-springs resort.3 Examples were pilgrimages
to M o u n t K o y a , M o u n t Kinpu, the shrines of K u m a n o and Konpira, M o u n t
Minobu, the mausoleum of Ieyas'u Tokugawa at Nikko, and above all the Great
Shrine of Ise; there were also group pilgrimages to such places as Kyoto, Nara,
Yoshino, and the Three Mountains of D e w a in the north-east; and tours of
different provinces.* But the constraints of the prevailing ethic of Confucianism,
and later the upheavals of the Meiji period, acted as a brake on the further development \of tourist travel. Enjoyment for its o w n sake was frowned upon. This
notion, together with the idea that any free time that came one's ; way should
be used for work, was widely held throughout the country—a m o d e of thinking
that continued, indeed, right up to the Second World W a r ; so'that1 the level of
awareness of 'leisure' a m o n g the Japanese at large was extremely low, and people
had little notion of any concept of life extending beyond the one of work.
After the Second World W a r all this changed. With a growing;realization
that the individual must seek mental and physical recreation and fulfilment in
his o w n life, the Japanese people gradually awoke to the idea of leisure.
'•
•:
:
Accomodation, the h o m e
Food
" i .• 1
' - i 1.1 •
Leisure and spare-time activities
— — — - Consumer durables (electrical appliances, furnitures, cars, etc.)
Clothes
.
-
.
.
•
,
'
,
,
•
F I G . 1. Primary aims in daily life (after Survey of Public Opinion Regarding the People's
Livelihood, issued by the Secretariat, the Prime Minister's Office).
130
Tamao Tokuhisa
T A B L E 1. Free-time activities—the present situation and future hopes 1
Present Situation
Activity
,. •
Television and radio
Reading newspapers
'
Talking with family
Reading books
Associating with friends, acquaintances, neighbours
Associating with relatives
Sleeping off tiredness in daytime
Listening to records or tapes
Eating out, shopping
Helping with children's education
Handicrafts, gardening, stamp collecting, etc.
Cinema, watching sport
Walking, light physical exercise
Mah-jong, horse-racing, pin-ball games
Sport
Artistic activities
D a y hiking trips
Office w o r k
Travelling, with one or m o r e nights away from h o m e
Playing go (Japanese draughts) or shogi
(Japanese chess)
Visiting m u s e u m s , art galleries, zoos, botanical
gardens, etc.
D 1 Y , cake-making, etc.
Learning tea ceremony
Looking after pets
Motoring
Studying to acquire further qualifications or
technical skills
Associating with opposite sex
Activities in local associations, voluntary social
services
Religious and political activities
Visiting saunas, bars, etc.
Side jobs
Overseas travel
Other
Questions not answered
TOTAL
Daily
leisure
time
Longer
periods of
, leisure,
87.7 (l)2
19.0(2)
76.5(2)
8.1 :
49.6 (3)
7.4
•49.2(4)
9.9(6)
35.1(5) ,
6.1
26.7(6)
11.8(5)
24.2(7)
8.0(10)
23.5 (8) ;
6.3.
22.1 (9)
12.5 (4)
, , 21.2(10) . 2.6
19.3
5.3
16.8
9.6(7)
15.7
4.3
13.1
5.2
13.0
9.5(8)
12.3
4.2
11.8
17.8(3)
10.7
0.7
10.6
43.3 (1)
W h a t people
would like to
do in their
leisure time
0.1
0.1
l . o
1.7
1.2
1.6
2.1
.1.4
1.8
3.9 (9)
3.9(8)
2.9
0.9
8.8 (3)
5.2 (7)
5.7 (6)
0.7
24.6 (2)
9.8
2.8
1.7
9.4
8.7
8.5
7.7
6.9
6.3
4.0
1.9
1.0
8.6 (9)
2.8
2.9
.
8.2(5)
1.0
1.8
6.8
6.3
1.9
1.7
8.7(4)
5.7
4.1
3.9
2.4
0.6
1.4
0.6
1.4
1.0
0.1
2.7
1.5
3.1
1.9
0.8
0.8
0.3
—
100.0
(1,052)
100.0
(1,052)
2.4
25.7 (1)
0.3
16.9
100.0
(1,052)
1. T h efiguresrepresent, not the total number of respondents, but the total number of replies.
2. Figures in brackets indicate the order.
Source: The National Life Centre, Study of Life Awareness.
•,••
3.3(10)
.
Tourism within, from and to Japan
131
N o w let us look at the actual situation as it is at present. The 1978 Survey
of Public Opinion Regarding the People's Livelihood* shows, in the answers to the
question ' W h a t aspect of your life would you like to devote more resources to
in the future?', that while accommodation and the h o m e are still a major concern,
as they have been since 1973, interest in leisure is the runner-up at 22 per cent.
In 1973 interest in leisure was greater than interest in food. Then came the oil
crisis of 1974, which reversed this trend; but from about 1976 there was a gradual
recovery, till in 1978 leisure had risen again to second place (see Fig. 1). According
to studies of 'life-awareness' by the National Life Centre (Table 1), enjoying
television and radio figures most highly as the daily leisure activity, while for
longer periods of leisure trips within Japan, including at least one overnight stopj
attract the highest rating, with foreign travel the favourite ambition. This gives a
picture of current attitudes and the trend of potential demand.
Units (per cent)
1970
1972
1974
1976
'im-:-:-,,•
,
1977
<
L_jj
-ï : ive-dc V week
. -
One day's holiday a week
\ Twice a month, or every other week
One and 3 half day's holiday a week
i Three times a month, or every week
Once a month .
I
I Others
F I G . 2. Proportions of the work-force having different types of weekly holiday
(from the Ministry of Labour's Comprehensive Survey of Hours Worked by Wage-earners.
Figures are for the end of September each year).
Noie: 'One and a half days' holiday a week means that one of the six working days is a half-day.
'Others' refers to arrangements whereby the number of holidays per week varies owing to
seasonal factors orfluctuationsin the amount of work available or requiring to be done.
132
Tamao Tokuhisa
The evidence of the Survey of Free-time Expenditure points in the same
direction. After eating out, and. cultural and educational expenses, expenditure
connected with travel is the highest, showing also a rate of increase considerably
greater than that of consumer expenditure as a whole.
•',.••:
. W e . have here a further indication that the 'awareness of leisure' of the
Japanese is undergoing great changes, that leisure is n o w occupying an important
place in their lives, and that they, are n o w convinced,of the significance of leisure
in h u m a n growth and,development. Yet the amount of leisure (hours of free time)
in their lives is still less than in Europe and North America. The extent to which
the five-day week has been adopted in Japan (Fig. 2) gives some idea of the dif7
ference between Japan and the West in this respect. A s for longer periods of leisure,
the continuing lack of a clear concept of'holidays' in Japan can be regarded asa
factor delaying the full andfinalacceptance of,the idea of tourism. .
<,
In view of all this evidence, one must conclude that amid the changes in
the 'awareness of leisure' in Japan, it is natural that there should have been a
growing focus on tourism, for which there has long been a high potential
demand.
According to the National Survey of Travel Trends issued by the Secretariat
of the Prime Minister's Office, the number of trips per head involving overnight
stops rose from 0.36 in 1961 to 0.55 in 1967, and 0.75 in 1972 to 1.55 in 1978,
something like a fivefold increase over this seventeen-year period. Again, the
Annual Surveys of Household Expenditure carried out by the Statistics Bureau of
the Prime Minister's Office show that travel-related expenditure rose from
8,662 yen per household in 1963 to 57,665 yen in 1977, with tourist and recreational
expenditure involving overnight stops accounting for about 2 per cent of gross
national expenditure.
This rapid increase in the volume of tourism has brought about a number
of changes in its content and form. (I deal in detail with foreign travel in a subsequent section.) Thefirstpoint is that the 'spread' of tourists, w h o hitherto came
mainly from the large urban centres, has n o w broadened to include residents of
m e d i u m and small towns and rural districts—people from all over the country,
in fact. O f course the actual number of tourists is proportionate to the number
of the inhabitants of a given area; but the gap between the proportions of people
in different types of community w h o have had experience of tourist travel has
narrowed (Fig. 3). However, this gap is related to differing levels of economic
activity in different regions, and so has not disappeared entirely. T h e second
point is the marked increase in the number of w o m e n of the 20-30-yearrold age
group w h o n o w enjoy tourist travel' (Fig. 4). This is n o doubt connected with
improvements in the conditions of work for w o m e n , and with the wider acceptance
of the idea of family travel. The proportion of w o m e n tourists has n o w reached
45 per cent. A consequence of this increase has been that whereas formerly hot
springs, shrines and temples were favoured by a particularly large number of
Tourism within, from and to Japan
133
Number of occasions on.which travel has been experienced
2.1
2.0
1.8
1.7
1.6
1.5
Percentage of persons with travel experience
60
i
50
40
1964
1966
—
—
1968
1970
1972
1974
1976
Large towns, cities
Medium-size towns
Small towns
Rural districts
F I G . 3. Movements in travel according to the size of the community in which the travellers reside
(from Kankõ no jittai- to shikõ (Japan Tourist Association)).
Tamao- Tokuhisa
134
Percentage of persons with travel experience
•
—
18-19 years of
20-29 years of
30-39 years of
40-49 years of
50 years of age
age
age
age
age
and over
F I G . 4. Percentage of persons with travel experience, and number of times travelled, •
according to age and sex (from Kankô no jittai to shikõ (Japan Tourist Association)).
Tourism within, from and to Japan
135
tourists, natural beauty spots and tourist areas rich in cultural and historical
interest have n o w c o m e under the spotlight.
The third point, which concerns the form and structure of tourist travel,
is the relative decline of travel in large parties, with a corresponding rise in trips
by small groups of families or friends. This is a development similar to what has
taken place in Europe and North America, though in Japan it has c o m e about
rather later (Fig. 5).
The fourth point is the switch in the object of travel, from relaxation for
the group, 7 to sport, pleasure pure and simple, and recuperation (Table 2). With
the popularization of tourism the age range of those taking part has broadened;
and there has been a clear shift of gravity from a tourism of 'seeing' to one of
'doing'. T h efifthpoint is that against the background (resulting from these
developments) of an increase in the recreational element as against the 'tourist'
element, and of the rise in family travel, there is n o w a tendency for the destinations
of tourist travel to be more specialized, with specific regions serving specific
needs. This m a y be seen as a m o v e towards the Western concept of holiday travel.
The sixth point concerns changes in the m o d e of transportation of which
tourism makes use. In Japan, owing to the particular characteristics of regional
communications, railways still account for more than half of tourist journeys;
but the proportion of utilization of cars and aircraft is increasing.
The seventh point relates to the type of facility at which overnight stops
are m a d e . Japanese-style inns still constitute 48 per cent of the total, but a gradual
decline is taking place in the frequency of their use, matched by an increase in
the patronage of Western-style hotels, the Japanese equivalent of private guesthomes, and kokumin shukusha (a kind of holiday h o m e ) . T h e average n u m b e r
of hights spent away from h o m e remains constant at 2.1.
T h e eighth point is that trips are being concentrated into certain periods
— s u m m e r and winter, in particular. This is partly because, with the increase in
family travel, m a n y journeys have inevitably to be taken during the children's
holidays; while the winter increase appears to reflect a growth in the popularity of
ski trips.
The ninth point is the increase in car trips. This is connected with the trend
towards travel in small groups which I mentioned earlier, and with the development of the motorway network.
The tenth point concerns educational trips by groups of schoolchildren.
Quantitatively these have decreased somewhat, though a total of some 3 million
pupils are still involved. T h e form of such travel is changing, however: from the
traditional journeys in large groups to see famous sites and the like, the emphasis
is shifting to travel in smaller groups, the object of which m a y be the study of a
particular subject, sport, 'free activity', or just the experience of group living^
, The eleventh point is the trend to 'deluxe honeymoons'. This is related to
the increase in foreign travel.
136
Tamao
Tokuhisa.
60
EO-
40
30
20
10
1964
_ Group travel
— Family travel
,„.. Small group travel
..__ Travel on one's own"
F I G . 5. Movements in the proportions of those w h o travel in different kinds of group or alone
(from Kankõ no jittai to shikö (Japan Tourist Association)). , , . . . . .
Note: From 1970 onwards there were some entries under 'other' and 'unknown'. N o account has
been taken of these categories in calculating the above proportions.
Tourism within, from and to Japan
137
T A B L E 2. Changes in purpose of tourist travel (percentages)
Year,
1964
1966
1968
1970
1972
1974
1976
Group
relaxation
60.3
63.6
53.9
39.2
•• 41.1
42.5
31.3
Sport
: 2.8
4.5
5.5
6.7
4.5
7.5
10.3
Sightseeing,
. pleasure
19.0
14.4
22.4
32.0
34.5
29.4
26.3
Visits to
shrines,
temples
. .4.0
4.6
• .2.7
''
Hobbies or
study
7.2
5.3
6.5
Health and,
recuperation
5.2.'.',/'. ,
5.6
¡
6.4
3.0
, .
•2.7
3.3
4.3
•- 4.2
4.0
4.1 .
8.4
7.6
15.1
Source: Kankõ no jittai to shikõ (Japanese Tourist Association).
T h e question of travel abroad by the Japanese must n o w be discussed, in
the light of the general changes in regard to tourism I have outlined above.
Travel abroad by the Japanese
Because of their geographical situation, foreign travel b y the Japanese takes
m o r e time and costs m o r e than for Europeans. Consequently it w a s long considered
by. people in general as something ; relatively difficult, a n d while the potential
d e m a n d w a s probably there, it was not often possible for it to be realized. T h e n
again; with the straitened economic.circumstances of the period of confusion
resulting from the Second W o r l d W a r , the possibilities òf travel for tourist purposes, as distinct from business trips, were few a n d far between. This w a s d u e to
Japan's lack of foreign currency, none of which could be m a d e available for tourist
travel; F r o m 1955, however, the foreign-currency situation took a turn for the
better, a n d in 1964 provision w a s m a d e for the allocation of currency for use in
tourist travel overseas. In 1960 the n u m b e r of Japanese w h o went abroad w a s
76,214; until 1963 the increase; w a s slight, but in 1964, the year of the T o k y o
Olympics and also of the lifting of s o m e of the restrictions o n foreign travel,
the figure rose by 27.7 per cent and went o n to reach 162,910 in 1965. B u t of
this last n u m b e r only 50,743, or 31 per cent were tourists. Table.3 shows the rapid
increase in the overall n u m b e r of travellers thereafter to 3,151,431 in 1977, or
roughly twenty times the 1965 n u m b e r , a n average annual increase of 2 8 per
cent; what is m o r e , the proportion of tourists to the total rose to an astonishing
83.6 per cent.
Analysis of these changes, together with the relevant social factors, suggests
a division into three categories, three periods.
;
T h efirstis from 1965 to 1969. This w a s the period of the; package tour,
138
Tamao
Tokuhisa
T A B L E 3. Overseas travellers
Total number of
travellers
N u m b e r of tourist
travellers
Tourists as percentage
of total
N u m b e r of passports
issued
Foreign currency
allowance for tourist
use (US$)
1966
1968
162,910
1972
1974
1976
1978
269,007 492,880
961,135
2,288,966
2,466,326
3,151,431
50,734
110,461
251,760
638,489
1,818,253
2,027,191
2,633,699
31.1
41.4
51.5
66.4
79.4
82.2
83.6
264,444 483,447
868,565
1,558,931
1,323,717
1,735,998
>• 1,500 — • 3,000
— -
154,247
500
1970
—>• 1 , 0 0 0 —
Source: Ministry of Justice.
symbolized by the J A L P A K tours. Before, travellers overseas had been the
better-off and those well informed about 'abroad'. Liberalization of foreign
currency restrictions began in 1964, but controls were still stringent, and for an
inexperienced travelling public, w h o not very well informed, and would only
spend 500-700 dollars, escorted group tours were an effective means of relieving
the uncertainties and anxieties associated with foreign travel: both air lines and
travel agencies organized package tours, and thé business of highly organized
tourism, selling travel like a product, developed during this period. The largescale introduction of group-travel discounts in air fares helped to increase the
package tour share of the travel industry. O f the approximately 320,000 tourists
going abroad in 1960, 250,000 are estimated to have gone on package tours;
the contrast with the current figure, below.30 per cent of the total, shows h o w
large a part these tours played. B y 1969 the total number of overseas travellers
had multiplied three times since 1965. The fact that by then tourists accounted
for more than half the total number of travellers gives some idea of the development of this side of the industry.
The second period is the era of mass transport, which accompanied the
increase in the size of aircraft, symbolized by the 'jumbo'. With discounts for
group travel, fares were reduced, and the rise in the value of the Japanese yen
was also a factor, for while prices within Japan tended to rise as a result of the
appreciation of the currency, the cost of foreign travel either remained steady or
actually fell, becoming relatively cheap. Group travel abroad became widespread,
and was also used for 'invitation' travel; honeymoon trips, too, began to be
taken overseas rather than at h o m e . In short, the era of mass foreign travel had
arrived. During this period (1970-73) the number of Japanese going abroad
exceeded 2 million, so that at one bound Japanese overseas tourism leaped into
a position of importance in the world tourist industry even in terms of numbers,
139
Tourism within, from'and to Japan-
quite apart from other considerations: the percentage of actual tourists w a s
79.4, or over 75 per cent of the total. Foreign travel had indeed blossomed, one
might say. O f course m a n y of these tourists werefirst-timetravellers with little
knowledge of life in other countries, so that their behaviour m a y have left something to be desired. This aspect, and the abruptness with which the permissible
amount of foreign currency obtainable was suddenly raised to $3,000, attracted
a good deal of criticism from a number of countries. This period saw the issuing
to tourists of passports valid for several trips, which had previously been available
only for other categories of traveller; and their validity was increased from two
tofiveyears. Thus travel overseas was n o w completely liberalized. There followed
quite an explosion of group travel, especially to such places as Hawaii, G u a m ,
and the various countries of South-East Asia, which in the Republic of Korea,
Thailand and the Philippines even provoked hostile national feeling against
Japanese tourists.
F r o m late 1973, the oil crisis had a pronounced effect on Japanese overseas
travel. Restrictions on foreign currency were reintroduced, and though the limit
was once more raised to $3,000 in 1976, the annual increase in the number of
people going abroad remained at under 10 per cent. A change also occurred in
the 'content' of tourist travel. M o r e travellers wanted greater freedom in their
(1:B
-*
-
"1-
22JB
1*5
B.1
02
F I G . 6. Proportions of the different age-groups a m o n g travellers going overseas in 1978
(Ministry of Justice).
140
Tamao Tokuhisa
1,
II
II
1
1/
-
0-19
\ \\
•"..T.-s:
""
20-24
"•sasins , f l
'
1
25-29'
Yearsofage
30-34
35-39
•..;-•
4044-
45-49
60-54
' •
£5-59
.
60-64
"^.
65Í9
70
andover
_1977i:.
. _ 1976':
..-1973
—1971
—1967
F I G . 7 . Changes in the numbers of persons travelling overseas (in relation to population ratio),
by age-group (Ministry of Justice).
Tourism within, from and to Japan
141
choice of destination; and with the growing numbers of people w h o were going
abroad for the second time, greater care was exercised in the selection of the travel
'product'. O f all overseas travellers in 1975 44 per cent had been abroad before.
During this period, from 1973 to 1976, overseas travel was relatively sluggish.
F r o m 1976 on, however, it has gradually stabilized, with an annual increase
within the 10-20 per cent range. T h e overseas travel market, too, is heading in
the direction of recovery and stabilization.
Looking at the details of the increase through these years, w e find that 1974
showed a dramatic fall in the annual increase over the previous year. In 1978,
young people in their twenties m a d e u p a quarter of the total number of overseas
travellers; as m a n y as'40.2 per cent of w o m e n travellers were n o w of this age
group, an indication of h o w m a n y working w o m e n and newly married w o m e n
n o w travelled (Fig; 5). Figure 6 shows h o w these trends have moved since 1965.'
The age curve for male travellers peaked at the age of 30-5Ó¿ this trend being
particularly evident from 1970 on; while from thé same year the clear peak age
for w o m e n was 20-30, with older age groups supplying n o more than 2 per cent.
A s for the area of origin of the travellers, there was à high proportion of people
from the large cities, particularly Tokyo, throughout (Fig. 6). The statistics show
that up to about 1971, it was w o m e n , and m e n under 40, in both cases from the
large urban areas,' w h o tended to take advantage óf the liberalization of the
controls "on foreign currency; in 1973, similar categories of people from the areas
TABLE 4. Persons from different regions travelling overseas (as percentage of population)
Region
1968
1970
1972
1974
Tokyo ' :
Metropolitan area1
Osaka
Kinki area?
Aichi, Shizuoka '••
Fukuoka, Hiroshima
A Group*
B Group 1
C Group 5
1.17
0.46
0.46
0.41
0.24
0.20
0.14
0.10
0.10
3.77
1.99
0.82
1.37
0.94 :•-• V 1.73
0 . 8 0 ' :•••;• 1 . 6 4
0.55 '.
1.16
0.38 0.92
0.31 : .
0.75
0.24 . . 0.57
0.18
.
0.43
5.54
2.51
2.85
2.58
2.11
1.62
1.45
1.10
0.82
All regions
0.34
0.64. V
2.13
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
, 1.32
1976
1977
6.37
3.55
.'3i"07 - ••. 3.35
; 3.18
2.97
: 2.54
2.39
2:13 •: ••• ; 2.47
1.81
1.99
1.46:.
1.64
1.25
1.10
6.07
3.15
2.54
•: 2.74
Chiba, Saitama, Kanagawa.
"•...••
Kyoto, Hyogo, Nara.
.;•::-..
Miyagi, Ibaragi, Tóchigi, G u n m a , Yamanashi, Nagano, Gifu, Mie, W a k a y a m a .
"• )
Fukushima, Niigata, Ishikawa, Fukui, O k a y a m á , Yainaguchi, K a g a w a , Saga, Oita, K u m a m o t o . ' '
Hokkaido, Aomori, Iwate, Akita, Yamagata, T o y a m a , Tottori, Shimane, Tokushima, Ehime,'
Kochi, Nagasaki, Miyazaki, Kagoshima.
•;,',••
i
Source: Ministry of Justice.:
142
Tamao Tokuhisa.
around the big cities, and from 1976 people from all over the country, began to
take an increasing share in overseas travel.
Table 4 shows the destinations of overseas travellers in 1977. (The figures
indicate the number of visits to destinations,. not the total number of. persons
involved, since some people went to more than one place.) O f the total of
3.15 million travellers, the great majority went to the Republic of Korea, Taiwan,
H o n g K o n g , Hawaii or G u a m . A closer look reveals that, with a variety of political
problems involving the countries concerned, there have been changes in the
numbers visiting Taiwan and the Republic of Korea, but that nevertheless travel
to these areas is still on a large scale and is increasing. Since about 1973, Singapore
and the Philippines have rapidly become more attractive as destinations for
Japanese tourists. The Pacific region has become more and more popular with
honeymooners, with the numbers of travellers of this kind showing a sharp increase.
Considerations of time and expense have limited the numbers visiting Europe
and the United States mainland; but with the introduction of reduced group fares,
the natural beauties and cultural resources of these regions have exercised their
appeal and, together with China, these countries are attracting a growing number
of visitors.
Travel to Africa and regions of the southern hemisphere such as South
America and Oceania is not easy, for reasons of distance as well as the time and
expense involved. Another factor is lack of information; these places are relatively
u n k n o w n to the Japanese. Despite their spectacular beauty and the cultural
T A B L E 5. Destinations of foreign travel in 1977
Country
United States (total)
(Hawaii)
(Guam)
Republic of Korea
Taiwan
Hong Kong .
Macao
Thailand
Singapore
Philippines
Australia
Canada
Italy
United Kingdom
Spain
Number
.. 748,743 '
(438,500)
(152,560) ;
581,525
561,166
. 485,495
245,784
173,988
188,921
213,222
30,703
97,532
334,100
195,635
62,548
Percentage
compared with 1976
— 3
— 2
+ 9
+16
+ 9
+11
+ 6
+16
+35
+33
+14
+15
+24
+64
—3
Source: Department of Tourism, Ministry of International Trade and Industry.
.
143
Tourism within, from and to Japan
attractions of each of these regions, which giye them great merit as tourist areas
visitors to them have been few, and even the number of package tours has been
small. However, now that travellers are looking for new places to go, and since
few people have any experience at all these regions, it is not unlikely that in the
near future they will feature prominently as destinations for the Japanese tourist.
Foreign tourists in Japan
Movements in the numbers of foreigners coming to Japan from 1973 onwards are
shown in Table 6. Although there has been a steady increase, the total in 1978
was
only 1,028,140, as against 3,151,431 Japanese going overseas, and this is the basic
factor in the Japanese balance of payments deficit in regard to international
tourism (Table 7).
October is the most and February the least popular month, with winter
seeing the lowest number of visitors compared with spring, summer and autumn.
One factor is that tourist travel is often connected with international conferences,
389 of which were held in Japan in 1978, attracting 48,050 visitors to the country.
Most notable were large-scale conferences such as those of the international
TABLE 6. Foreign visitors to Japan
Year
1973
1974
1975
1976
1977
-1978
Total number of
visitors
Percentage of
tourists
Percentage of
business and others
784,691
764,246
811,672
914,772
1,028,140
1,038,875
57
54
55
55
56
54
31
33
32
32
31
33
Source: Ministry of Transport, based on data provided by the Ministry of Justice.
T A B L E 7. M o v e m e n t s in Japan's balance of payments in international tourism (in $ millions)
Receipts
Payments
Balance
1973
1974
1975
1976
140
699
559
139
787
648
163
834
671
1,026
212
814
1977
289
1,341
1,052
1978
307
2,349
2,042
Source: Monthly Statistical Report on the international balance of payments, issued by the Bank of
Japan.
Tamao
144
Tokuhisa
associations of the Rotary and Lions' Clubs, in which over, 9,000 foreign members
participated. T h e number of visitors in this category can be expected to increase.
Table 8 gives a breakdown of regions from which foreign tourists come. Asia
provides the highest proportion, with 37 per cent, followed by North America
(34.8 per cent) and Europe (21 per cent). Formerly North America was predominant;
T A B L E 8 . N u m b e r s of visitors to Japan, by country, 1976-78
Country
1976
%
1977
'%""'.'
1978
:
7.
United States
34.2 '•'
33:6
313,620
30.2
313,217
345,272
Canada ' • . ' • • : • • ' . . ' : : •
29,791 . 3.3 ,
3 5 , 1 4 3 . . ;'3.4 . .' i 34,464 , 3.3
Mexico,,
1.0 :
:0.7
:. 9,429 •
., . 5,395
6,774
0.9
Other North America , .
0.3 .:
.4,217 . . 0 . 4
0.4
3,289
,'•' 3,291
Brazil
0.9
0L6
'7,693 . 0 . 7
7,803
6,153
;
Other South America
1.1
1.5
16,080
1.5
10,187
15,018
United Kingdom
6.0
6.2
65,754
.
54,562
- ' 64,099
6.3
Federal Republic of Germany . • .27,587
3.0.
35,675
: ,33,269 : 3 . 2 . :
3.4
France
2.0 , . . 21,034 . 2.1
.23,038
2.2
, 18,735
10,600
0.9
9,774 . 1.0
,1.0
Netherlands
8,457
:
:
Switzerland
0.8
0.7
8,627
• 6,879
7,479
0.8
Sweden'
0.8
8,828
9,630
7,469
0.9
Ó.9
Italy
11,883
8,550
0.9
9,705
0.9
1.1
USSR
0.5 ,
5,383
0.6
5,087
7,151
1.7
Denmark
4,176
0.5
4,571
5,411
0.5
o:4
0.5
5,355
Norway
4,252
0.5
5,337
0.5
Spain • ; . . : .
': •••
. 0.8
5,921
2.3
8,146
8,229
0.8
Other Europe '
21,309
2.3
24,185'
2.4
26,908
••2.6
South Africa
3,203
0.4
3,157
0.3
3,512
0.3
0.6
6,615
Other Africa
0.5
5,865
0.6
4,954
China
7,220
(Taiwan)1
';
3,236
0.4
3,197;
0.3
0.7
3.1
3.1
27,298
(Hong Kong)
28,130
31,990
2.6
China (Other)
1,335
0.1
0.2
1,152
0.1
2,039
Republic of Korea
77,688
8.5
88,268- ; 8.6
95,031
9.1
Philippines
23,171
2.5
26,615
2.6
33,571
3.2
Thailand
17,427
1.9
20,145
1.9 :
19,503 : •• 1.9
13,284
15,748
1.5
India
11,575
1.3
1.3
1.8
19,342
Indonesia
16,578
1.9
17,924
1.7
1.3 ,
1.2
Malaysia
: -11 ¿661
13,699
1.3
12,783
11,796
Singapore
10,329
1.1
11,583
1.1
1.1
2.6
27,546
Other Asia
22,280
. 2.4
.26,255
2.7
3.9
33,981
Australia
35,476
37,837
3.6
3.3
N e w Zealand
4,280
3,953
0.4
4,247
0.4
0.4
Other Oceania
0.1
0.1
576
490
699
0.1
TOTAL
.914,772
1,028,140
1,038,875
1. Brackets indicate that the country is not recognized by Japan.
Source: Ministry of Transport, based o n data provided by the Ministry of Justice.
Tourism within, from and to Japan
145
but from about 1972 visitors from this regions began gradually to decrease, and
Asia took overfirstplace. If one looks at the, breakdown by countries, however,
the United States provides,the highest proportion:(30.2 per cent), followed by
Taiwan, the Republic of Korea, the United Kingdom, and the Federal Republic
of Germany. Visitors from the countries of South America and Africa have been
very few. This state of affairs is no doubt connected with the following factors;
the distance of Japan from Europe, which is the main fountainhead of international tourism; the fact that the developing countries have not yet reached the
stage where they can generate tourist travel; inadequate notions of Japan as a
tourist area; andj on the Japanese side, inadequacies in the arrangements for the
reception of foreign visitors. -.
i '
Let us take a further look at the country-by-country breakdown. While the
number of tourists from Mexico, Brazil, Italy, the U S S R , India and the Philippines
has increased, there has been a drop in the numbers coming from the United States
and Australia. Comparing the countries of origin of visitors to Japan with the
destinations of tourists from Japan, w efindthat while a m o n g the latter the nearer
places predominate, i.e. the Republic of Korea, Taiwan, the Philippines, H o n g
K o n g , Hawaii, G u a m and Saipan, with the United States mainland and Europe
making a relatively weaker showing, visitors to Japan c o m e from a variety of
regions—principally from the United States^ followed by Asian, and then,by
European countries. „ • , , , . . . - • . ' . . • : '
'.,-•.,.•
O n the questionof what parts of Japan are popular with foreign tourists,
Table 9 shows the number of bed-nights according to the different regions. The
T A B L E 9. Foreign tourist'bed-nights, by tourist regions .
Region
, i , !. :• 1973
. 1974
1975
Keihin-Konan
(including Tokyo ,
and Yokohama)
Keihanshin-Nará
(including Kyoto)
Osaka
i <
Kobe.
Fuji-Hakone-Izu,
(including Hakone)
Nagoya-Gifu
i
(including Nagoya)
Others
2,607 (70.7)
2,514 (68.2)
67 ,(1.8)
565 (15.3)
320 (8.7)
170 (4.6)
51 (1.4)
109 (2.9)
78 (2.1)
• : ' . 6 1 : (1.7)
• 58 (1.6)
346 (9.4)
2,386 (71.3) 2,367
2,284 (68.3) 2,283
80 .(2.4)
62'
509
494 (14.8)
199
.248
(7.4)
170 (5.1)
242
59 (1.8)
57
87 (2.6),
94
63
(1.8)
59
53 (1.6)
57
: 51 (1.5) . 51
325 (9.7)
315
TOTAL
13,688 (100.0)
3,345 (100.0)
1976
(70.8) 2,552 (69.2)
(68.3) , 2,478 (67.2)
54 (1.4)
(1.9)
(15.2)
651 (17.7)
(6.0) i : 260 (7.0)
328 (8.9),
(7.2)
50 (1.4)
(1.7)
109 (3.0)
(2.8)
76 (2.1)
(1.9)
59 (1.6)
(1.7)
54 (1.5)
(1.5)
315 (8.5),
(9.5)
3,342(100.0)
Thefiguresin brackets indicate the percentage of the total.
Source: Information Department, Secretariat, Ministry of Transport.
3,686(100.0)
1977
2,658 (68.4)
2,581 (66.4)
60 (1.5)
665 (17.1)
. 245 (6.3)
358 (9.2)
54 (1.4)
110 (2.8)
80 (2.1)
76 (2.0)
, 372 (1.8)
378 (9.7)
3,887(100.0)
146
Tamao Tokuhisa
Shõnan area (the resorts lining the coast of Sagami Bay), and particularly Tokyo,
account for two-thirds of the total, indicating the strong tendency for tourists to
congregate in the capital. T h e Keihanshin district (Kyoto, Osaka, K o b e , etc.)
comes next, while the Fuji-Hakone-Izu district is most in demand as a 'resort'
area. O n e trend, however, is a slight decrease in the number of visitors to places
outside Tokyo. Yet m a n y foreigners are interested in traditional Japanese industries
and the culture of the provincial regions, and this interest has generated an increase
in visits by foreigners to particular localities, with a related increase also in the
number of bed-nights in Japanese-style accommodation and the number of study
courses in areas of traditional industry. This m a y be seen as a return to the true
object of tourism—a heightened understanding of Japanese culture and customs.
A s regards the reception of foreign visitors, there have been problems,
historically speaking, resulting from the Japanese life-style, which in turn has its
origin in the climate and natural features of the country. Japanese customs have
differed in m a n y respects (e.g. type of bed and toilet; eating habits) from those of
other countries. These problems were reflected particularly in differences between
facilities for overnight accommodation in Japan and those in other countries;
and one result w a s that it became necessary, in the period following the Meiji
Restoration, to provide Western-style facilities for guests, such as those of the
Tsukiji Hotel. A s the number of foreign visitors grew, such buildings were erected
in other centres. Thus it was that in the Japanese language the word 'hotel'
Qioteru) came to m e a n a place with facilities suitable for foreigners, while the native
word ryokan ('inn') was retained for places with purely Japanese facilities. Government help for m o r e hotel building in various districts was forthcoming in preparation for the 1964 Olympics; and a basis for the proper reception of foreign
tourists was established with the enactment of the Fundamental L a w concerning
tourism8 and the L a w concerning the provision of international tourist hotels,9
and the provision of arrangements for the supply of credit from various financial
institutions. With regard to restaurants, from 1971 onwards a list was prepared
of restaurants suitable for international tourists, recommended for their food,
facilities, hygiene and service, andfinancialaid was m a d e available for improving
standards. B y 1977 this list contained 140 entries.
Language, too, presents some difficulties for foreign travellers in Japan.
Another problem is the seasonal nature of the international tourist trade, which
means that there tends to be a lack of job security and independence for people
working in this sector. Since the great increase in the d e m a n d for interpreters at
the time of the 1964 Olympics, the number of people passing the national
interpreting examinations has rapidly increased, reaching 6,723 at the end of 1977;
but problems remain, with languages other than English, and with the regional
distribution of the available interpreters.
Also to be noted are the various preferential arrangements offered to foreign
tourists—tax concessions, reduced fares, special tours, and so on.
Tourism within, from and to Japan
147
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F I G . 8. M a p of Japan, showing main points of tourist origin and destination (1977).
148
Tamao Tokuhisa
Further, since the adoption of the Fundamental L a w Concerning Tourism
in 1963, issues such as the establishment of 'international tourist routes', have
c o m e to the fore; and such routes, provided with proper facilities, including á
variety of tourist 'resources' (especially beauty spots and places of cultural interest)
are being planned.
!
Hitherto tourism for foreigners has tended to be concentrated on Kyoto,;
N a r a , Nikkõ and H a k o n e . But in order to further a more broadly based compre-:
hension of Japan—and in view also of the keen desire of recent visitors for direct
personal experience of the country's different regions, so that they can deepen;
their understanding of Japan's unique culture—it is clearly necessary to break
out of the former reliance on famous 'tourist spots', and incorporate other districts]
into the tourist routes.
i'
;
''
Problems of tourism in Japan
i
Against this background of an increase in the volume of tourism, especially!
in that of international tourism, the further development of tourism in Japan faces
a¡ number of problems. Central a m o n g these are, as has already been suggested, the;
provision of accommodation suitable for international tourists and improvements'
in transport and in the training of interpreters. It seems to m e , however, that the
most important question of all is that of the destruction of 'tourist resources'.;
Tourist activity means that people m o v e to areas where there is an abundance.
of tourist resources: information on those, areas is disseminated, and tourist!
industries take root there; the 'resources' are thereby lost, which in turn results1
in the whole point of tourism in those areas being lost as well.
Besides internationally famous places such as Nikkõ or M o u n t Fuji
(Fujiyama), Japan possesses twenty-seven national parks and fifty-one quasi-!
national parks. 10 It also has a variety of statutes relating to the protection of
cultural assets and the preservation of historical features.11 But the pace and scale
of regional development in Japan has been so great, and the proportion of land
in the regions owned by the central government so small, that even within the
national parks excessive development has frequently resulted in severe damage to',
areas of natural beauty. W h a t is required is that w e should approach the question;
of protection of these areas and their resources from the standpoint that they;
represent valuable resources for the entire h u m a n race, not just for Japan alone:;
any development that is going to m a k e use of them must involve an assessment'
of the local environment which reflects the considerations of natural science and :
sociology as well as the wishes of its inhabitants, and which must be based on and;
conform to the capacity of the area, this 'capacity' to take into account the need for!
a proper balance between conservation and development. According to a report1
by the University of Colorado1 on the capacity of National Parks,' the point has
Tourism within, from and to Japan
149
been reached where the recovery and restoration of the natural environment are
practically impossible, and the degree of satisfaction and enjoyment derived by
users of the parks is beginning to decline.12 The authors of the report lay stress
on a 'space standard' for h u m a n beings—mental space in particular—to be arrived
at on the basis of the ecological capacity of a given area and the nature of the
activities that take place within it. M . E y a m a and his colleagues have classified the
different aspects of 'space capacity', making a division between 'receiving space
capacity', determined by conditions in the receiving area, and 'entering space
capacity', determined by the 'conditions' of the users of the area.13 They argue
that a planned 'receiving space capacity' should be laid d o w n for a given area,
taking into account its ecological capacity (with special emphasis on the destruction,
andpossibility of restoration, of its vegetation) and the amount of inclined or sloping
land. The standard for 'entering space capacity', on the other hand, should be a
' h u m a n space standard', to be set at a level below which, in relation to the physical
area of the park or district concerned, h u m a n beings (and the facilities ito be used
by them) can be safe and comfortable. (Some other studies have been carried out in
thisfield.14)M a n y problems remain to be studied in connection with this question
of 'space capacity'. Particularly in a country like Japan, where industry is so
powerful and development tends to take precedence over conservation, an assessment of the.'capacity' of an area, from the point of view of conservation of its
tourist resources, should be m a d e before plans are drawn u p for its utilization.
I should like-to point out that w e are n o w in a situation where if this isriotdone, '
Japan's abundant tourist resources will be destroyed, and the 'tourist value' of the
country will decline.
[Translated from Japanese]
Notes
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
8
R . Glückman, Kankõ jigyõ galron, p . 4 (translated
by Bureau of International Tourism, M i n istry of Railways). Ministry of Railways,
1940.
W . Hunziker and K . Krapf, Grundriss des allgemeinen Fremdenverkehrs, p. 21 Polygraphischer Verlag A . G . , 1942.
T . Niki, Shaji to kõtsü-Kumano-môde to Ise-mairi,
_ p . 2-4, Shibundo, 1963.
E . Oshima, Nihon kõtsü-shi, Nihon füzoku-shi
bekkan4: Tabi-fûzoku, p . 290-1, Yuzankaku,
1969.
Kokumin seikatsu ni kansuru yoron chosa, Secretariat, Prime Minister's Office, 1978.
Kankõ no jittaito shikõ, Japan Tourist Association,
1978.
The Japanese custom of trips made in groups, for
'relaxation or recreation' by fellow-workers
in an office, factory, etc.
The Fundamental L a w Concerning Tourism was
promulgated on 20 June 1963 as L a w N o . 107.
It defines the fundamental character of tourism, and a large part of it is concerned with
international tourism.
8
The L a w Concerning the Provision of International
Tourist Hotels was promulgated on 24 D e cember 1949 as L a w N o . 279. Its purpose was
to provide Western-style facilities for the
overnight accommodation of foreign tourists.
10
Japan has twenty-seven national parks, fifty-one
quasi-national parks, and twenty-nine prefectural or municipal parks: natural park
areas constitute 13.76 per cent of the total
area of the country.
n
'Cultural assets' include national treasures, ¡mportant cultural properties, historical and
national monuments, important ethnic properties, and areas designated for the proservation of important traditional buildings;
13,871 hectares have been designated under
150
Tamao Tokuhisa,
Notes (continued)
12
the L a w Concerning Special Measures for 13 M . Eyama, Shizen kõen shüyõryoku ni kansuru
the Preservation of Historical Features in old
kenyû. Environment Agency Dõ-chükan hõTowns.
koku,1973.
14
Colorado State University, A Study to Develop
T . Tokuhisa, Kankõ chiiki ni okeru tekisei yõryõ,
Criteria for Determining the Carrying Capacity
Aoyama Cakuin keiei ronshu, Vol. 11,
of Areas within the National Park System,
N o . 2, 1976.
National Park Services, November 1969.
Bibliography
A S A K A , Y . ; Y A M A M U R A (eds.). Kankõ chirigaku.
Tokyo, Daimyodo, 1974, 234 p.
CtiRiSTALLER, W . Beiträge zu einer Geographie des
Fremdenverkehrs. Erdkunde, Vol. 9, 1955,
p. 1-19.
C L A W S O N , M . Land for Recreation. Land for the
Future. Johns Hopkins Press, 1960.
J A P A N T O U R I S T ASSOCIATION. Kankõ nojittai to shikõ.
Japan Tourist Association, 1978, 216 p.
JAPAN TRAVEL
BUREAU
(ed.)..Kankõ no genjõ to
kadai. Tokyo, JTB, 1979, 878 p.
L A V E R Y , P . (ed.). Recreational Geography. London,
. David and Charles, 1974, 334 p. . . ..
M A C C A N N E L L , D . The Tourist—A New Theory of the
C O S G R O V E , I.; J A C K S O N , R . The Geography of RecLeisure Class. N e w York, Shocken Books,
reation and Leisure. London, Hutchinson Uni1976,214 p.
versity Library, 1972.
M A T L E Y , Ian M . The Geography of International
Tourism. Association of American GeograD E A S Y , G . F . ; PHYLLIS, R . G . Impact of a Tourist
phers, 1976. (Resource Paper N o . 76-1.)
Facility on its Hinterland. A.A.A.G.,
Vol. 56,
1966; p . 290-306.
PRIME MINISTER'S O F H C E . Kankõ hakasho. Printing
Bureau, Ministry of Finance, 1979, 280 p.
E Y A M A , M . Sukiputeyuchua. Kashima Shuppankai,.
1977,436 p.
Continuing debate:
developmental dilemmas
Development problems,
contemporary science and technology
Dzhermen M . Gvishiani
O n the threshold of the year 2000, mankind has c o m e up against a n u m b e r of
large-scale, qualitatively n e w problems which will influence to a significant and,
probably, steadily growing extent the course of world-wide development, the
mutual relations between groups of countries and individual countries and, ultimately, the quality of h u m a n life. These global problems m a y be divided into
two categories.
The first category is linked with international economic restructuring, the
effect of which must be to eliminate the inequitable economic relations that exist
between developing countries and certain developed countries by doing away with
the dependence and subjection suffered by the former and putting an end to the
domination and coercion exercised by the latter. T h e principles of a n e w world
economic order are set out in the Charter of Economic Rights and Duties of States
which has been adopted by the United Nations General Assembly.
The developing nations are making n o small effort to restructure international economic relations on a just and democratic basis, and are meeting in
this endeavour with unfailing understanding and support from the socialist
countries, w h o are their natural allies in, for example, the struggle to eliminate the vestiges of colonialism and the various forms of 'technological'
imperialism.
The backwardness, dependence and poverty of the majority of the developing
countries have their roots in those countries' colonial past. But the immediate
reason w h y the situation of the countries of Africa, Asia and Latin America has
been so gravely exacerbated is the fact that their two 'development decades' based
Dzhermen Mikhailovich Gvishiani, the well-known Soviet philosopher and sociologist, is a Member
of the USSR Academy of Sciences, Deputy Chairman of the USSR State Committee for Science
and Technology, Director of the Ail-Union Institute for Research into Systems Analysis established
jointly by the USSR State Committee for Science and Technology and the USSR Academy of
Sciences, President of the Council of the International Institute for Research into Management
Problems, and Chairman of the USSR Academy of Sciences, Scientific Council on Socio-economic
and Ideological Problems in regard to the Scientific and Technological Revolution. He is the author
of more than 300 books and articles, published in the USSR and numerous other countries.
Int. Soc. Sei. J., Vol. XXXII, N o . 1, 1980
152
Dzhermen M. Gvishiani
on the concept of 'partners in development' have in practice turned out to be
'decades of disappointment'.
In essence, not one of the goals which the 'development.decades' were
designed to achieve has been reached. A certain quantitative rise in individual indicators of economic and of scientific and technological development cannot hide
the fact that, in terms of qualitative parameters in particular, the developing
countries are falling further and further behind the developed countries and have
to contend simultaneously with an enormous rise in external indebtedness, a
severe capital shortage, a colossal labour surplus leading to mass unemployment,
the relative contraction of commodity markets and so on.
The second category of problems derives from the interrelationships of m e n ,
society, nature and the environment. The main problems involved are in regard
to the energy, food and raw-material supplies needed for an ever growing world
population; pollution of the environment and the necessity of protecting it against
the multiple dangers of uncontrolled technological progress; the rational use of
water resources; the struggle to eradicate dangerous diseases; public health services;
arid desertification. Í •••!
A t the origin of this category of problems, typical of the last quarter of our
century, lie the headlong growth of productive forces, the unprecedented acceleration of rates of change, particularly in the field of technology, the rapidly
expanding scale characterizing phenomena and events, the internationalization of
production and'world economic relations, and the complex intertwining of
political, economic, scientific and technical, cultural, intellectual and other processes
in the various countries.
'
: Directly or indirectly, these problems have an impact on the fate of all
mankind, and the efforts of a single country or even of a group of countries are
not sufficient to resolve them; for that purpose the efforts of all countries have to be
co-ordinated o n an international level. Moreover, the problems are so closely
interlinked that they constitute, as it were, global sections of a single gigantic
complex within which the isolated solution of any one of. them taken individually
is a practical impossibility.
Let us look, for example, at the situation in thefieldof energy production; It
is well k n o w n that the immediate cause of the increased attention paid to questions
of energy supply has been the O P E C countries' action in sharply raising the price
of oil, coupled with the need to protect the environment against growing pollution.
T h e exhaustion of relatively cheap sources of energy at a time when energy
d e m a n d is growing. necessitates the restructuring of the world energy balance.
For the development of productive forces and the growth of output are possible
only on the basis of prior developrnent of energy production and consumption
rates.
.'
• , • ' ' ,
' . ' . " ' ' ' ' , •
.
Hence the problem affects both the developed and the developing countries,
albeit to differing degrees. Whilst it m a y be expected that there will be a reduction
Development problems,
contemporary science and technology
153
in the growth of the unit consumption of energy resources in the developed
countries (which account for more than 80 per cent of world energy consumption,
for only 20 per cent of total world population—a figure, moreover, that is
steadily declining owing to their relative demographic stability), in the developing
countries the 'population explosion' makes it imperative, even w h e n allowance is
m a d e for the more favourable temperature and climatic conditions, that energy
production and consumption rates be stepped; u p . :
In industrially developed: countries, restructuring means reductions in the
consumption of fuel! (particularly oil) and the use of other, alternative energy
sources: coal, wind, the sun¿ etc. This is obviously bound to lead to structural
changes in industry (particularly the priority development, in countries poorly
endowed with the raw materials for energy production, of sectors that are not
energy-intensive, the so-called 'intellectual' sectors which depend- on : the use of
highly-skilled manpower), as well as to changés in the life-styles arid habits which
have grown up over the last few decades, the basis for which has been the idea that
supplies of cheap energy: resources ¡were virtually unlimited.
. I n fact, it ison this fundamental premise that the entire philosophy of the
consumer society has been built, and it is, therefore, in that society that the collapse
of the illusion is being taken particularly hard. T h e concepts of 'zero growth' and
'noh-developirig countries' have already gained currency; in bur opinion, they are
à reflection.of an emotional failure to apprehend the emerging situation. This
failure is based on an inability, or more precisely an unwillingness, seriously to
evaluate present-day trends in the world and the objective laws that propel the
development of h u m a n society. .-:••:
' '
<
For the developing countries, 'catching up' (without in any w a y copying)
entails above all the rapid establishment of their o w n dependable fuel and power
infrastructure. Without this, not a single problem can be solved: neither that of the
expansion of industrial production nor those of employment or the provision of food
supplies. In particular, the. intensification ¡of agriculture m a d e possible by an
increase in the total energy m a d e available to farms is a prerequisite both for raising
the quantitative output of foodstuffs and for ensuring that they meet definite quality
standards and that the food ration for the population is maintained at a level
consistent with h u m a n dignity. :.
.
<
.. T h e developing countries need a rise in energy production that is not only
substantial, bût also sharp. Alternative energy sources (both the usual ones, such
as coal, shale oil and hydroelectric power, and the non-conventional sources such as
the sun, wind, biogas, fuel cells and so on) are, in theory, capable of increasing the
energy production potential of the developing countries, but this increase will be
far from evenly distributed, owing to differences in climatic and transport conditions
and in the extent to which each country is endowed with the necessary resources.
It must also be borne in mind that in the future it m a y be possible to use, say,
coal not only as a fuel for electric power, but also for the large-scale production of
J 54
Dzhermen M . Gvishiani
synthetic liquid fuel. That would be all the more worth while should there be any
substantial increase in the cost of natural liquid fuels—and whether it is justified
or not, the presumption behind the majority of forecasts as to the future energy
situation is that, both because of objective factors (the unit cost of extracting liquid
fuel will increase because of the need to work inaccessible marine and land areas and
to undertake deep drilling, etc.) and because of subjective factors (reflecting the
specific political, economic, financial and other interests of individual producer
countries, the large corporations and middlemen), there will indeed be such a trend.
W e might add that oil must be seen not only as a fuel, but also, arid perhaps
principally, as a valuable feedstock for the manufacturé of ¡various chemical
products, including the fertilizers which are essential for increasing the output of
natural and synthetic food-stuffs. For its part, the use of coal involves environmental
protection problems and high transport costs.
Hence, if w e look at matters from the point of view of the strategy for transition from the present tó the new world energy balance, w e can see that the latter
will be marked by the reduction of oil consumption, the increased use of coal, the
continuance of natural-gas consumption at its present proportional level, and a
rapid and steady rise in the production of power by nuclear, and later thermonuclear, means.
It is only by using the power of the atom that the energy requirements of all
countries can be surely satisfied. The practicar inexhaustibility and universal
exploitability of atomic energy m a k e it possible to build nuclear plants in any
country one wishes, irrespective of climatic conditions or natural resources.
That nuclear power plants function safely and reliably has been confirmed by
m a n y years' experience in the operation of some 200 nuclear generating units in
various countries. T h e safety measures are so effective that even an accident at the
large plant in Pennsylvania, United States, in 1979—an event that was in itself
exceptional and out of the c o m m o n run—was brought under control with no loss of
life or. damage to health. Since the volume of radioactive wastes is extremely small,
they can be disposed of by means of rockets dispatched forever; into outer space.'
(This would also solve the problem of protecting the earth's environment from
radioactive residues.)
'••.••,-.
The current situation in the developing countries is not only complex! but
also unique, for it is without precedent in the history of the world. The fact is that
the developing countries find themselves confronted with the scientific and technological revolution—with its lightning tempi, the stresses it generates, its acceleration
of every kind of change, and its new devices and machines which enable m e n to
probe into space or the ocean depths, to discover thé secrets of the atom or of living
cells, and to see and speak tó each other over distances of thousands of kilometres, etc.—without having completed or progressed beyond thefirststage of the
industrial revolution. They are, therefore, ill-prepared to understand and utilize
the achievements of this n e w revolution.
.
Development problems,
contemporary science and technology
155
The stage they, have n o w reached in their development is that of transition
from manual to machine labour, to the use of simple machines. This explains the
emergence of the various ideas about 'intermediate', 'appropriate' or 'alternative'
technology. There is not and cannot be any such special technology that would
combine the advantages of simple manual labour with the technical advances of the
scientific and technological revolution. If w e bear in mind the experience of the two
'development decades', it also seems unlikely that any such technology will be
elaborated on a broad scale. T h e rare cases where such technology has been
elaborated are merely exceptions that prove the rule, for, the disparity between the
levels of productivity in the developed and developing countries is growing rather
than diminishing.
There is n o shortage of reasons for this: the policy of 'technological imperialism', which is attempting to maintain the former colonies and semi-colonies in a
position of subjugation; the strategy of the transnational corporations, which are
striving to maximize their profits by monopolizing the introduction and application
of scientific and technological advances; the outmoded social forms of capital
reproduction in the developing countries themselves; and m a n y others.
O n e of the ¡main reasons for the relative backwardness of the developing
countries is the fact that the overwhelming majority of them are unable to take
advantage of the opportunities offered by the scientific and technological revolution
because they have so very little in the w a y of the necessary infrastructure: they
account for only 2 per cent of the total expenditure on scientific research and
development in the non-socialist world and hold only 1 per cent of the patents.
The developing countries naturally want to m a k e use of science and technology for development. A t the Lima Conference of the United Nations Industrial
Development Organization ( U N I D O ) in 1975 they proclaimed it as their goal to
ensure that the developing countries' share in total world industrial output was not
less than 25 per cent.
ThefirstUnited Nations Conference on science and technology w a s held
even earlier, in 1963, in Geneva. It was a sort of parade of the numerous
achievements.of science and technology. This conference was, however, of little
direct benefit to the developing countries. Sadly, the question of the creation of
indigenous scientific and technical potential in those countries was not even raised:
at that time, at the beginning of thefirst'development decade', it was foreign aid
that was attracting the most attention as the decisive component of accelerated
development. The results of the two 'development decades' are well k n o w n .
That is w h y thé principal subjects of attention at the second United Nations
Conference on Science and Technology for Development, held from 21 to
30 August 1979 in Vienna (Austria), were n e w forms of international co-operation
and machinery for such co-operation for the benefit of all countries, particularly the
developing countries. This is clear from the list of questions discussed, including
as it did the selection and transfer of technology for development purposes, the
156
Dzhermen M. Gvhhíani
establishment of international machinery.for the exchange of.scientific and
technological information and for financing the. development of science and
technology in the developing countries, measures to encourage co-operation a m o n g
such countries, etc. T h e Conference adopted a Programme of Action containing
appropriate recommendations.
-,
The future will show, whether this programme really becomes a plan of
action or whether it is simply a further addition to the multitude of carefully
drafted documents, on development which, despite the assurances of.their authors
and the 'partners in development', have remained practically without effect. If the
P r o g r a m m e of Action is to be not merely a paper plan, but a programme of genuine
transformation and positive modernization, a number of conditions must be met:
• First,the effective and integral realization of this plan;is possible only in a
climate of peace—peace defined not as an absence of military activity, but as;a
state in,which international relations are characterized by détente, the limitation
and reduction of armaments^ the growth of mutual trust and the development of
co-operation in the economic; scientific, technical and culturalfields.'-'••'•-..••.,:
Second, fruitful application of the results of the scientific and technological
revolution requires from the developing countries a rapid switch to the use of
intensive methods in their economic activity, since the extensive approach, while
ensuring the rise of quantitative indicators, will bemarked by a progressive slowing-:
d o w n in.respect of other parameters, namely quality, growth rates and levels of
development.
,
•.,<•• ; ,-,
In other words, the tempi of extended capital reproduction can be accelerated
only bycombining the industrial with the scientific and technological.revolution.
A s can be.seen from the recent experience of several countries, not even large
amounts of m o n e y and access to sources of advanced technology—which are, of
course, important factors in hastening scientific and technological development—can
impart a decisive stimulus to development if they are superimposed on outmoded
social forms of reproduction.
'<. :;-;
•;
Hence, the presence of a type of social structure which will facilitate the
assimilation of contemporary, forms of scientific and technical progress must be
considered a decisive precondition for development. This is, in its turn, linked to
active participation by the state in economic, scientific and technological
development.
.
•:.•'.- • • •• I
; . . That is all the more so in that the development of science and technology is an
important factor, but by no means the only factor in scientific and technical
progress, which is a complex phenomenon. Success in thisfielddepends not only on
a country's level of research and development activity, but also on the conditions
under which the.results of that activity are applied, conditions determined by
the structure and level of production.
. : Third, since scientific and technical progress m a y be utilized both for good
and for evil (mankind is not yet free from the threat of. thermonuclear war), the
Development problems,
contemporary science and technology
157
task before the world community is to humanize the development of science, to
direct scientific research towards the satisfaction of h u m a n needs, and to promote
a m o n g scientists international co-operation on a humanistic basis.
This task is all the more important in that from 35 to 45 per cent of the
world's scientists and specialists are directly or indirectly engaged in research and
development connected with military matters. They represent an immense potential
and pool of talent that could use scientific and technical advances in the interests of
development. , ,
T h e adoption in 1974 by the United Nations General Assembly of the
Declaration on the Establishment of a N e w International Economic Order
constituted an important contribution to the restructuring and reform of international economic relations. Those relations form a many-faceted system, of
which the problems of scientific and technical development are but one aspect.
A m o n g other aspects are the problems of world trade, of rawmaterials, of monetary
and financial relations and of transport and insurance, as,well as those in regard to
regulating the activities of transnational corporations.
.•;
>! ,.
All those problems are interrelated and interact on the national, regional
and international: levels. T h e experience—both the positive and the negative
experience—which states n o w have of international co-operation enables them
to focus their attention more closely on the key problems and tasks facing the
developed and developing countries in connection with the restructuring of international economic relations.
; The necessity.of solving those problems is dictated n o less by the.socioeconomic ás by the technological imperatives of the entire process of contemporary
development, and it is to this task and to the expansion of co-operation in a climate
of peace and détente that the political resolve of all states should be directed.
[Translated from Russian]
Multinational corporations,
economic policy and national development
in the world system
Volker Bornschier
Introduction
T h e empiricalfindingsreported in this article are derived from the research project
on Multinational Corporations, Economic Policy and National Development 1
at the University of Zurich. Only marginally will comparisons be m a d e with other
findings, for a more systematic review of the literature see [8, 9]. *
Furthermore, for reasons of space, it is not possible to comment on the
theoretical propositions underlying the research. The theoretical framework which
organizes the various propositions is conceived as world system analysis which
I like to call a 'social science world conception'. O n e must note that this theoretical
framework has not yet achieved the status of a theory in the strict sense. M a n y
theoretical statements are scattered through the references,, but for a more
systematic presentation the reader m a y be referred to certain books [13, 14 16].
Further, a note of caution. T h e findings are often presented in causal
language, though they are based on correlation (also if multiple regression with
time lags or path analysis is used). While causality can never be observed empirically
the modern techniques of social science can, if properly used, avoid false causal
inferences. T h o u g h m a n y appropriate tests have been performed to achieve this,
not all the theoretically and logically possible controls were exhausted. Thus, the
causal language relates to the underlying theoretical propositions which must not
be changed unless solid contradictory empirical evidence is found.
The main findings can be arranged around three major questions. First,
what is the effect of Multinational Corporation ( M N C ) presence on (a) economic
growth, and (b) social inequality in host countries? Second, h o w can such effects
be explained empirically? Third, h o w do host countries distribute according to
(a) various types of economic policy; (b) which determinants have such economic
policies; and (c) what are the consequences of different economic policies?
Volker Bornschier is 'Privatdozent'' at the University of Zurich, and a researcher at its Sociological
Institute, Zeltweg 63, CH-8032,
Zurich, Switzerland. He specializes in economic sociology,
particularly the emergence and impact of multinational corporations.
* T h efiguresin brackets identify the references.
Int. Soc. Set. J., Vol. X X X I I , N o . 1, 1980
Multinational corporations, economic policy
and national development in the world system
159
The effects of M N C presence
Economic growth
-
One must distinguish between the short- and long-term consequences for economic
growth of the presence of M N C ' s . This is taken into account through two
measures of M N C presence, MNC-investment 2 (for the short-term effect) and
MNC-penetration 3 (for, the long-term : effect); O n the basis of cross-national
comparisons over the period 1960-75 with samples of up to ninety-One countries4
the following results have been suggested by multiple regression, path analysis and
analysis of covariance:
MNC-investment has the short-term effect of increasing the economic growth
rate [2,3, 5, 8,9,10,11]. The same holds true for the growth rate of the stock
of capital controlled by M N C s [6].
The higher the cumulated investment of M N C s in relation to the total stock of
capital and population, that is to say the greater;MNC penetration, as a
structural feature of the host countries, the lower the subsequent growth
rate of per capita income as well as total income [2,3,5,6,8,9,10,11,15,17].
M N C penetration thus has long-term negative consequences (a period of
up to twenty years has been considered) and fresh investment by M N C s has
short-term positive consequences (during the period in which it occurs).
Although M N C investment has been found to m a k e short-term positive
contributions to growth, one must note that such investment increases
M N C penetration and therefore contributes in the long run to the negative
effect associated therewith.6
M N C activity resulting in technological dependence for. host countries (as
measured by foreign control over patents) also has clearly negative longterm effects on economic growth [10, 11].
Various dependencies created or maintained mainly by M N C s in the world
economy, with regard to technology, trade, capital and organizational networks,
are generally positively correlated, and their negative consequences for economic
growth in the longer run, are similar [7, 10, 11]. With regard to.the relationships
between different forms of economic dependence further research is necessary,
since the operationalization of trade dependency and technological dependence
in the literature, if applied to explain growth and inequality within countries,
suffers from theoreticalshort-comings.0
The headquarter status represents the importance of an M N C ' s business
abroad for the h o m e country. Headquarter status and M N C penetration have no
symmetrical effects on economic growth, of the kind: advantage for the headquarter country spells disadvantage for the penetrated country. But they are both
related to a lower economic growth rate [6].
A logically possible alternative explanation of the finding that M N C
160
Volker Bornschier
penetration is inversely related to long-term economic growth could be that 'there
is a tendency for countries with poor growth prospects to devote greater efforts to
building u p a stock of foreign investment in intended compensation' [17, p. 18].
This hypothesis, however, can be ruled out empirically since it implies a positive
correlation between poor growth performance and M N C investment. This is
clearly, not substantiated by the findings: M N C investment is high where income
growth is also high. This, as well as the fact that the relationship holds after
controlling for several factors that might be of relevance to economic growth,
i.e. level of income at the beginning of the growth period, income distribution,
capital formation, investment growth, population growth,, level and growth of
urbanization, and relative weight in the world market position with regard to
natural resources, suggest support for the causal interpretation of thefindingthat
penetration by M N C ' s retards long-term economic growth.
: , ,
The lowering of the economic growth rate through high M N C penetration
is more pronounced for less developed countries'(LDCs) than for a world sample
of countries. For the rich countries analysed separately n ó significant relationship
exists [5, 6, 9].
.'•-•••"•• -.-^ -.:•..
•.-•.••:••.:'•••..•;..-'.
• It was investigated whether variations in the1 sectoral locations of M N C
capital have a different impact on the aggregate growth of income per capita [6, 9].
Four of the. ten sectors^ in' which M N C penetration was studied for eighty-eight
L D C s account for slightly more than three-quarters of the total penetration, these
being: manufacturing, : agro-businéss, mining and smelting, ' and the integrated
petroleum business. M N C penetration. in¡ manufacturing has aclearly significant
negative impact on subsequent growth of aggregate income per capita.Th'e same
holds for M N C penetration in mining and smelting. Both effects are of about
equal strength. T h e effect of M N C penetration in the agro-business is smaller
and statistically insignificant,' whereas there is n o effect at all for integrated
petroleum. O n e can add that thé measures of M N C penetration in these four
major sectors are statistically rather independent w h e n all L D C s are studied.
The 'short-term growth-promoting effect of M N C investment is of similar
strength in various subsamples of L D C s . T h e same is true for .the long-term
growth-retarding effect of ; M N C penetration. Earlier results have suggested
stronger negative effects for wealthier L D C s [8]. M o r e detailed research has
shown, however, that this was a spurious finding. It could be demonstrated that
the negative effect is of about equal importance for all subsamples of L D C s ,
except for those with an extremely circumscribed monetized market segment [9].
For this comparatively small group of very small countries, which are amongst
the poorest in the world, n o statistically •• significant relationship exists; the
association, however, is positive [9]. Including a larger number of such very
small countries in the analysis of subsamples. explains smaller negative effects
[5, 6, 8]. Furthermore, detailed analyses have revealed that the effects on growth
hold independently of the geographical location of L D C s [8, 9].
Multinational corporations, economic policy
and national development in the world system
161
That the growth-reducing consequence of M N C penetration has to date
aroused rather mild scholarly and public concern . is especially due to two
factors. First, so long as overall M N C investment remains high, the negative
effect of penetration is partly neutralized. Second, the most important negative
effect concerns those countries for which the growth potential is above average.
Thus, the slowing d o w n of economic growth in the long run, in general does not
imply economic stagnation, but a markedly lower growth rate than one would
expect against the background of the growth potential. This important finding
is illustrated in Figure 1 by the use of a regression model with a curvilinear
function of the level of economic development [5].
The solid line in Figure 1 is the prediction of the income per capita growth
rate 1965-75 with the multiple regression on the logged initial income per
capita 1965, for average M N C penetration and average M N C investment. T h e
broken line refers to high M N C penetration (one standard deviation above the
mean) and average M N C investment, while the dotted line refers to low
M N C penetration (one standard deviation below the mean) and average M N C
Income
1965
$
6,000
3,000
2,000
1000
600
100
!
t
I
4%
556
Average annual real growth of income 1965-75
F I G . 1. Income per capita growth regressed on level of income per capita, M N C penetration
and M N C investment [5]. Results for subsamples: 15 rich countries, 34 larger L D C s and
41 small L D C s (according to the size of the modernized sector of the economy). Curves for
the actual range within subsamples.
Volker Bornschier
162
investment. The variation of M N C penetration graphically presented does not
exhaust the empirical one. For example in the case of larger L D C s , one-fifth of
countries score higher on M N C penetration than one standard deviation above
the m e a n , and one-tenth of countries are below one standard deviation below
the m e a n .
The regression results are graphically presented for three subsamples.
The M N C penetration effect differs a m o n g the subsamples. For small L D C s
(according to the size of the modernized sector of the economy) which are
centered more on low levels of income, the effect is smaller (—0.7 per cent for
one standard deviation) than for larger L D C s (—1.35 per cent for one standard
deviation). Both effects are statistically significant (the same applies to the opposite
effect of M N C investment: + 0 . 7 and + 0 . 9 per cent for one standard deviation).
For rich: countries the M N C penetration effect is small and insignificant. (One
can add that the correlation between M N C penetration and M N C investment
differs across subsamples. It is 0.5 for the small L D C s , 0.18 for larger L D C s
and 0.62 for rich countries.)
The empirical findings with regard to the growth effects of M N C s based
on samples of up to 103 countries have been checked carefully and compared with
the results of all available cross-national studies [8, 9]. However, the relationship
of M N C capital penetration with other forms of economic dependence whether
or not they are mainly the result of the actual behaviour of M N C s as institutions,
needs further research. It is recommended to construct an indicator for
M N C penetration which is not only based o n one aspect (namely capital) but on
all aspects of dependence resulting from the M N C s as institutions.
O n e m a y conclude that the results reported here seem to attain the status
of social facts in the world system after the Second World W a r . W e suggest,
therefore,' that any empirically relevant theory of development, whatever its
perspective, must be able to explain these findings.
Social inequality
The analyses also revealed relationships between the level of M N C penetration
and indicators of social inequality. Personal income inequality has been used as
the most important indicator.
The level of M N C penetration as a structural feature of host countries was
associated in the 1960s with a more unequal distribution of income a m o n g
households or income recipients [1, 4 , 6, 7, 8, 9]. This relationship holds for a
world sample and is stronger for L D C s . B y contrast M N C penetration is
accompanied by less income inequality in rich countries [6, 13]. The headquarter
status of countries is related to greater equality in income distribution which,
however, is not significant once the level of income per capita is taken into
account [7].
Multinational corporations, economic policy
and national development in the world system
163
Inequality a m o n g economic sectors with regard to labour productivity
(sectoral income inequality), associated with corresponding differences in capital
intensity, is more pronounced if M N C penetration is high [5, 15]. This holds only
forLDCs.
The established relationship between M N C penetration and personal income
inequality is fairly consolidated, rests on large samples (up to seventy-two cases)
and is consistent with otherfindingsin the literature using different indicators for
M N C penetration [8, 9].
Since time series for income distribution measures are lacking, the causality
remains open. The possibilities for testing the theoretically assumed two-way
causation between M N C s and inequality in L D C s are limited. In general, what
has been tested is whether and through which variables M N C penetration affects
income distribution [ 1 , 4 , 7]. Existing income inequality in L D C s is, however,
one theoretical prerequisite for opportunities for M N C s oriented towards
domestic L D C markets. Preliminary findings suggest that both directions of
influence seem to be empirically relevant [6].
Empirical explanations of the effects
of M N C presence
Economic growth
Important findings with regard to variables linking M N C penetration and
economic growth are presented here, which together can explain a large part of
the observed negative effect.
; • :. Since M N C penetration goes together with higher income inequality, and
since the latter is significantly related to lower capital formation and lower
economic growth in larger L D C s (where the domestic market is of importance),
part of the negative effect of M N C s on economic growth can be explained through
personal income inequality [6, 13]. This finding also helps to explain w h y the
negative effect is present only for L D C s , since M N C penetration is associated
with more income inequality1 only in L D C s .
The decapitalization thesis maintains that host countries lose more capital
in the long run through outflows due to M N C activities than has ever flowed
into the country through investment inflows of M N C s . Thus, it is argued that
the funds available for investment in the host country are, o n balance, reduced.
Empirical findings suggest cross-national support for this thesis. M N C . penetration determining subsequent M N C investment is significantly related to lower
investment growth in the host country. Since investment growth is an important
determinant of income growth, the lowering of subsequent investment growth due
to high M N C penetration helps to explain another component of the negative
164
Volker Bornschier
effect on income growth [5]. Again, one can add that the effect is not significant
for rich countries.
Empirical results suggest that M N C penetration is frequently associated
with a substitution of labour by machines to an extent not dictated, in crossnational comparison, by labour supply shortages [7]. Thus the presumed intensification of structural unemployment, to which M N C s add, m a y also have negative
implications for economic growth.
Unequal labour productivity and capital intensities both between and
within economic sectors (as indicated by sectoral income inequality) are accentuated if M N C penetration is high [5, 15]. Such disparities imply a low level of
integration and linkage effects, and thus are likely to contribute to a lower level
of overall productivity, so that a given capital input results in comparatively
lower economic growth. This m a y also explain part of the negative effect on
growth in L D C s because only there does M N C penetration accompany and
presumably intensify the disparities.
Findings further suggest that M N C penetration is compatible with a host
country's orientation towards a more pronounced 'élite' model of education,
rather than orientation towards vocational training. Since an educational orientation towards the expansion of vocational training is favourable to fast economic
growth (especially in L D C s ) one can hypothesize that M N C s also exert an
influence by lowering the possible positive contribution of special types of education for economic growth. These conclusions are posed in the yet unpublished
w o r k of T h a n h - H u y e n Ballmer-Cao.
Technological dependence due to control of M N C s over patents can
explain a further part of the consequences of M N C penetration on economic
growth [11]. M N C control over patents can be regarded, in addition, as part of a
comprehensive pattern of restrictive business practice and monopolistic behaviour
which is reported to be frequent, especially in L D C s , and which contribute to a
non-competitive and therefore less efficient industrial structure.
The negative effect of M N C penetration m a y alsofindan explanation in that
it is associated with a particular foreign trade structure (partner concentration,
commodity concentration, low position within the vertical structure of foreign
trade) which is unfavourable for economic growth [10].
Lastly, M N C penetration is associated with a higher level of internal social
conflict and lower executive stability [1]. This contributes to lowering the possible
economic growth rate. It is also likely to affect negatively the ability of the state
to pursue a policy of growth, independently of the class interests created by
foreign capital.
Multinational corporations, economic policy
and national development in the world system
165
Personal income inequality
The empirical explanation of the influence of M N C penetration on personal
income inequality investigated the extent to which the links to the world economy
through the M N C s affect the power distribution within host countries. Apart
from the land-tenure structure in agriculture, the power distribution within the
aggregate organizational system outside agriculture (occupational structure
variables), the power distribution in the labour market and the steering power of
the state have been considered. It must be noted that the results are not based
on time series; the causal ordering is therefore preliminary and has to be substantiated by further tests with time series.
Since, on the one hand, concentration of land tenure in agriculture is
related to rural and total income distribution, and since, on the other hand,
M N C penetration is accompanied by higher land concentration, part of the
relationship between M N C s and personal income inequality thus finds an
explanation [4, 7],
Empirical evidence further suggests that, in accordance with hypotheses
relating to the organizational structure and division of labour of M N C s on a
world scale, M N C penetration affects the organizational structure variables of
society at large. It lowers the degree of power-sharing with expertise in society
and reduces in the aggregate the shift of the labour force towards bureaucratic
jobs [4, 7]. At the same time, the superimposed organizational stratification of
M N C s contributes to an intensification of the hierarchy of authority. Thus,
M N C s contribute to a disparate development of organizational parameters,
resulting in a more unequal distribution of organizational power and hence of
personal incomes.
This also contributes to disparities a m o n g (and within) economic sectors,
as reflected in wider sectoral income inequality [5, 15]. Since this represents a
major source of personal income inequalities, the impact of M N C s on.income
inequality in L D C s is further corroborated.
Concerning hypotheses relating to the steering power of the state (for
example, impact via secondary income distribution), what has been analysed
is the extent to which M N C penetration affects government revenue and the
pattern of public expenditures relevant to income distribution. Governments'
share in total income has not been found to be significantly affected through
M N C penetration; the association is mildly negative [7]. Empirical support is,
however, suggested for the hypothesis that M N C s do have an impact on income
distribution by their connection with internal conflict and executive instability [1], and their relations to specific dominant political power constellations,
which seem to be created or supported by high M N C penetration. According
to the available evidence such political power constellations seem not only to
oppose income redistribution to the poor, but favour an even more unequal
Volker Bornschier
166
distribution of income [7]. This is seen as due to policies and priorities in public
expenditure that favour the dominant power constellation, including M N C s ,
but is restricted to situations of general resource scarcity or to those of
L D C s [7]. Since it is only in L D C s that the statistical interaction between
high M N C penetration and the government share of total income results in
higher income inequality—whereas in general, a higher government share is
associated with lower inequality;—this finding contributes to an explanation
w h y M N C s ceteris paribus, exacerbate income inequality only in L D C s .
Policies and their effects
Types of economic policy
T h e major theoretical components of a content analysis to establish data for
economic policies were, first, an intervention dimension (with the two poles:
liberalism—interventionism) as a representation of the quantitative extent of
state intervention in the economy and in the sphere of corporate property, and,
secondly, a restriction dimension (with the two poles: promotion—restriction)
which examines the qualitative aspect of the extent to which policies aré directed
against M N C s or are favourable to them [2, 3].
The most important economic policy variables (i.e. general intervention
and nationalization, capital transfer and import restrictions, and investment
incentives) have been used to construct typologies of economic policy [2, 3].
T h e most differentiated typology ^consists of eight types which have been
analysed separately as well as in combination, in the form of a rank-scaled
variable expressing an intensification of policy directed against M N C s which
implies increasing restrictions and an' unfavourable milieu for them (see Table 1).
T A B L E 1. Types of policy directed against M N C s
Advantageous
for M N C s
•' ' t
Disadvantageous
for M N C s
General
interventions
Promoting liberalism
Laissez-faire liberalism
Stop-and-go liberalism
Restrictive liberalism
Promoting interventionism
Non-specific interventionism
Stop-and-go interventionism
Restrictive interventionism
Low
Low
Low
Low
High
High
High
High
Transfer
• restrictions
Low
Low
High
High
Low
Low
High
High
Incentives
High
Low
High
Low
High
Low
High
Low
Multinational corporations, economic policy
and national development in the world system
167
A n analysis of the distribution of seventy-three countries a m o n g the
different types of economic policy leads to the followingfindingsfor the period
between 1960 and 1975 [2, 3].
All eight types of policy towards M N C s are empirically relevant for the
period considered. In the earlier years, however, basically liberal economic
policies prevailed, while more recently interventionist policies have become
prevalent.
In the period u p to 1975 a clear polarization has developed: one large
group of countries concentrates o n 'promoting liberalism' and another larger
group o n 'stop-and-go interventionism'. U p to 1970 restrictive interventionism
played an important role, too. T h e reason for the shifts over time is that both
disadvantageously liberal and interventionist countries (with imposed transfer
restrictions) have increasingly incorporated investment incentives for M N C s in
their economic policy package. In 1960, only 38 per cent of the countries ranked
high on the variable investment incentives, but by 1975 thisfigurewas 89 per cent.
'Stop-and-go interventionism' has become markedly more frequent over
time. In 1960 n o country represented this type, but by 1975 30 out of 73 did so.
It consists of a contradictory combination of restrictive measures against M N C s
(including interventions with regard to corporate property rights) and promotion
in the form of incentives for fresh investment by M N C s .
Rising 'stop-and-go interventionism' can be interpreted as follows. D u e
to high M N C penetration, negative structural effects appear and the economic
growth rate is lowered; both contribute to increasing social and political
problems. This is seen as a major source of restrictive legislation against M N C s
in m a n y countries, especially L D C s . Such restrictions o n foreign capital,
especially in the context of a general interventionist economic policy, affect the
propensity to invest negatively and thus are likely to contribute, at least in the
short run, to further lowering of the economic growth rate. This makes the
economic and social crisis more acute. A shift in economic policy, represented
by investment incentives for M N C s , can be considered to be an attempt to
maintain the short-term positive growth contribution of M N C investment in
order temporarily to mitigate the negative structural and growth effect of
M N C penetration. Since the : positive growth. effect of M N C investment is
transitory and M N C investment adds to their penetration and hence to increased
subsequent negative effects, such policies can only be considered as patch-ups.
Determinants and concomitants of economic policies [2, 3]
The level of development (as measured by per capita income) occupies a prominent
position a m o n g the determinants and concomitants of economic policy. T h e
' lower it is, the more interventionist and restrictive vis-à-vis foreign capital the
economic policy of a host country is likely to be. A similar finding applies, with
168
Volker Bornschier
increasing importance over time, to another aspect of development, namely the
level of secondary school enrolment: the higher it is the lower the degree of
intervention and restriction imposed on M N C s by economic policy.
A m o n g the concomitants or framework variables for economic policy,
which are rather independent of the level of development, one can point to the
voting behaviour within international organizations (east-west and north-south
cleavages) and the degree of integration into international organizations. T h e
relationship of such variables with economic policy suggest that—although they
are structurally rooted within host countries—their implementation m a y be
supported by increased political participation and synchronization within the
system of international organizations. This might explain w h y international
organizations have become increasingly important, especially for L D C s .
The higher the level of M N C penetration, the less interventionist and
restrictive is economic policy generally. This linkage, which would normally be
expected is, however, weakened over the course of time. Increasingly, countries are
able to adopt an unfavourable policy towards M N C s , despite high M N C penetration. Contrary to this negative, though considerably weakened, relationship with
M N C penetration as measured on the basis of capital invested, the association
between patent penetration and restrictive policy is somewhat positive. Although
one can assume that restrictive policies towards M N C s are frequently accompanied
by regulations concerning the use and abuse of patents (monopolistic practices),
the positive correlation would suggest that such regulations have remained
generally ineffective because of absent or insufficient control. This permits M N C s
to react with alternative strategies towards a changing political climate in the
world: they can penetrate countries either on the basis of capital and organization
and/or by technology, i.e., by control over patents.
Consequences of economic policy'[2, 3]
The long-term consequences of economic policy cannot be adequately analysed
since there has been an intensification of measures aimed against M N C s only
in the second half of the 1960-75 period. The following findings refer, therefore,
only to the period studied and the lags are in general n o longer thanfiveyears.
Moreover, w e wish to point out that n o analyses employing statistical interaction
have been performed so far concerning economic policy, investigating, for
example, the impact of M N C penetration on structure and growth under different
conditions. This can easily be done in the future by analysis of covariance.
Furthermore, the relationship between economic policy and income distribution
has not yet been studied because the observations for the latter variable scatter
over a rather wide range of years.
The policy variable that has been built as a scale of types of policy ranked
by intensification of measures to counter the M N C s acts negatively on investment
Multinational corporations, economic policy
and national development in the world system
169
stocks and flows of M N C s . The association with flows is, as one would expect,
more significant, but the impact on stocks is clearly accentuated with longer lags.
The individual policy types also act in the expected directions.
Although one can observe that high M N C penetration has to some extent
inhibited policies against the M N C s , especially in the earlier half of the period
under study, one must observe that such policies M N C s , once implemented,
can in fact lessen dependency on foreign capital provided by M N C s . This would
reduce the future negative impact of M N C s on structure and growth. However,
one cannot conclude that these restrictive policies have themselves had an
immediate positive impact on economic growth. Quite the opposite is suggested
by the findings.
The more interventionist and restrictive the economic policy,. against
M N C s , the lower the subsequent economic growth. This has been controlled for
the level of M N C penetration and cannot be explained by relation to prior
growth, since the relation between this and subsequent policy formulation is not
significant. The same effect as for the scaled policy variable holds also for the
degree of general interventions in the economy, whereas investment incentives (due
to their positive effect on MNC-investment) have positive growth consequences.
The negative impact of interventionist and restrictive policies for economic
growth can largely be explained by the fact that the propensity to invest is reduced.
Since capital formation, in general, has a strong positive influence on
average economic, growth, while foreign investment has a negative impact in
the long run, it can be suggested that an economic policy for growth should restrict
foreign capital formation and compensate, or even over-compensate, by promoting
indigenous capital formation. T h e available empirical evidence suggests that
restrictive policy against M N C s has not succeeded in doing this, at least not in
general and in the short run.
It remains, therefore, an open question to what extent policy measures
unfavourable for M N C s increasingly implemented recently have resulted in or
initiated a real reconstruction of underdeveloped economies, towards greater
satisfaction of basic needs, including a wide redistribution of income and a
reduction of economic and regional disparities, and actually led to m o r e selfsustaining development. Such a reconstruction would be decisive in order for
an approach countering forces in the world economy to result in a m o r e even
and equitable growth in the long run, despite the short-term intensification of
the social and economic crisis suggested by the results.
Yet our availablefindingspoint to severe difficulties for such reconstruction.
That interventionist and restrictive policies have a negative impact on subsequent
growth, at least in the short run, is likely to imply limited popularity for such
policies and the regimes that implement them; this strengthens the hands of those
supporting the status quo. This can be seen as a stabilization mechanism built
into dependency on the world economy. It frequently seems to leave n o choice
Volker Bornschier
170
other than a patch-up policy. T h e contradictory combination of restrictions
upon and incentives for the M N C s which has suddenly arisen in recent time is a
case in point; it might be interpreted as one of the results of the stabilization
mechanism of the status quo. Therefore, it would be rather misleading to consider
the increase in investment incentives for M N C s as a host-country policy basically
in favour of M N C s , as apologists have frequently asserted in recent discussions.
Concluding remarks
Investment by M N C s in L D C s could contribute to faster economic growth if
it did not add to, or actually produce structural imbalances in the longer run,
so that the short-term growth contributions are compensated and reversed. The
experience of the last two decades leaves but little hope that there are selfsustaining mechanisms mitigating or even overcoming these structural imbalances
of dependent industrialization over time. The economic policy of states seems not
to have counteracted them, either, whether owing to a lack of options or will
remains open.
The empirical findings do not lend support to the frequently advanced
position that high income inequality in the course of development is a necessary
sacrifice for faster economic growth. Such sacrifice would m a k e sense only if the
lower social strata could also derive advantages in absolute terms, though they
would have to content themselves with a smaller relative share. M N C s accompany
higher income inequality and do not m a k e for greater, but for less economic
growth over the longer run. A n d income inequality, quite apart from M N C
presence, results in slower economic growth for the majority of L D C s . Therefore,
a strategy of industrialization relying heavily o n inequality and M N C s is not
one designed to satisfy the needs of the majority of the population in L D C s , not
even in regard to faster absolute gains.
The growing dependency on M N C investment, as well as on foreign credits,
which numerous less developed states suffer in order to mitigate in the short run
the long-term structural defects that have appeared, as a result of dependent
industrialization is likely to prove a major structural hindrance for a development policy directed towards the needs of the masses. This constellation is
especially likely to frustrate the redistribution of income in L D C s , because it
would weaken the short-term opportunities of M N C s in the domestic market.
In a broader perspective one m a y conclude that a fundamental contradiction
is obviously built into the functioning of the world economy, which threatens the
working of the system in the long run. Whereas, in the short run, the maximization of the goals of private enterprises requires a large part of the produced
surplus to be withheld from immediate consumption by the majority of the
population, an effective mass demand is the precondition for balanced and
Multinational corporations, economic policy
and national development in the world system
171
\
continuous economic growth. This can only be achieved by redistributing a
significant part of the surplus to those from w h o m it is withheld by the normal
functioning of the economic system. Since such indispensable redistributions
in L D C s do not occur to any appreciable extent, and since, at the world level,
there are no independent redistributing agents, the contradiction is assuming
dimensions that threaten world society.
Notes
1
2
3
Directed by Volker Bornschier and Peter Heintz at
the Sociological Institute of the University
of Zürich. T h e collaborators were ThanhHuyen Ballmer-Cao, Gottfried Berweger,
Jean-Pierre H o b y , Alexandras Kyrtsis, Peter
Meyer-Fehr and Jiirg Scheidegger. Laurence
R . Alschuler is working on six single case
studies of countries in the framework of the
project. T h e funding from the Deutsche
Gesellschaft für Friedens- und Konfliktforschung ( D G F K ) , Bonn-Bad Godesberg,
is gratefully acknowledged.
This is a flow concept. The indicator is: change in
the total stock of foreign direct investment
over a period in relation to total domestic
product. Beside the change in stocks, another
indicator has been used, namely foreign direct
investment inflows. The results are similar [5].
This is a stock concept. It theoretically represents
the degree to which M N C s control the
economy of a host country. The indicator is:
total stock of foreign direct investment in
relation to total capital stock and total population. Partial penetration indicators have
4
8
8
been used for different sectorial location
of M N C capital, too [6]. T h e results have
been checked with an alternative indicator
based on completely independent data, namely
the number of subsidiaries of the largest
400 industrial M N C s weighted by their
average size (capital invested) in the given
host country. T h e results are similar [1, 5],
A more recent version of the review of findings in
the literature considers 103 countries in a
reanalysis from 1965 to 1977 [9].
The indicators used to date are not weighted according to the size of the country. It is rather
problematic to relate, for example, a trade
structure indicator to economic growth
without considering whether foreign trade as
a percentage of total product is, let us say,
10 or 50. T h e same problem does not apply
to MNC-penetration indicators.
All results relating to economic policy are based
on a world sample of seventy-three countries.
N o subsample analysis has yet been undertaken.
References
1. Ballmer-Cao, Thanh-Huyen. Système politique,
4. Bornschier, Volker. Einkommensungleichheit inrépartition des revenus et pénétration des
nerhalb von Ländern in komparativer Sicht.
entreprises multinationales. Annuaire Suisse
Schweizerische Zeitschrift für Soziologie,
de Science Politique, 1979.
N o . 4, March 1978, p . 3-45.
2. Berweger, Gottfried; H o b y , Jean-Pierre.Wirtschaf5. Bornschier, Volker. Multinational Corporations
tspolitik gegenüber Auslandskapital. Bulletin
and Economic Growth: A Cross-National
of the Sociological Institute of the University
Test of the Decapitalization Thesis. Journal of
of Zurich, N o . 35, December 1978, p . 1-136.
Development Economics (in preparation).
. Nationale Wirtschaftspolitik und multinatio6. Bornschier, Volker; Ballmer-Cao, Thang-Huyen.
nale Konzerne. In: V . Bornschier (ed.),
Multinational Corporations in the World
Multinational Konzerne, Wirtschaftpolitik und
E c o n o m y and National Development. A n
nationale Entwicklung im Weltsystem (in
Empirical Study of Income per capita
preparation).
Growth 1960-75. Bulletin of the Sociological
172
Volker Bornschier
References (.continued)
7.
8.
9i
10.
11.
Institute of the University of Zürich, N o . 32,
January 1978, p. 1-169.
Bornschier, Volker; Ballmer-Cao, Thanh-Huyen,
12.
Income Inequality. A Cross-National Study of
the Relationships between MNC-penetration,
Dimensions of the Power Structure and
Income Distribution. American Sociological
Review, N o . 44, June 1979, p . 487-506.
Bornschier, Volker; Chase-Dunn, Christopher;
Rubinson, Richard. Cross-National Evidence
of the Effects of Foreign Investment and
Aid on Economic Growth and Inequality: A
13.
Survey of Findings and a Reanalysis. American Journal of Sociology, N o . 84, N o v e m ber 1978, p. 651-83.
Bornschier, Volker; Chase-Dunn, Christopher;
Rubinson, Richard. Auslandskapital, Wirt14.
schaftswachstum und Ungleichheit: Ueberblick über die Evidenzen und Reanalyse. In:
V . Bornschier (ed.), Multinational Konzerne, 15.
Wirtschaftpolitik und nationale Entwicklung
im Weltsystem (in preparation).
Meyer-Fehr, Peter. Bestimmungsfaktoren des
16.
Wirtschaftswachstums vonNationen. K o m p a rative empirische Analyse unter Berücksichtigung Multinationaler Konzerne. Bulletin of
Í7.
the Sociological Institute of the University of
Zürich, N o . 34, December 1978, p. 1-105.
Meyer-Fehr, Peter. Technologieabhängigkeit und
Wirtschaftswachstum. Schweizerische Zeit-
schrift für Soziologie, N o . 5, March 1979,
p. 79-96.
Bornschier, Volker; Heintz, Peter (eds.). C o m pendium of Data for World System Analyses.
A Sourcebook of Data Based on the Study of
Multinational Corporations, Economic Policy
and National Development. Reworked and
extended by Thanh-Huyen Ballmer-Cao and
Jiirg Scheidegger. Bulletin of the Sociological Institute of the University of Zürich,
March 1979. (Special issue.)
Bornschier, Volker (with contributions by BallmerCao, Berweger, Chase-Dunn, Hoby, MeyerFehr and Rubinson). Multinational Konzerne,
Wirtschaftspolitik und nationale Entwicklung
im Weltsystem (in preparation).'
Bornschier, Volker. Wachstum, Konzentration und
Multinationalisierung von Industrieunternehmen. Frauenfeld/Stuttgart, Huber, 1976.
Bornschier, Volker. Abhängige Industrialisierung
und Einkommensentwicklung. Schweizerische
Zeitschrift für Soziologie, N o . 1, N o v e m ber 1975, p . 67-105.
Bornschier, Volker; Cháse-Dunn, Christopher.
Core Corporations and Underdevelopment in
the World-System (in preparation).
Stoneman, Colin. Foreign Capital and Economic
Growth. World Development, N o . 3, 1975,
p. 11-26.
The
social science
sphere
Á successful development project in Ecuador:
the Institute of Economic Research
Heleen F . P . Ietswaart
and the institute had n o research policy of its
o w n . The institute was very small, with a director
This is the story of a successful technical assistance and only five researchers, not all of w h o m were
project. Its specific characteristics and environ- employed full-time. Thus, it lacked 'critical
ment m a y be summarized as follows: it was a mass'—the m i n i m u m of activity and mutual
modest project, small in all senses; despite, and stimulation to be a dynamic, self-sustained entity.
in part because of, the very real limitation of
The structure of the institute did not help
material resources, it diffused a large number of
to m a k e it a strong, dynamic body. Although
different impulses to the environment. The en- formally a separate entity, it depended to a large
vironment was inherently capable of and could extent,first,o n the Faculty of Economics and,
be further stimulated to integrate and utilize second, o n the university itself. T h e institute had
these impulses, which resulted in a most fertile in- no funds allocated to it by the university, in
teraction between the project and its environment. fact the latter considered it primarily as a fundraising body: it was supposed to attract research
contracts, from which the university might retain
a certain percentage for 'overheads'.
The origin: a poorly functioning
Research Institute
In short, here was an institutional form
without m u c h content. T h e . university did not
The project, currently, still being implemented, is consider the institute important, and did nothing
located in Quito, Ecuador. Ecuador has, in recent to develop it. It was the national Planning Board
years, experienced considerable economic expan- that had the idea to give the institute a big boost,
sion due to the discovery of oil. This has brought to bring it into prominence and to m a k e it a
about more activity at the governmental level, viable body that would be able to implement its
promoting various aspects of development. The stated objectives: provide quality instruction at
the faculty, thus contributing to the training of
development of h u m a n resources, in particular
through education, has been one of the priorities. economists which the country needs, and engaging
Also, it was believed that the country would in research which would not only be at a high
greatly benefit from improved economic research professional level but also, in its content and
orientation, optimally relevant to the country's
and analysis. At the Catholic University in Quito
an Institute of; Economic Research (IEE) w a s most pressing current needs.
set up some twenty years ago, which had for most
Thus, the idea of developing the resources
of its life been rather inactive, making little of the institute and turning it into a dycontribution either to the teaching of economics namic centre of teaching and research was foror to thorough and useful research. The institute mulated as a concrete objective in Ecuador's
forms part of the Faculty of Economics and is Country Programme for 1973-78. Multilateral
supposed to contribute a fair amount of teaching assistance was requested to implement this idea
at the faculty, but before the initiation of the and the United Nations Development Programme
project it did very little of that. The limited re- ( U N D P ) eventually to support it modestly, a sort
search it undertook was entirely based on contracts of feasibility study. Such support was to cover
Introduction
Int. Soc. Sei. J., Vol. XXXII, N o . 1, 1980
176
the services of one consultant for six months and
two fellowships for ten months each, Unesco
executing the project. Because of its obvious
success, the government requested two extensions,
which were granted, and thus the project will last
a total of sixteen months, providing for all that
time the services of the consultant.
It had been thought that the project should
have two major functions:first,to provide teaching
at the Faculty of Economics, in economic theory
and methods of research in economics and, second,
to forge strong and lasting institutional links with
similar institutions, in particular with the Latin
American Faculty of Social Sciences ( F L A C S O ) , a
regional body carrying out various teaching programmes at the post-graduate level in Latin
America, and whose members engage in research
in the h u m a n sciences. Its activities in these fields
go back to the period just after the Second World
W a r , and this experience, it was thought, could
be of great benefit to the Institute of Economic
Research in Quito, if strong ties were established.
F L A C S O pursues activities in Quito, in particular
a Post-Graduate Programme in Development
Studies, started in January 1978.
was not achieved overnight, their interaction soon
led to most productive co-operation.
The following strategy was adopted to
implement the project. First, the institutional
environment was surveyed in order to become
acquainted with the institute's setting. T h e conclusion w a s that the institutional aspect should
havefirstpriority. This institutional aspect had
two components: (a) the institute itself, as an
autonomous entity, to be strengthened, and
(b) permanent and strong formal links with other
institutions. Secondary emphasis was placed on
more shifting activities like courses and seminars,
and even research. A most remarkable characteristic of the implementation of the project,
however, is that it managed, from the very outset,
also to take in hand the organization of such
activities, integrating them with plans for the new
institutional framework.
Concerning the institute, it was felt that,
first of all, the constituent group was too small
to function in accordance with its objectives:
it lacked internal dynamics. Thus, it should be
enlarged, stimulated to initiate its o w n activities
and improve its self-image. Concretely, the project
A n aspect of the project as conceived at the achieved the recruitment of n e w academic peroutset, important for an understanding of its sonnel, as well as improvements in the working
success, is that it did not try to specify exactly conditions of those already employed in both
h o w the aims were to be accomplished. Thus, it academic and administrative capacities. Also, semleft a fair margin for the initiative and judgement inars were held to stimulate group activity.
of those w h o were to execute the work: the conLater, the structure of the institute was
sultant and his counterpart, assigned by the tackled, with the object of providing more real
government to work closely together with the autonomy. This goal had to be pursued diploconsultant and later continue it (in this case, the matically m u c h because, though most useful and
director of the institute).
indeed obvious, it went beyond the original
project limits and it was consequently bound to
meet with a certain resistance.
Implementation of the project
The second aspect, forging links with other
institutions, was also tackled at the very beginning
The project encountered its share of problems of the project. First of all, co-operation with
and obstacles. It did, after all, intervene in a real- F L A C S O was formalized through an agreement.
life situation which m a y easily be recognized as Contacts were established at a high level, that is
typical. T h e project was a small one, with very between the university and F L A C S O as a regional
limited funds. T h e environment, as is often the organization. This did not preclude specifying
case, displayed at the outset a mixture of good- immediately that the co-operation between the
will and rather passive interest, coupled with a two institutions would,firstof all, take the form
natural resistance to change, based upon a certain of exchanges of services between the Institute and
apprehension of the possible implications. Also, F L A C S O in Quito, notably the two-year Master's
a working relationship between the consultant Programme in Development Studies already m e n and his counterpart had first to be established, so tioned. Thus, it was agreed that: (a) this Prothat they could function as a team. Although this gramme would accept two students from the Insti-
177
A successful development project in Ecuador:
the Institute of Economic Research
tute; (b) the project would contribute to the teaching of the F L A C S O Programme; and (c) members
of F L A C S O would teach at the Faculty of Economics, on behalf of the institute. The exchangeof-services formula is an interesting one, especially
in situations where funds are insufficient to obtain
all the services needed externally. A n important
aspect of the agreement is that its overall framework allowes for different forms of co-operation
in the future.
Other institutional links were concerned
rather with research. The existing but rather weak
links with the Ecuador Central B a n k were strengthened and used as a basis for obtaining research
contracts. Thus, it was agreed that the Central
B a n k would sponsor the establishment of a data
bank and documentation centre. Obviously, this
is a long-range enterprise and implies a continuing
commitment of the bank to the institute. T h e
bank also sponsored smaller research projects.
A beginning was m a d e immediately with
the organization of a seminar at the institute in
which various people from outside would participate. This was thought to serve at least two
important functions: not only would it stimulate
the members of the institute in their academic
endeavours, which could be seen as the ordinary,
primary function of seminars, but also it would
m a k e the institute suddenly conspicuous within
the faculty and the university as a whole: the
seminar would be an important act of public
relations. Full advantage was taken of the institutional links with F L A C S O , as well as other
contacts, to have a number of highly qualified
people participate. It should be emphasized that
the project did not have funds to pay for such a
seminar, which was a result of goodwill and the
same exchange-of-services formula already worked
out with F L A C S O . T h e seminar was held in
December 1978 and was entirely successful. A
beginning was m a d e with the organization of
other such events.
The next major project activity was to
organize and stimulate the research of the institute. T h e project team (the consultant and the
director of the institute) did not consider research
alone as a sufficient or even necessary stimulus
for the institute. Rather they focused on the organization of a research programme and, as a c o m p lement, on a programme of publications. T h e
research programme has already been mentioned
in relation to the links with the Ecuador Central
Bank. T h e research projects elaborated with the
bank were part of a larger objective, to establish
a broad research programme consisting of various
areas of investigation relevant to the socioeconomic reality of Ecuador. In this structure,
each area of research would be headed by a
principal researcher to w h o m several assistants
would eventually be assigned. In this framework
research projects would then be elaborated and
funds sought from appropriate institutions. This,
obviously, is quite an ordinary pattern for research
institutes, but the I E E had, by and large, functioned
quite differently: on the basis of personal interests,
or even mere research opportunities, contracts
had defined the actual research being done, while
the institute lacked any research policy of its o w n .
T h e reorganization of research activities,
on the basis of a research programme, could hardly
be considered in isolation: it involved the whole
structure of the institute, and therefore the two
aspects of change were initiated together. O n c e
the institute achieved more real autonomy it
would be m o r e feasible for it to develop and
maintain its o w n policies and priorities. T h e
reorganization of the institute o n these broad
terms was identified as the major goal and challenge. But such change is inevitably a long and
slow process because of the natural inertia of
institutions and the vested interests that will
necessarily be impinged upon. T h e project is
n o w working on two fronts simultaneously:
defining a rational research programme while
obtaining outside backing and funds for it, and
negotiating the necessary structural changes.
Conclusions: what makes
a successful project?
The Ecuadorian project of technical assistance for
development, like others of its kind, should be
evaluated at two distinct levels. First, it should
be assessed whether the m o r e or less specific
activities under the project were undertaken as
foreseen and were successful. Second, and m o r e
important, an evaluation should be m a d e of the
results of the project in terms of what it leaves
behind, m o r e permanently w h e n it is terminated.
This implies an evaluation of less specific and
concrete aspects, such as the lasting impact of
structural institutional changes. It would seem
178
that the Ecuadorian project performed well at
both these levels. H o w , then, m a y this project
best be characterized? It represents an explosion
of activity: all of a sudden the institute was alive
with m a n y different activities taking place, prepared, talked about: seminars, large and small,
were held, students trained, researchers recruited,
a research programme set u p , courses taught, a
data bank prepared, and all the time a new, more
viable and appropriate institutional structure w a s
considered, designed, discussed and implemented.
The institute became a busy place, something
people c a m e to k n o w about, within and outside
the university. Its members n o w felt respected by
the outside world, and became ever keener to
continue as an important presence in the university and the country. There was activity where
there had been inertia, there was movement where
there had been stagnation.
W h y , more specifically, was this project a
success at both levels? N o t only did it do the
specific things outlined in advance but also created
a research and teaching institute stronger and more
viable than it had ever been before. Its success was
certainly not due to high expenditure; in fact the
lack of funds probably explains the adoption of
the exchange-of-services formula so successfully
applied, as well as the priority given to institutionbuilding. It was a simple, small project that did
not aim high, and set rather broad objectives
without trying to specify all the details of their
implementation, since it was a sort of feasibility
study, in other words, a gamble on opportunities.
The project encountered a reasonably receptive
environment, one that could usefully integrate the
numerous stimuli provided by the various activities undertaken. Most important, the project team
managed to convince its environment, in particular
the university, to m a k e the institute its o w n
responsibility, to assume the commitment to develop and support it over time. That is the lasting
aspect of the project. It is very likely that without
such a strong commitment the more specific
activities would cease the m o m e n t the project
came to an end.
PO
Ur
Professional
and documentary
services
j
Approaching international conferences1
1980
Tehran
Detroit, Michigan
(United States)
Mexico
17-21 March
Berlin
21-23 March
Washington, D.C.
April
Washington, D.C.
Late April
10-12 April
Paris
Denver,
Colorado
International Congress of H u m a n Sciences in Asia and North Africa:
Triennial Conference
International Association of Orientalist Librarians, c¡o NIAS,
Meybloomloan 1, Wassenaar (Netherlands)
International Institute of Anthropology: Twentieth International
Congress on Anthropology and Prehistoric Archaeology
Institut International d'Anthropologie, 1 place d'Iéna, 7S016 Paris (France)
International Institute for Peace; W a y n e State University; Center for
Peace and Conflict Studies; Symposium on the General Responsibility
to Safeguard Peace Independent of Ideological Differences (Eighth
Meeting of Christians and Marxists)
International Institute for Peace, Mõllwaldplatz 5, 1040 Vienna (Austria)
International Union for Child Welfare: Regional Latin-American
Meeting
International Union for Child Welfare, Centre International, 1 rue
Varembé, 1211 Geneva (Switzerland)
European Centre for Social Welfare Training and Research: Symposium
(Theme: Community W o r k and Community Development for Disprivileged Groups)
ECSWTR,
Berggasse 17, A-1090 Vienna (Austria) •
Association for Asian Studies: Thirty-Second Annual Meeting
AAS,
1, Lane Hall, University of Michigan, Ann Argor, MI 48109
(United States)
The Institute for the Study of Contemporary Social Problems: Research
Symposium on the Impact of Racism o n White Americans
Mr Bowser, Department of Sociology, Cornell University, Ithaca, NY
14853 (United States)
International Forum o n the Labour Movement and the Working Class
Prof. G. del Bo, Feltrinelli Foundation, Via Romagnosl 3, 20121 Milan
(Italy)
Population Association of America: Meeting
PAA,
P.O. Box 14182, Benjamin Franklin Station, Washington,
DC 20044 (United States)
,
•:•'..••
1. N o further details concerning these meetings can be obtained through this Journal.
Int. Soc. Sc . J., Vol. X X X I I , N o . 1, 1980
182
ICD
sir
21-25 April
Allanta,
Georgia
May
12-14 M a y
Amsterdam
May
Acapulco
(Mexico)
26-30 M a y
Cardiff
9-14 June
Cardiff
18-23
16-19 June
Warsaw
19-21 June
Brunswick,
Maine (United States)
30 June-4 July
Madrid
July or August
Tokyo;
Hiroshima
6-12 July
Leipzig
Bio-Energy Council: World Congress and Exposition (Theme: BioEnergy '80)
BEC, P. Schauffler, 1625 Eye Street NW, Suite 825-A, Washington,
CD 20006 (United States)
World Association for Public Opinion Research; American Association
for Public Opinion Research: Joint Conference
WAPOR,
c/o Mr Yvan Corbcil, CROP Inc., 1500 Stanley Street,
Suite 520, Montreal, Quebec H3A IR3 (Canada)
European Planning Federation; International Affiliation of Planning
Societies: European Planning Conference
EPF, B.S. Kyle, cjo Society for Long-Range Planning, 15 Belgrave
Square, London SW1 (United Kingdom)
International Communications Association; Government of Mexico:
Thirtieth International Conference on Communication (Theme: H u m a n
evolution and development)
R. L. Cox, International Communications Association, Balcones Research
Center, 10100 Burnet Road, Austin, TX78758 (United States)
International Federation for Housing and Planning: Residential S y m posium (Theme: The future roles of individual and private transport in
urban areas)
IFHP, 43 Wassenaarseweg, The Hague (Netherlands)
International Council on Alcohol and Addictions; South Glamorgan
Health Authority: Twenty-Sixth International Institute on the Prevention
and Treatment of Alcoholism
ICAA, A. Tongue, Case postale 140, 1001 Lausanne (Switzerland)
International Federation of Automatic Control; International Federation
of Operational Research Societies; Polish Federation of Engineering
Associations: Third I F A C / I F O R S Conference on Dynamic Modelling
and Control of National Economies
Dr M . Lipiec, Systems Research Institute, Polish Academy of Sciences,
6, Newelska Str., 01-447 Warsaw (Poland)
Cheiron: The International Society for the History of Behavioral and
Social Sciences: Twelfth Annual Meeting of Cheiron
Rand Eians, Program Chair, Department of Psychology, Texas A. and
M . University, College Station, TX 77840 (UnitedStates)
International Institute for Administrative Sciences: Twenty-Eighth
Congress (Theme: Responses of public administration to the challenge of
contemporaneous societies)
HAS, 25 rue de la Charité, Brussels 4 (Belgium)
World Citizens Assembly: Meeting (Theme: Organizing to build a world
community)
World Citizens Assembly, P.O. Box 2063, San Francisco, CA 94126
(United States)
International Union of Psychological Science: Twenty-Second Congress
WPS,
Prof. W. Holtzman, c/o Hogg Foundation for Mental Health,
University of Texas, Austin, TX 78712 (United States)
Approaching international conferences
7-11 July
London
16-22 July
Hong Kong
20-25 July
Toronto
August or September
—
3-8 August
Copenhagen
4-9 August
Mexico City
7-12 August
Mexico City
25-30 August
28 August2 September
Vienna
Aix-enProvence
183
International Statistical Institute; World Fertility Survey: World
Conference
Mr D. Whltelegge, World Fertility Survey, International Statistical
Institute, 35-37 Grosvenor Gardens, London SW1W OBS (United
Kingdom)
International Council o n Social Welfare: Twentieth World W i d e
Conference
ICSW, Miss I. Gelinek, Secretary-General, Berggasse 9, 1090 Vienna
(Austria)
First Global Conference o n the Future (Theme: Through the eighties
—thinking globally, acting locally)
The First Global Conference on the Future, Inc., 49 Front Street East
(2nd Floor), Toronto, Ontario (Canada)
International L a w Association: Fifty-Ninth Conference
ILA, 3, Paper Buildings, The Temple, London EC4Y
7EU (United
Kingdom)
International Association of Group Psychotherapy: Seventh International Congress of Group Psychotherapy
International Association of Group Psychotherapy, Sadille Congress
Service, 3 Sommervej, 3100 Hornbaek (Denmark)
International Economic Association: Sixth World Congress CTheme:
H u m a n resources, employment and development)
IEA Secretariat, 54 Boulevard Raspail, 75006 Paris (France)
International Rural Sociology Association: Fifth World Congress of
Rural Sociology
Comité Organizador Congresso Mundial de Sociologia Rural, Apartado
postal 20-671, Mexico 20, D.F. (Mexico)
International Organization for H u m a n Ecology: First European Congress
of H u m a n Ecology
Dr H. Knoetig, Secreatry-General, IOHE, Karlsplatz 13, 1040 Vienna
(Austria)
Econometric Society: World Congress
Econometric Society, Ms J. P. Gordon, c/o Department of Economics,
Northwestern University, Evanston, IL 60201 (United States)
International Association for Analytical Psychology; C . Jung Institute
of San Francisco: Eighth International Conference
C . Jung Institute of San Francisco, 2040 Gough Street, San Francisco,
CA 94109 (UnitedStates)
Allied Social Science Associations: Meeting
5-7 September
Denver
ASSA, Ms B. Weaver, 1313 21st Avenue, S. Nashville, IN37212 (United
States)
Eleventh World Energy Conference
8-12 September
Munich
World Energy Conference, Dr G. Ott, Lindenmannstr. 13, 4000 Düsseldorf I (Federal Republic of Germany)
Society for the Study of Alternative Lifestyles: Seventh Annual Meeting
19-21 September
H. C. Horowitz, Currycomb Court, Columbia, M D 21044 (UnitedStates)
San Francisco
International Federation for Information Processing: International
22-25 September
Lafayette, Indiana Meeting
T. J. Williams, Purdue Laboratory for Applied Industrial Control, Purdue
(United States)
University, 102 Michael Golden Building, Lafayette, IN 47907 (United
States)
2-9 September
San Francisco
184
tío
=Nír
22-26 September
São Paulo
30 September- Garmisch4 October Partenkirchen
(Federal Republic
of Germany)
2-7 October
Varna
(Bulgaria)
6-9 October
Tokyo;
14-17 October Melbourne
19-24 October
Adelaide
20-23 October
Hong Kong
International Council on Alcohol and Addictions; Institute of Social
Medicine and Criminology: Thirty-third International Congress on
Alcohol and Drug Dependence
ICAA, A . Tongue, Case postale 140, 1001 Lausanne (Switzerland)
International Committee for Soviet and East European Studies; Deutsche
Gesellschaft für Osteuropakunde: Second World Congress on Soviet
and East European Studies
Deutsche Gesellschaft für Osteuropakunde e.V., Schaperstrasse 30,
D-1000 Berlin 15 (Federal Republic of Germany)
International Association against Noise: Eleventh Congress
International Association Against Noise, Dr W. Aecherli, Hirschenplatz 7,
6004 Lucerne (Switzerland)
~~
International Federation for Information Processing: Congress 1980
(Theme: Economic implications; computers in everyday life)
International Federation for Information Processing, Congress 1980,
GPO 880G, Melbourne, Victoria 3001 (Australia)
Asian Association of Management Organizations: Seventh Conference
Asian Association of Management Organizations, c\o Australian Institute
of Management, 136 Greenhill Road, North Unley, Adelaide, SA 5061
(Australia)
Asian Productivity Organization: Asian Productivity Congress 1980
Asian Productivity Organization, Aoyama Dai-ichi Mansions, 8-1
-14 Akasaka, Minato-ku, Tokyo 107 (Japan)
1981
Columbus, Ohio
(United States)
Singapore
—
Washington, D . C .
April
May
9-12 June
Amsterdam
Oslo
Honolulu
International Union of Local Authorities: Congress
45, Wassenaarseweg, The Hague (Netherlands)
Pacific Science Association: Fourth Inter-Congress (Theme: Population
and urbanization)
Pacific Science Association, P . O . Box 17801, Honolulu, HI 96817
(United States)
Population Association of America: Meeting
PAA, Box 14182, Benjamin Franklin Station, Washington, D C 20044
(United States)
International Union of Anthropological and Ethnological Sciences:
Intercongress
C . S. Belshaw, President IUAES, Department of Anthropology and
Sociology, University of British Columbia, Vancouver, B . C . V6T 1W5
(Canada)
International Federation for Housing and Planning: Conference
IFHP, 43 Wassenaarseweg, The Hague (Netherlands)
Association of Asian Studies, Commission of Hawaii; Philippine Studies
Committee: Symposium (Theme: Filipinos in Hawaii and the United
States, and Philippine studies)
Approaching international conferences
15-21 June
Warsaw
July
Manila
September
Liège
December
Manila
185
Symposium Committee, Filipino 75th Anniversary Commemoration
Commission, 1151 Punchbowl Street, Room 233, Honolulu, HI 96813
(United States)
International Union of Architects: Fourteenth World Congress and
Fifteenth General Assembly (Theme: Architecture—man—environment)
Comité d'Organisation du 14e Congrès VIA, Association des Architectes
Polonais, SARP-Foksal 2, B.P. 6, Warsaw 00950 (Poland)
World Federation for Mental Health: World Congress
Mr Edita G. Mart Ulano, National Eexcutive Director, Philippine Mental
Health Association, 18 East Avenue, Quezon City (Philippines)
International Federation for Housing and Planning: Conference
IFHP, 43 Wassenaarseweg, The Hague (Netherlands)
International Union for the Scientific Study of Population: General
Conference
IUSSP, 5 rue Forgeur, 4000 Liège (Belgium)
1982
Roi de Janeiro
International Political Science Association: Twelfth World Congress
IPSA Secretariat, cjo University of Ottawa, Ottawa KIN 6N5 (Canada)
Books received
Documentation, science
and knowledge
don, Jossey-Bass Publishers, 1979. 505 p . ,
bibliogr., index. (Social and Behavioral
Science series.)
CENTRO DE ESTUDOS E INFORMAÇÃO. SEÇÃO DE
D O C U M E N T A Ç Ã O . Coleção bibliográfica 1978:
Sociology
Publicações incorporadas ao acervo da Seção
de documentação do Departamento Nacional
JOINT UNESCO/WORLD BANK SEMINAR ON THE SOCIAL
do SESC. Rio de Janeiro, Assessoria de
AND CULTURAL IMPACTS OF TOURISM, W A S H Divulgação e Promoção Institucional do
I N G T O N , D . C . , 1976. Tourism—passport to
Departamento Nacional do S E S C , 1978.
development? ed. by Emanuel de Kadt. O x 546 p .
ford, Oxford University Press, for the World
N O W O T N Y , Helga; R O S E , Hilary (eds.). CounterBank and Unesco, 1979. 360 p . , tables,
movements in the Sciences: The Sociology of
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the Alternatives to Big Science. Dordrecht/
KÃSLER, Dirk. Einführung in das Studium Max
Boston, D . Reidel Publishing Company, 1979.
Webers. Munich, Verlag C . H . Beck, 1979.
293 p . , index. Hardcover $34.25; paperback
291 p . , bibliogr., index.
$15.80. (Sociology of Sciences, Yearbook
KlNTON, Jack (ed.). American Communities
1979, Vol. 3.)
Tomorrow: Leadership and Organizational
Models. Aurora, Social Science Service and
Resources, 1979. 263 p . , tables, bibliogr.
Philosophy
. American Communities Tomorrow: Neighborhood Revivals and New Towns. Aurora, Social
Jean-Jacques Rousseau. Revista de Estudios Políticos,
Sciences and Sociological Resources, 1978.
N o . 8 (new series), March-April 1979. 250 p .
263 p . , maps, tables, bibliogr. Hardcover
300 p .
$11.95; paperback $8.95.
L O V E C C H I O , Antonino. Orientamenti e problemi
M E L O T T I , Umberto. Sociologia storia e marxismo:
dell'estética marxista. Reggio Calabria, Casa
saggi di sociologia económica. Milan, Centro
del Libro Editrice, 1979. 246 p . , index,
Studi Terzo M o n d o , 1979. 213 p . , tables.
bibliogr. (Studi Meridionali.).
2,500 lire. (Terzo M o n d o , 12.)
P R E W O , Rainer. Max Webers Wissenschaftsprogramm: P O R T E R , JackNusan(cd.). The Sociology of American
Versuch einer methodischen Neuerschliessung.
Jews: A Critical Anthology. Washington,
Frankfurt on Main, Suhrkamp Verlag, 1979.
D . C . , University Press of America, 1978.
613 p . , bibliogr., index.
282 p . , bibliogr. $9.75.
Selv mord eller over leve: Utfordringen fra ar 2000.
Paris/Oslo, Unesco/Grandahl & Son Forlag
Social sciences
A . S . , 1979. 135 p . , bibliogr.
SPIRO, Melford E . Gender and Culture: Kibbutz
B I C K , Wolfgang; M Ü L L E R , Paul J.; R E I N K E , Herbert.
Women Revisited. Durham, North Carolina,
Quantum Dokumentation 1978: historische SoD u k e University Press, 1979. 113 p . , index.
zialforschunglHistorical social research. Stutt$9.75.
gart, Ernst Klett, 1978. 217 p . , tables, index.
T A K A R I , Dina. / koinoniki ke epagelmatiki thesi this
R E Y N O L D S , Paul Davidson. Ethical Dilemmas and
simerinis ginekas. Athens, 1978. 269 p . ,
Social Science Research. San Francisco/Lontables.
Int. Soc. Sei. J., Vol. XXXII, N o . 1, 1980
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Books received
V A L L E N I L L A , Ernest M a y z ; R I V A S , M . A . Burelli;
A R C I N I E O A S , German (fit al.). El Caribe: un
mar entre dos mundos. Caracas, Equinoccio,
Editorial de la Universidad Simon Bolivar,
1978.297 p .
Population
ISAMBERT,
A . ; LADRIÈRE,
Paul.
Contraception et
of International Studies,1979. 117 p . , tables,
figs. (Research series, 40.)
C A S E , Frederick Ivor. Racism and National Consciousness. Toronto, Plowshare Press, 1977. 102 p .
D E S T E F A N I S , Michel; F O U C H E R , Laurence. Le fonctionnement d'un marché du travail local. Paris,
Presses Universitaires de France, 1979.251 p . ,
figs., tables. (Cahiers d u Centre d'Études de
l'Emploi, 19.)
INTERNATIONAL
L A B O U R O F F I C E . Children at
Work,
avortement: dix ans de débat dans la presse
1965-1974. Paris, Éditions du Centre National
de la Recherche Scientifique, 1979. 126 p . ,
figs., tables. (Collection Actions thématiques
programmées N o . 31, Sciences Humaines.)
ed. by Elias Mendelievich. Geneva, International Labour Office, 1979. 176 p . , illus.,
tables, bibliogr. 22.50 Swiss francs.
. Profiles of Rural Poverty. Geneva, International
Labour Office, 1979. 50 p . , m a p s , illus.,
tables. 7.50 Swiss francs. ( A W E P study.)
L E B E R , Gisela, Agrarstrukturen und Landflucht im
Political science
Senegal. Saarbrücken/Fort Lauderdale, Verlag
Breitenbach, 1979. 142 p . , graphs, tables,
C E T E R C H I , loan; T R A S N E A , Ovidu; V L A D , Constantin
index. (Sozialwissenschaftliche Studien zu
(eds.). The Political System of the Socialist
internationalen Problemen, 44.)
Republic of Romania. Bucharest, Editura
L E B E R , Bernd. Entwicklungsplanung und Partizipation
Stiintifica si Enciclopédica, 1979. 279 p . ,
im Senegal. Saarbrücken/Fort Lauderdale,
tables.
Verlag Breitenbach, 1979. 2 9 4 p . ,figs.,index.
H U N T , Steven B . Foreign Policy in Transition: A
(Sozialwissenschaftliche Studien zu interCritical Analysis of the United States. Skokie,
nationalen Problemen, 45.)
HI., National Textbook C o m p a n y , 1979.
L U T Z , M a r k A . ; L u x , Kenneth. The Challenge of
328 p . ,figs.,tables, bibliogr. (Contemporary
Humanistic Economics. Menlo Park/LonIssues series.)
don,
T h e Benjamin/Cummings Publishing
K H O S H K I S H , A . The Socio-political Complex: An
,
C o m p a n y , Inc., 1979. 337 p . ,figs.,tables,
Interdisciplinary Approach to Political Life.
• .index.
Oxford/New York, Pergamon Press, 1979.
Memo social. Liaisons Sociales, N o . 3, July 1979.
396 p . ,figs.,index.
272 p . , tables, index. 35 F .
U S S R A C A D E M Y O F S C I E N C E S . Institute of Scientific
Information on Social Sciences. Political ORGANIZATION FOR ECONOMIC CO-OPERATION A N D
DEVELOPMENT. DEVELOPMENT CENTRE. RegisSciences in the USSR: Index of Soviet Literater of Development Research Projects In Latin
ture 1975-1979 for the Xlth World Congress
America. Paris, O E C D , 1 9 7 9 . 266 p . ( N e w
of the International Political Science Associseries, 2.)
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the U S S R , 1979. 351 p . , index.
ORGANIZATION FOR ECONOMIC CO-OPERATION A N D
DEVELOPMENT.
DEVELOPMENT
CENTRE.
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of the OECD
Development Centre, Paris,
12-13
December 1978: Interdependence and
Development. Paris, O E C D , 1979. 109 p .
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nationale ou crise/Energy: International Cooperation or Crisis. Quebec, Les Presses deP O U L A I N , Jean-Claude. Décider au travail. Paris,
l'Université Laval, 1979. 272 p . ,figs.,tables,
Éditions Sociales, 1979. 220 p . (Notre
bibliogr. $17.50. (Groupe de Recherche en
Temps/Société.)
Économie de l'Énergie, Green, 3.)
S H E E H A N , Glen; H O P K I N S , M i k e . Basic Needs Performance: An Analysis of some International
B A N Q U E M O N D I A L E . Rapport sur le développement
Data. Geneva, International Labour Office,
dans le monde, 1979. Washington, D . C . ,
1979. 138 p., tables,figs.17.50 Swiss francs.
Banque Internationale pour la Reconstruction
(A W E P study.)
et le Développement/Banque Mondiale, 1979.
S T A H A N , Josip. Potrosnja Svljeta. Zagreb, Ekonomski
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B U L K L E Y , I. G . Who Gains from Deep Ocean Mining?
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D E V E L O P M E N T . Measurement and Analysis of
Economics
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(fil
Progress at the Local Level, Vol. 3: Country
in the Netherlands. Rijswijk, Ministry of
Case Studies in Argentina, Iran, Mexico,
Cultural Affairs, Recreation and Social WelNigeria and Papua New Guinea. Geneva,
fare, 1978. 90 p .
U N R I S D , 1979. 274 p., tables.
H O W E L L , Neil; B O L D Y , Duncan; S M I T H , Barry.
W E R N E R , Heinz. Glossare zur Arbeitsmarkt- und
Allocating the Home Help Services. London,
Berufsforschung: Englisch - Deutsch/Deutsch Bedford Square Press of the National Council
Englisch. Nürnberg, Institut für Arbeitsof Social Service, 1979. 109 p . ,figs.,tables.
markt- und Berufsforschung der Bundesans£4.50. (Occasional Papers on Social A d m i n talt für Arbeit, 1979. 422 p . , tables.
istration, 63.)
ORGANISATION MONDIALE DE LA SANTÉ. BUREAU R É -
G I O N A L D E L ' E U R O P E . Rapport sur une conférence de l'OMS, Athènes, 26-30 sept. 1978:
L'enfant et l'adolescent dans la société.
C O N S E I L D E L ' E U R O P E . Rapport du Comité européen
Copenhagen, O M S Bureau régional de l'Eupour les problèmes criminels sur la transformarope, 1979. 70 p . 7 Swiss francs. (Rapports et
tion sociale et délinquance juvénile. StrasÉtudes E U R O , 3.)
bourg, Conseil de l'Europe, 1979. 158 p . ,
Le service social face au problème de l'emploi: jourtables.
nées d'études de l'Association des surintenR O M A N I A . LEGISLATIVE C O U N C I L O F T H E SOCIALIST
dantes d'usines et de services sociaux, 18R E P U B L I C O F R O M A N I A . Digest of general laws
19 mai 1978. Paris, Association des Surinof Romania. Bucharest, Editura Stiintifica
tendantes d'Usines et de Services Sociaux,
si Enciclopédica, 1978. 253 p .
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SOCIALISTE D E R O U M A N I E . Législation rou- V U Y L S T E E K , K . Éducation pour la santé: tabagisme,
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maine. Bucharest, Editura Stiintifica si EnciBureau régional de l'Europe, 1979. 66 p . ,
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W E T T S T E I N , Harri. Über die Ausbaufähigkeit von
EURO, 10.)
Rawls' Theorie der Gerechtigkeit. Basel, Social
Strategies Publishers Co-operative Society,
1979. 60 p . 8 Swiss francs. (Social Strategies:
Monographien zur Soziologie und GesellEducation
schaftspolitik/Monographs on Sociology and
Social Policy, 13.)
B U D D E N S I E K , Wilfried (et al.). Berufswahlunterricht
in der vorberuflichen Bildung: ein Beitrag zur
praxisnahen Entwicklung offener Curricula.
Public administration
Opladen, Westdeutscher Verlag, 1979.168 p.,
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A Report on Some Voluntary Agencies Working
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sterowania kultura. Warsaw, Centralny O s 50 rupees.
rodek Metodyki Upowszechniania Kultury,
1979. 154 p., tables, bibliogr. 1.62 zloty.
. Elementy ekonomiki i organizacji kultury.
Social relief and welfare
Warsaw, Szkola Glowna Planowania y
Statystyki, 1979. 163 p . , tables. (Monografie
A B D E L - S M I T H , Brian. Pauvreté, développement et polii Opracowania, 75.)
tique de santé. Genève, Organisation M o n diale de la Santé, 1979.121 p . 10 Swiss francs. DENMARK. CENTRAL COUNCIL OF EDUCATION. U 90:
Danish Educational Planning and Policy in
(Cahiers de Santé Publique, 69.)
a Social Context at the End of the 20th
L A CAISSE N A T I O N A L E D E S A L L O C A T I O N S FAMILIALES.
Century. Copenhagen, Schulz Forlag, [for
'Familles monoparentales', Informations sothe] Ministry of Education, 1978. 365 p . ,
ciales, 6-7, 1979. 144 p . , illus., tables.
fig., tables. 75 Danish kronor.
15 francs.
H A Y W A R D , Christine. A Fair Assessment: Issues in M U N K , Ingrid M . E . Model Building in Comparative
Education. Stockholm, Almqvist & Wicksell
Evaluating Coursework. London, CenInternational, 1979.199 p . ,figs.,tables, bibtral Council for Education and Training in
liogr. 87 Swedish kronor. (International A s Social W o r k , 1979. 188 p . , bibliogr. £2.50.
sociation for the Evaluation of Educational
( C C E T S W Study, 2.)
Achievement Monograph Studies, 10).
H E N D R I K S , G . New Trends in Social Welfare Policy
Jurisprudence, law
189
Books received
Social and cultural anthropology
Literature
M E L O T T I , Umbarto. Vuomo tra natura e storia: la H U N G A R Y . Small Countries, Great Literatures: An
diaiettica delle origin!. Milan, Centro Studi
International Inquiry of the Hungarian Book
Terzo M o n d o , 1979. 318 p . , illus., tables,
Review. Budapest, Magyar Könyvkiadok és
index. (Terzo M o n d o , N o s . 13-14, 1979.)
Könivterjeszök Egyesülése, 1979. 87 p .
5,000 lire.
Geography
Physical planning
B E N A T I A , Farouk. L'appropriation de l'espace à Alger
après 1962. Algiers, Société Nationale d'Édition et de Diffusion, 1978. 189 p . , m a p s ,
illus., tables, bibliogr.
S T O N E , Jeffrey C . A Guide to the Administrative
Boundaries of Northern Rhodesia. Aberdeen,
University of Aberdeen Department of G e ography; African Studies Group, 1979. 92 p . ,
maps. (O'Dell Memorial Monograph, 7.)
Recent Unesco publications*
(including those published with assistance from Unesco)
The Child's Right to Education, by Gaston Mialaret.
Groups in Six' Countries', ed. by Frank
Paris, Unesco, 1979. 258 p.,figs.,tables. 28 F .
M.
Andrews. Paris/Cambridge, ' Unesco/
Directory of Educational Documentation and InforCambridge University Press, 1979. 469 p . ,
mation Services. 3rd cd./Répertoire des serfigs. 92 F .
vices de documentation et d'information péda- The Social Sciences in the Man and the Biosphere
gogique. 3 e éd. Paris, International Bureau
Programme; Report on Seven Seminars held
of Education, 1979. 79 p . 11 F .
in Asia: Bangladesh, India, Malaysia, Nepal,
Pakistan, Philippines, Thailand. Bangkok,
Education des parents: bibliographie sélective annotée/
Unesco, Office of Regional Adviser for Social
Parent Education: Selective Annotated BibSciences in Asia and Oceania, 1979. 147 p .
liography, by M . Bekombo-Priso. Paris,
Unesco, 1979. 61 p .
Socio-political Aspects of the Palaver in Some African
An Integrative Ecological Approach to the Study of
Countries. Paris, Unesco, 1979. 93 p . 12 F .
Human
Settlements, by Stephen Boyden.
(Introduction to African Culture, 2.)
Paris, Unesco, 1979. 28 F . ( M A B Technical
Unesco 1977-I978: Report of the Director-General on
Notes, 12.)
the Activities of the Organization in 1977-1978,
Communicated to Member States and the
Introduction to African Culture: General Aspects, by
Executive Board in accordance with ArtiAlpha I. S o w (and others). Paris, Unesco,
cle VI.3.b. of the Constitution. Paris, Unesco,
1979. 184 p . 18 F . (Introduction to African
1979.256 p . ,figs.,tables.
Culture, 1.)
An Introduction to Policy Analysis in Science and What Kind of World are We Leaving our Children?
Technology. Paris, Unesco, 1979. 93 p . 12 F .
Paris, Unesco, 1979. 176 p . 38 F . (World
(Science Policy Studies and Documents.)
Tribune.)
The Organization of Information Systems for Govern- Women and Racial Discrimination in Rhodesia, by
ment and Public Administration, by Eric de
A . K . H . Weinrich. Unesco, Paris, 1979.
Grolier. Paris, Unesco, 1979. 163 p . , fig.
143 p . ,figs.,tables, bibliogr. 25 F .
23 F . (Documentation, Libraries and A r chives: Studies and Research, 8.)
Peace Research Trend Report and World Directory.
* How to obtain these publications: (a) Priced Unesco
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publications can be obtained from the Office
and Papers in the Social Sciences, 43.)
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Science and Technology in Development: A Unesco
or from national booksellers (see list at the
Approach, by Daniel Behrman. Paris, Unesco,
end of this issue); (b) unpriced Unesco pub1979. 104 p . , illus. 14 F .
lications can be obtained free from Unesco,
Science and the Factors of Inequality: Lessons of the
Documents Division ( C O L / D ) ; (c) publiPast and Hopes for the Future, by Charles
cations not put out directly or in co-publiMorazé (and others). Paris, Unesco, 1979.
cation by Unesco can be obtained through
273 p . 38 F .
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Scientific Productivity: The Effectiveness of Research
Int. Soc. Sei. J., Vol. X X X I I , N o . 1, 1980
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Past topics1
F r o m 1949 to the end of 1958, this Journal appeared under the n a m e of International Social Science Bulletin, not all issues of which were devoted to a
main topic.
Microfilms a n d microcards are available from University Microfilms Inc.,
300 N . Zeeb R o a d , A n n Arbor, M i c h . 48106 (United States of America). Reprint
series are available from Kraus Reprint Corporation, 16 East 46th Street,
N e w Y o r k , N Y 10017 (United States of America).
Vol. XI, 1959
N o . 1. Social aspects of mental health*
N o . 2 . Teaching of the social sciences
in the U . S . S . R . *
N o . 3. The study and practice of
planning*
N o . 4 . N o m a d s and nomadism
in the arid zone*
Vol. XII, 1960
N o . 1. Citizen participation in
political life*
N o . 2. The social sciences and
peaceful co-operation*
N o . 3 . Technical change and political
decision*
N o . 4 . Sociological aspects of leisure*
Vol. XIII, 1961
N o . 1. Post-war democratization
in Japan*
N o . 2 . Recent research on racial relations
N o . 3. The Yugoslav c o m m u n e
N o . 4. The parliamentary profession
Vol. XIV, 1962
N o . 1. Images of w o m e n in society*
N o . 2 . Communication and
information
N o . 3. Changes in the family*
N o . 4. Economics of education*
Vol. XV, 1963
N o . 1. Opinion surveys in developing
countries
N o . 2 . Compromise and conflict
resolution
1.
The asterisk denotes issues out of print.
N o . 3. Old age
N o . 4 . Sociology of development
in Latin America
Vol. XVI, 1964
N o . 1. Data in comparative
research*
N o . 2 . Leadership and economic
growth
N o . 3 . Social aspects of African
resource development
N o . 4 . Problems of surveying
the social sciences and
humanities
Vol. XVII, 1965
N o . 1. M a x Weber today/Biological
aspects of race*
N o . 2 . Population studies
N o . 3. Peace research*
N o . 4 . History and social science
Vol. XVIII, 1966
N o . 1. H u m a n rights in perspective*
N o . 2. M o d e r n methods in
criminology*
N o . 3. Science and technology
as development factors*
N o . 4. Social science in physical
planning*
Vol. XIX, 1967
N o . 1. Linguistics and
communication*
N o . 2 . The social science press
N o . 3. Social functions of education*
N o . 4 . Sociology of literary creativity1
Vol. XX, 1968
N o . 1. Theory, training and practice
in management*
N o . 2. Multi-disciplinary
problem-focused research*
N o . 3. Motivational patterns
for modernization
N o . 4. The arts in society*
Vol. XXI, 1969
N o . 1. Innovation in public
administration*
N o . 2. Approaches to rural problems*
N o . 3. Social science in the Third World*
N o . 4 . Futurology*
Vol. XXII, 1970
N o . 1. Sociology of science*
N o . 2. Towards a policy for social
research
N o . 3. Trends in legal learning
N o . 4 . Controlling the human
environment
Vol. XXIII, 1971
N o . 1. Understanding aggression
N o . 2. Computers and documentation
in the social sciences
N o . 3. Regional variations in
nation-building
N o . 4. Dimensions of the racial situation
Vol.
No.
No.
No.
No.
XXIV, 1972
1. Development studies
2. Youth: a social force?
3. The protection of privacy
4 . Ethics and institutionalization
in social science
Vol. XXV, 1973
N o . 1/2. Autobiographical portraits
N o . 3. The social assessment
of technology
N o . 4. Psychology and psychiatry
at the cross-roads
Vol. XXVI, 1974
N o . 1. Challenged paradigms in
international relations
N o . 2. Contributions to population policy
N o . 3. Communicating and
diffusing social science
N o . 4. The sciences of life and of society
Vol. XXVII, 1975
N o . 1. Socio-economic indicators:
theories and applications
N o . 2. The uses of geography
N o . 3. Quantified analyses
of social phenomena
N o . 4. Professionalism in flux
Vol. XXVIII, 1976
N o . 1. Science in policy
and policy for science*
N o . 2. The infernal cycle of armament
N o . 3. Economics of information and
information for economists
N o . 4. Towards a new international
economic and social order
Vol. XXIX, 1977
N o . 1. Approaches to the study of
international organizations
N o . 2. Social dimensions of religion
N o . 3. The health of nations
N o . 4. Facets of interdisciplinarity
Vol. XXX, 1978
N o . 1. The politics of territoriality
N o . 2. Exploring global interdependence
N o . 3. H u m a n habitats: from tradition
to modernism
N o . 4. Violence
Vol. XXXI, 1979
N o . 1. Pedagogics of social science:
some experiences
N o . 2. Rural-urban articulations
N o . 3. Patterns of child socialization
N o . 4. In search of rational organization
Back numbers m a y be purchased from your Unesco publications national
distributor at current single-copy rates.
ISSN 0020-8701