Planting an olive tree: the state of reform in Jordan

Planting an Olive Tree:
The State of Reform in Jordan
Freedom of Association and Civil Society in the Middle
East and North Africa
Ana Echagüe
56
Working Paper / Documento de trabajo
March 2008
Working Paper / Documento de trabajo
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and security; and humanitarian action and development. FRIDE attempts to influence policy-making and inform public opinion, through its research in these areas.
Working Papers
FRIDE’s working papers seek to stimulate wider debate on these issues and present policy-relevant considerations.
Planting an Olive Tree:
1
The State of Reform in Jordan
Freedom of Association and Civil Society in the Middle
East and North Africa
Ana Echagüe
March 2008
FRIDE researcher Ana Echagüe graduated in International Relations and Art History from Tufts University and
obtained her Masters in International Relations from the School of International and Public Affairs at Columbia
University. Prior to joining FRIDE, she was Deputy Director at the University of the Middle East Project in Madrid.
She has also worked as a financial analyst at Lehman Brothers in London.
56
Working Paper / Documento de trabajo
March 2008
Working Paper / Documento de trabajo
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V
citizen
Preface
participation
and
the
dynamics
of
democratisation, the Club of Madrid, an independent
non-governmental organisation of 70 former heads of
state and government dedicated to democratic practice,
Associations are indispensable to the very survival of
embarked in February 2007 on a project aimed at
democracy and societal progress. Non-governmental
strengthening dialogue on freedom of association
organisations (NGOs) defending human rights on a
across the Middle East and North Africa region. With
local, national or international level are the guardians
the support of the European Commission’s European
of fundamental liberties, and often constitute the only
Initiative for Democracy and Human Rights (EIDHR)
framework through which minorities and other
and the United Nations Democracy Fund, the objective
vulnerable segments of the population can see to it that
of the project has been to improve the capacity of both
their voices are heard, their rights respected and their
civil society and the authorities to construct a shared
participation guaranteed. The degree of effective use of
vision on the promotion of freedom of association. In
freedom of association therefore constitutes an
cooperation with FRIDE and local partners, the Club of
important barometer in judging the factual situation of
Madrid (CoM) has been engaging in efforts to
democracy, human rights and participation in a
strengthen dialogue between civil society and
country.
government, aiming to contribute, based on the CoM
members’ own leadership experience, to fostering the
In addition to being a fundamental right in itself,
inclusion of civil society. With this end in mind, the
freedom of association is also a precondition and
project hopes to propose constructive legal and policy
safeguard for the defence of collective rights, freedom
reforms
of conscience and religion, and therefore deserves
participation in national political debates on freedom of
special attention and vigilance. With the rise of
association, and more broadly, on democratic reform.
that
contribute
to
advancing
citizen
transnational terrorism, recent years have witnessed
freedom of association in many countries being
This report is one out of a series of six country
suppressed in the name of national security. Obligations
reports that provide independent analysis of the state of
that expose the founders of associations to arbitrary
freedom of association and civil society in Morocco,
admission
and
Jordan, Bahrain, Egypt, Tunisia and Saudi Arabia,
unnecessary administrative hindrances are indicators of
respectively. The reports are intended to accompany and
government efforts to exert political control. This may
support the aforementioned project led by the Club of
happen formally – via the adoption of laws that allow
Madrid by identifying both outstanding challenges and
inappropriate limitations on freedom of association – or
civil society’s ideas on how to resolve them. Each report
informally – through a lack of application of the law in
is based on a substantial number of consultations and
practice and the predominance of informal rules that
interviews among local civil society stakeholders,
replace the rule of law.
government
criteria,
pedantic
verifications
representatives
across
all
levels,
parliamentarians, political party representatives,
Recognising the fundamental significance of freedom
journalists, union activists, women’s and human rights
of association and a vibrant, active civil society for
activists, and lawyers and political analysts, conducted
1 “Planting an olive tree” is a reference to a speech given by King
Abdullah II to the European Parliament in Strasbourg on 12 December
2007, in which he referred to the reform process in Jordan and broader
initiatives required for the region: “We in Jordan know that when an
olive tree takes life, planting is only the first step. A hundred processes
then go active to create the cells and structures of life. Roots emerge,
growth occurs, and a core of strength ensures survival. From outside
comes water and support to sustain life and create new fruit.”
h t t p : / / w w w. j o r d a n e m b a s s y u s . o r g / n e w / j i b / s p e e c h e s / h m k a /
hmka12122007.htm
throughout 2007 and 2008. The independent analysis
aims at facilitating public debate and further societal
dialogue on freedom of association in the respective
country. The main findings and recommendations
summarise the views expressed by the numerous local
stakeholders who kindly granted us some of their time
for an interview.
Planting an Olive Tree: The State of Reform in Jordan
Ana Echagüe
VII
introduction of tighter restrictions on many aspects of
Executive summary
freedom of association. This was despite the
contemporaneous launch, with much fanfare, of
numerous reform initiatives, which nevertheless have
While Jordan has succeeded since 1989 in providing a
failed to be implemented.
limited space for civil society organisations (CSOs) to
operate, the initial promise of reform has receded in
Freedom of Association is guaranteed by the
recent years, and the parameters and limitations under
Constitution and should be protected by the
which CSOs operate remain both overly restrictive and
international instruments that Jordan is party to,
intrusive. Jordan’s relative stability and important
namely the International Covenant on Civil and
strategic position in the region has reduced external
Political Rights. Nevertheless the legal framework and
pressure to reform with no consequences for its aid
regulations relating to civil society in Jordan contain
dependent economy and the country continues to be
provisions that restrict the right of association and
held up as an example of one of the more progressive
limit the freedom of civil society. Legislation grants
and democratic Arab states.
extensive powers of oversight to the government,
including the right to refuse applications for licences
The regime has struggled to maintain national unity
with no explanation, the power to replace the
and security while addressing a series of challenges
governing body of an association, and full inspection
such as the demographic changes caused by the surge
powers over an association’s premises and records.
in the population of Jordanians of Palestinian origin,
The powers of central government and local
the rise in support for political Islam and the threat of
administrators
terrorism. The Arab-Israeli conflict has had a
organisations are excessively intrusive. The key
significant effect on Jordan’s domestic balance of
obstacles that civil society organisations encounter in
power and Palestinian refugees remain a major
the development of their activities pertain to the
undercurrent to all political issues and national
registration
debates. Their integration as Jordanian citizens has
supervision on the part of the Ministry of Social
generally been successful although they continue to be
Development and the Ministry of the Interior, the
underrepresented in the public sector and in the
threat of dissolution and suspension and the lack of
political establishment. The electoral law continues to
access to funds. The government’s relations with trade
be the single most contentious domestic issue. The
unions remain highly adversarial.
to
regulate
process,
non-governmental
extensive
and
intrusive
“one person one vote” law together with the uneven
distribution of parliamentary seats among electoral
In order to regain confidence in and the momentum of
districts are designed to under-represent urban areas
Jordan’s efforts to continue recent reform initiatives,
that are bastions of Palestinian or Islamist support
there should be a process of Constitutional reform
and over-represent rural segments of the population
leading to a greater balance of powers and the
that are allied with the regime. This has favoured the
establishment of a truly independent judiciary, a
entrenchment of tribal allegiances in Jordan’s
Parliament with full legislative and oversight power
Parliament to the detriment of national political
and a government representative of the winning
parties. The king retains a monopoly on power in the
majority parliamentary coalition. Legislation should be
country, while the Parliament remains weak and
reflective of the international conventions signed and
ineffective. Much of the current distrust between the
restrictive laws such as the Public Meetings Law and
government and civil society arises from the 2001-
the Anti-Terrorism Law should be repealed. Reform of
2003 period when King Abdullah issued 211
the electoral framework before the next elections is one
provisional laws and amendments, many of which
of the keys to successful reform towards a more
reversed civil liberties, including through the
progressive and democratic system.
Planting an Olive Tree: The State of Reform in Jordan
Ana Echagüe
Contents
The political context: democratic reform process to date
1
Associations landscape
5
Legal framework
9
Key obstacles to free association
16
State-civil society dialogue
19
Local calls for reform
21
Conclusion
22
1
institutionalised opposition.4 Admittedly, the security
The political context:
democratic reform
process to date
threat is real and the Arab-Israeli conflict has indeed
The political situation in Jordan is obscured by the fact
In 1989 Jordan initiated a political reform process
that although it is far from being a democracy, in terms
which won much praise from the United States and the
of civil and political liberties it fares much better than
European Union. The reform process included the
most Arab states, at least formally. Political parties
legalisation of political parties and the holding of
are legal, parliamentary elections are held more or less
parliamentary elections. Despite these positive
regularly and the reform process started in 1989 did
changes, which contributed to the country’s image of
bring about positive changes if not a fully-fledged
progressiveness and tolerance, the changes hardly
democracy. Furthermore, compared to its neighbours
constituted the development of a true democratic
Iraq and Palestine, it is an oasis of stability. The regime
process and the country has since seen increasing
uses this image of precarious stability (and the threat
restrictions of fundamental freedoms and rights as well
of chaos and Islamism) to stem any push for political
as constraints on political participation.5 These
reform (domestic or external) and to secure
contradictions stem from the fact that political reform
international aid. The truth, as conceded by a senior
was initiated not as an end in itself but rather as a
European diplomat, is that Jordan is a security state, if
strategy for regime survival in the face of pressures of
a less extreme, less openly repressive version of one
economic discontent which derived from the
than Tunisia or Egypt.2 The regime banks on its key
International Monetary Fund (IMF) requirement that
geographic position and its role in the maintenance of
external debt be restructured.6 The reform process was
regional security to secure the foreign aid it needs to
characterised by its hesitant top-down nature and by
palliate its lack of resources and help maintain
its aim of maintaining domestic stability and expanding
domestic stability. The distribution of the rents from
the monarchy’s support base rather than achieving
foreign aid as well as government jobs and other
genuine structural reforms.7
had a profound effect on Jordan’s domestic balance of
power. However while the monarchy struggles to
maintain stability, discrimination and the curtailing of
individual liberties are not likely to achieve the social
cohesion needed to overcome such threats.
privileges allow it to maintain a more or less stable
base of support from a certain segment of the
The regime has struggled to maintain national unity
population and a loyal security establishment.3 The
and security while addressing a series of challenges
monarchy has thus consolidated its rule by aligning
such as the demographic changes caused by the surge
itself with the Transjordanian population concentrated
in the population of Jordanians of Palestinian origin,
in the rural areas and shifting the electoral balance
the rise in support for political Islam and the threat of
from growing urban population centres to these rural
terrorism. At the same time it has sought to protect the
areas. Members of the tribal rural areas occupy most
interests of the ruling elite and the traditionally
public jobs and their over-representation in Parliament
dominant Transjordanian tribal structures. Any threats
is guaranteed by the electoral law. Any challenges to
the
system
are
addressed
by
weakening
2 Interview in Amman on April 17, 2007.
3 Choucair, Julia., “Illusive Reform: Jordan’s Stubborn Stability”,
Washington: Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, Democracy
and Rule of Law Project, Middle East Series, Number 76, December
2006, pp 3-4.
4 Ibid, pp 4-5.
5 Democracy Reporting International and Al Urdun Al Jadid
Research Center, “Assessment of the Electoral Framework, Final Report
The Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan”, January 2007, p. 4.
6 Brand, Laurie., “In the Beginning was the State: The Quest for
Civil Society in Jordan”, Civil Society in the Middle East, Norton,
Augustus Richard., (ed). Boston: Brill, 1996.
7 Choucair, op. cit, p.3.
Planting an Olive Tree: The State of Reform in Jordan
Ana Echagüe
2
to the precarious balance of power have historically
legalised, political exiles were permitted to return and
been dealt with by the repression of the opposition.
restrictions on demonstrations were relaxed.9
Challenges posed by Arab nationalist and Palestinian
militant groups throughout the 1950s, 1960s and
Nevertheless King Hussein started undermining the
early 1970s led to repressive measures including the
reforms as soon as he saw an opportunity to regain the
banning of political parties, the imposition of martial
external support he had lost through his refusal to sign
law and the suspension of Parliament. The most
a peace treaty with Israel in 1980. In order to quash
significant challenge to Hashemite authority has been
internal opposition a series of measures were put in
the Arab-Israeli conflict which has had a significant
place to diminish its voice and influence. Most
effect on Jordan’s domestic balance of power.
important among them, and one of the most
Palestinian refugees remain a major undercurrent to
contentious issues to this day, was the amendment to
all political issues and national debates. The exact
the electoral law. The 1993 amendment restricted each
composition of the population is a sensitive and
voter to choosing only one candidate, regardless of the
contested issue, with figures for Palestinian
number of seats to be filled in the district. The
Jordanians somewhere between 40 percent and 60
controversial “one-person, one-vote” law favoured
percent. The integration of Palestinian refugees as
tribal candidates to the detriment of parties, and as a
Jordanian citizens has generally been successful,
result, the 1993 elections saw a decrease in the
although Palestinian Jordanians continue to be
presence of the Islamic Action Front (IAF) in
underrepresented in the public sector and in the
Parliament. In November 1994, the peace treaty with
political establishment. The electoral law and the
Israel was ratified, despite strong opposition.
distribution of parliamentary seats among electoral
Consequently, the United States would write off its
districts are designed to under-represent urban areas
debt and progressively raise aid levels until Jordan
that are bastions of Palestinian or Islamist support
became the fourth largest recipient of US economic
and over-represent rural segments of the population
and military assistance. Jordan was also one of the
allied with the regime.8
first countries in the region to sign a partnership
agreement with the European Union. By the time of
In 1989 the process of political liberalisation was
Hussein’s death in February 1999, it seemed clear that
initiated with the holding of parliamentary elections,
liberalisation had been a temporary means of reducing
which had been postponed since 1967. Although
opposition to unpopular economic policies. Since then,
political parties were still illegal, candidates could
repeated commitments by King Abdullah and his
run as independents and the elections saw a big
government to democratic reforms have not been
success for Islamist candidates, who gained close to
implemented. The deteriorating regional situation and
40 percent of the seats.
In 1991 King Hussein
continuing economic woes have pushed Abdullah to
appointed a 60-member commission, including
clamp down on political and civil liberties and lean on
government loyalists, members of the leftist
the pervasive role of the security services.10 The
opposition and the Muslim Brotherhood (MB), to
situation can best be characterised as one of highly
draft
and
regulated freedoms within specific limits, with close
characteristics of the liberalisation process. The
monitoring and regulation increasing notably in the
National Charter ultimately saw the expansion of
past five years.
a
charter
to
outline
the
goals
political freedoms and the space for civil society in
exchange for recognition of the legitimacy of the
In 1999 King Abdullah’s accession to the throne
Hashemite monarchy. As a result of the charter,
intensified
expectations
martial law was lifted, political parties were
9 Choucair, op. cit, p.7.
8 Democracy Reporting International, op. cit, p.3.
Working Paper 56
10 Choucair, op. cit, p. 7-8.
of
political
reform.
3
Nevertheless economic reform quickly took precedence,
economic challenges rather than to significantly open
with a focus on attracting foreign investment and
up the political system. They were much more explicit
increasing exports. Economic reforms led to Jordan’s
in terms of economic reforms than political reforms
entry into the World Trade Organisation in 2000, to the
and none of them have targeted the distribution of
signature of a Free Trade Agreement (FTA) with the
political power. Power is concentrated in the hands of
United States in 2001 and to the establishment of the
the royal court and the intelligence services while the
Qualified Industrial Zone (QIZ) programme. The king
Cabinet and Parliament merely execute policies which
prioritised administrative reform and the fight against
they do not decide upon. Demands for structural
corruption in the public sector. But increasing regional
reform, such as addressing the shortcomings of the
pressures related to Palestine and Iraq placed security
Election Law, remain unheeded. A new party law was
concerns at the forefront and brought about restrictions
passed in an attempt to encourage the consolidation of
on political activity which have had lasting implications
political parties but there have been no advances on
for freedom of association. The regime, concerned with
electoral reform.
public opposition to its stance both towards Iraq and
Palestine, delayed parliamentary elections, originally
While the 1952 constitution declares Jordan a
scheduled for 2001. While Parliament was suspended
constitutional monarchy, the king retains a monopoly
(between June 2001 and June 2003), King Abdullah
on power in the country to the extent that the concept
issued 211 provisional laws and amendments, many of
of separation of powers is not really applicable.
which constituted a reversal in civil and political
Officials can be heard referring to the “Government as
liberties. The Public Meetings law of August 2001
directed by His Majesty” and often use the terms state,
requires the government’s prior written consent for any
government and king interchangeably. Constitutionally,
public meetings or rallies, while amendments to the
the king can appoint and dismiss the prime minister, the
penal code in October 2001 impose penalties and
Cabinet and the upper house of parliament. He is also
prison sentences for publishing “false or libellous
entitled to dissolve Parliament, veto legislation, decree
information that can undermine national unity or the
“provisional laws” when the Parliament is dissolved,
country’s reputation”.11 Another decree allows the
establish governmental and legislative policy and
prime minister to refer any case to the State Security
appoint the judiciary.
Court, and 2008 draft laws on NGOs and public
assembly continue to limit and interfere with their
The Constitution balances these powers with a
activities.
requirement that the executive acts with the confidence
of the lower house of parliament, but in the history of
These
clampdowns
on
the
ground
were
Jordan there have only been three votes of no
contemporaneous with successive reform initiatives. In
confidence.
2002 the “Jordan First” initiative was launched; in
constitutional structures, namely the Royal Court and
2003 the Ministry of Political Development was
the intelligence services, exercise substantial power.
created, to increase political participation and advance
Both the Royal Court and the intelligence services
democratic dialogue; in 2005 the National Agenda
report directly to the king. Their mandate and
was conceived; and in 2006 the “We are all Jordan”
structure remain obscure and they are not constrained
action plan was launched. The National Agenda seems
by parliamentary oversight. The Royal Court plays a
to be the most comprehensive so far and is a reflection
key role in defining government and the intelligence
of 13 months of work. Its planned implementation
services have influence over legislative and political
would run until 2020. Reforms have generally aimed to
policies, especially when considered a threat to the
stabilise the regime in the face of regional and
country’s stability.12 Institutions outside the monarchy,
11 Choucair, op. cit, p. 8-9.
In
addition,
institutions
12 Democracy Reporting International, op. cit, p. 5-6.
Planting an Olive Tree: The State of Reform in Jordan
Ana Echagüe
outside
4
such as the Cabinet and Parliament, are left with
right of assembly is restricted through the
limited powers and the government at best executes
requirement of prior consent for all public meetings
what is decided elsewhere. Governments serve at the
(with the excuse of security). The regime also
king’s pleasure, with Parliament having little to say on
interferes with the activities of non-state actors
its formation and dismissal.
(professional associations, NGOs, not-for-profit
companies) which are not allowed to be involved in
by
“political” issues. Freedom of association can be
Parliament, the lack of parliamentary majority
exercised within a controlled environment and new
governments precludes holding the government
legislation, such as the anti-terrorism law, is leading to
accountable to the people. Parliament has repeatedly
increased restrictions.
Although
governments
must
be
endorsed
been suspended and elections postponed. As a result of
the electoral system Parliament has a majority of
The various reform initiatives have failed to be
independent members, unaffiliated to any political
implemented. The lack of deadlines, means of
parties, who represent a range of tribal interests and
implementation and monitoring and evaluation systems
who provide weak oversight of the executive. The
has fuelled claims that they are just exercises aimed at
powers of the lower house of Parliament are
appeasing the West. Others insist that the Palace and
constrained by an appointed upper house. The executive
government are genuine in their enthusiasm and
often legislates by issuing temporary legislation and
commitment to these initiatives but that they are all
decrees that function with the force of law without
eventually aborted because of the regional situation or
parliamentary approval. Parliament can debate,
the lack of support from the conservatives. Status quo
approve and initiate legislation but, in practice, it rarely
forces are an obstacle as they feel their privileges and
debates legislation or initiates new draft laws.13 The
position will be threatened and the king does not want
executive’s role in the promotion, punishment or
to undermine his most loyal base of support. Since
sanction of judges is an expression of the lack of
King Abdullah’s accession there have been five
independence of the judiciary, as are the State Security
different
Courts which remain outside the competence of the
governments and their dependence on the king also
judicial council. Between 1952 and 1976 the
renders it impossible for them to meet any demands for
constitution was changed or amended 28 times in a
reform. Generally there is a cleavage between those
way that took power from Parliament and the judiciary
who believe that any reform will jeopardise security
and increased the power of the monarch.
and those who believe that stability lies with the
governments. The
instability
of
the
implementation of reform. Further complicating
Although the constitution recognises the basic
matters, the rise of Islamic political movements in the
freedoms of expression and assembly, press and penal
region, especially the success of Hamas in the 2006
laws prohibit criticism of the royal family and the
Palestinian elections, has increased concerns that any
armed forces or any statement considered harmful to
opening-up of the political space may strengthen the
national unity or Jordan’s foreign relations. Editors
IAF’s popular support. The relationship between the
and journalists continue to receive official warnings
government and the Muslim Brotherhood is complex
not to publish certain articles, and security officials
and has shifted from one of mutual support to a more
pressure printers to hold publication until editors
confrontational stance. The IAF is abandoning its
agree to remove sensitive stories. Polls show that 74.6
neutral position towards the government and
percent of Jordanians fear punishment or retribution
increasingly playing the role of main opposition party.
by the authorities for criticising the government.14 The
Government pressure on the MB could eventually lead
to a division within the moderates, leaving extremists
13 Democracy Reporting International , op. cit, p.1.
14 CSS Democracy in Jordan, 2006
Working Paper 56
with greater freedom to work underground and gain
support.
5
In the long-run the lack of freedoms together with the
The majority of civil society work in Jordan is based
failure of socio-economic programmes could lead to
on the voluntary efforts of organisations’ members
problems. In polls 85 percent of the population state
who do not receive any wages or salaries for their
that their economic situation has either not improved
administrative activities.
or deteriorated. Despite increases in exports because
of the FTA and the construction boom there have been
Civil society organisations have been successful in
few benefits for the majority of the population. Future
joining regional and international organisations but
reform depends on whether the regime believes that
they have not been successful in establishing local
Jordan’s stability is best maintained through political
networks within Jordan. Alliances among civil society
liberalisation or through repression. The official
are uncommon. Nevertheless recent years have
position is that much has been achieved in the past few
witnessed the establishment of several networks and
years and that the challenge is to keep moving on the
coalitions such as the “Jordanian Coalition for Civil
road
Society Organisations”, which comprises the Arab
towards
democracy
under
the
security
Organisation for Human Rights in Jordan, the Amman
circumstances.
Centre for Human Rights Studies, the Association of
Jordanian of Jurists, the Centre for Children’s Rights
Associations
landscape15
“Haq”, the Jordanian Society for Human Rights, the
Arab Women Organisation and the Jordanian Youth
Forum. The challenges to the establishment of
networks and alliances in Jordan are numerous:
legislation such as the Public Meetings Law and the
It is estimated that there are around 2,000 civil
Right of Access to Information Law; prevalence of
society organisations in Jordan. Although most
individualism over collective action at work;
analysts highlight the weakness of civil society in the
competition
country - it is true that most organisations are small
integration; lack of experience of associations
in size and some even lack head offices - the sheer
governing bodies; competition for limited funding
number of organisations seems to point to increased
sources.16
among
organisations
rather
than
mobilisation efforts. Nevertheless, in spite of the large
number of organisations civil society cannot be said to
Voluntary societies make up more than one-third of
be very active as most NGOs have minimal outreach
civil societies. They are governed by the 1966 Social
capabilities (1,000 per organisation at the most).
Societies Law and supervised by the Ministry of Social
Most
significant
Development. There were 783 in 2003. They flourished,
constraints, most pertaining to the legal framework,
especially after the banning of political parties between
the difficulties inherent in raising funds and
1957 and 1967. They include tribal and family groups,
interference from the authorities. Additional problems
women’s groups, religious societies and ethnic
include the lack of internal democracy within the
societies, among others. Their funding comes from
organisation’s own structures, the non-renewal of
membership dues, project proceeds, from the Ministry
leadership positions and a lack of efficiency or
of Social Development and foreign and local support.
capacity. Positions of leadership rarely change,
They are organised under the general union of
elections are either not held or are not transparent
voluntary societies, which was taken over by the
and fair. This may be one of the reasons for the low
government in 2006, and a voluntary societies union in
levels of participation in civil society organisations.
each governorate.
15 Most factual information is taken from “The Directory of Civil
Society Organizations in Jordan” supervised by Hourani, Hani., Al
Urdun Al Jadid Research Center, 2006.
16 Rahal, Ghosoun., “Freedom of Assembly and Association”, the
Euro-Mediterranean Network for Human Rights, June 2007.
organisations
work
within
Planting an Olive Tree: The State of Reform in Jordan
Ana Echagüe
6
There are 14 professional associations. These are the
Each association operates under a specific ministry
most effective organisations within civil society. The
with which they hold some form of semi-structured
investment of their membership fees and funds has
dialogue and which allows them input into the laws
allowed them to gain financial clout and independence
proposed by that ministry. Parliamentary committees
from the government. Their membership, which is
also sometimes call on associations to discuss issues
compulsory in order to practice a profession, is around
such as the income tax law, but this is done more out
100,000. Membership is mostly drawn from the elite
of courtesy than because they have any real influence.
and the middle classes. They are usually involved in the
Associations meet annually with the prime minister to
drafting of legislation relevant to the practice of their
discuss issues such as electoral and political party law
profession and their main objective is the defence of
but dialogue with government is generally unstructured
the rights and interests of members. They also offer
and dependent on the personal connections of the
pension, health insurance and social security funds to
president of each association. Leadership of the
their members. The formation of such organisations is
associations has seen distinctive trends: nationalist
governed by by-laws issued by the Council of Ministers.
until the 1970s, leftist and Palestinian up to the 1980s
The laws establishing these associations allow them to
and currently Islamist. The Islamic movement has the
exercise an independent internal democratic process,
upper hand in most associations and in all the most
including the election of leadership, without the
important ones (engineers, the bar and agricultural
interference of the government. It is almost impossible
engineers).
to establish a new association, however. This was
demonstrated when an attempt to establish a new
There are 16 registered political parties, down from 33
teachers association was declared unconstitutional by
before the New Political Parties Law took effect. Most
the High Judicial Council.
political parties in Jordan are small, personalised
organisations with limited political influence, weak
After 1967 they adopted a more political role, focusing
institutional capacity, and low levels of popular
both on pan-Arab issues (Palestine, Lebanon, Iraq) and
support. All but the IAF have less than one percent
national issues (the economic adjustment programme,
representation. Many of these parties are formed by
peace treaty with Israel). This political stance,
pro-government individuals who held decision-making
especially the active resistance to normalisation, has
positions in the past. Political parties are fragmented
often led to conflict with the government. The
and attempt to gain public support though patronage
government has at times threatened the professional
rather than by appealing to political programmes and
associations with rescinding compulsory membership
grassroots activities. Most parties seem unable to
and also with referring the laws under which they are
create effective political platforms or to represent
established to the Higher Council for an interpretation
political interests. This is in part due to a lack of
of their constitutionality. The 2001 Law on Public
resources, but it is also due to public fear of joining
Gatherings created tensions with the government, as
political parties given their recent proscribed status
did a proposed professional associations law which
and to an electoral law which favours independent
meddled in their internal affairs and allowed the Audit
candidates. Public apathy towards political parties is
Bureau to audit their accounts and access their funds.
affected by the weakness of Parliament,17 and by the
At times appointed committees from the ministries
fact that parties do not form the government nor
have attempted to supplant the elected councils of the
design government policy. The new political parties’ law
associations. Despite their uneasy relationship with
which took effect after the 2007 parliamentary
power they are generally allowed to hold activities
elections was an attempt to consolidate the political
within their own headquarters without permission from
scene with fewer, stronger parties. Although it achieved
the government, and require consent only for activities
outside their headquarters.
Working Paper 56
17 Democracy Reporting International, op. cit, p. 8.
7
its goal of reducing the number of parties, these remain
dominance of foreign issues on its agenda, namely the
just as ineffective, reflecting the fact that they lack
Israeli–Palestinian conflict, the war in Iraq, and the US
political incentives to be active given the marginal role
war on terrorism, has led to a confrontational
played by Parliament.
relationship with the regime. The regime regards the
Islamist movement as its most significant domestic
The electoral law encourages individuality, tribalism
rival, taking the place earlier occupied by Arab
and sectarianism to the detriment of a process based on
nationalists, leftists and Palestinian nationalists. The
electoral programs. Candidates tend to be elected based
question remains whether the regime will ultimately
on their ability to provide services to their constituents
treat the Islamist movement as a security challenge to
rather than on the electoral programme of their party.
be crushed or a political one to be co-opted and
Individual candidates are considered better suited to
contained. The party has traditionally strived not to
deliver on election promises through their tribal ties.
alienate the regime and has largely accepted the
Political parties play a limited role in parliamentary
limitations put in place against it and worked around
elections. Most parties therefore seek tribal support to
them. It is forced to operate under an electoral
assure their success in the elections and candidates are
framework deliberately designed to keep it at a
referred to the political programmes once elected. Party
parliamentary minority, which has led to a strategy of
alliances are sometimes formed around certain issues.
running only a limited number of candidates. In the
Some argue that the legal framework provides a
November 2007 elections it ran a slate of only 22
convenient excuse for the lack of progress, that parties
candidates, which was purged of extremists, in an
have become lazy, and that those elected to Parliament
apparent agreement reached with the government. The
have the wrong motivations: travel, money and benefits.
effectiveness of the IAF in influencing Jordanian policy
According to this view, with the right legislators
has thus been limited by its small parliamentary
Parliament could be more active.
representation and by the limitations of the Parliament
itself. Nevertheless, parliamentary representation has
Parties can be roughly classified as: those that were
given it considerable experience in using the body as a
active underground until their legitimisation in 1992
platform, and in recent years its abilities have been
(such as the Ba’ath and Communist parties and some
enhanced by its newfound willingness to forge opposition
linked to Palestinian movements such as the Jordanian
alliances, with nationalist and leftist parties. While these
People’s Democratic party and the Jordanian
parties contribute little in terms of a popular base, the
Democratic Popular Unity Party), the MB party
opposition front (which the IAF can dominate) allows
(IAF), parties formed by political figures that
the movement to speak as something more than a
previously occupied prominent positions in government,
narrow political party. It has sometimes been able to
the majority centrists (such as the National
obstruct or delay government action, though it has done
Constitutional Party), and formations that have split
so by direct bargaining or confrontation with a
from parties or coalesced into new ones (such as the
government keen to avoid controversy (such as when the
Jordanian Democratic Leftist Party or Al-Nahda
Parliament delayed consideration of an amended law of
Political Party). The executive authorities have been
professional associations in 2005), rather than through
calling for political parties to integrate and reduce
a parliamentary vote. Some of the extra-parliamentary
their numbers to a few big political parties
reform initiatives such as the National Charter or the
representative of the different currents, and a political
National Agenda have provided similar opportunities to
party law has been passed to this effect.
press issues.18
The IAF is the strongest party. Although it was
18 Brown, Nathan J., “Jordan and its Islamic Movement: The
Limits of Inclusion?”, Washington: Carnegie Endowment for
International Peace, Democracy and Rule of Law Project, Middle East
Series, Number 74, November 2006.
traditionally aligned with the government, it now
represents the only solid opposition party. The
Planting an Olive Tree: The State of Reform in Jordan
Ana Echagüe
8
There are 17 labour unions. Unions are required by the
although its board of trustees is appointed by royal
government to be members of the General Federation
decree and the government allocates money to it from
of Jordanian Unions (the sole trade union federation)
the national budget (there is a part of the national
which has been criticised for being too close to
budget which is allocated to all independent
government and for centralising decision-making to the
institutions and ratified by Parliament). The fact that it
detriment of the autonomy of the unions. The
was led by an ex-head of intelligence has been the
federation is financed by government, applauds every
subject of much criticism. In fact, Ahmad Obeidat was
new government and never objects to any government
head of intelligence in 1981 and since then has been
measures. Unions have thus limited power and
part of the mainstream opposition. He was forced to
independence. Unions operate under the 1960 Labour
resign in 2008 after the publication of a report
Law which was amended in 1976. Political parties
highlighting instances of fraud and the overall lack of
have historically had a large influence on unions, with
integrity and fairness of the electoral process. There
leftist parties being the most influential, and Islamists
has been some speculation that the centre could
characterised by their absence. Therefore the decline in
become one more element within the state apparatus.
influence of leftist forces has been accompanied by a
Some NGOs feel that it duplicates their work instead
decline in union influence on national policies. There
of working on changing the laws and that it is too soft
has been a recent decline in membership, from around
on some issues (as reflected when comparing its report
200,000 to 100,000. Only six or seven of them are
on torture with that of the UN rapporteur on torture).
seen to be active in defending workers rights. The flood
of expatriate labour workers has also decreased the
The main women’s organisations are the Jordanian
unions negotiating potential as they are not allowed to
Women’s Union, the General Federation of Jordanian
join unions.
Women (created by the Ministry of Social
Development), the National Commission for Women
The other two groups that are not allowed to form
and the Jordanian National Forum for Women.
unions are students and teachers, presumably because,
as the largest sectors of the community, they could
Institutions for public support and research centres
have a significant effect on changing policy and this
are either semi-official (under the supervision of the
instils fear in the authorities. Elections have been held
Royal Family or government) or belong to the private
in only six of the unions, with officials being appointed
sector. Research centres require a licence form the
in the rest. Dialogue between unions and the
Ministry of Trade and Industry.
government is confrontational and unions feel that they
are treated as opponents and constantly face the threat
Employers’ professional associations, which defend
of dissolution for being unconstitutional.
private sector interests, include chambers of commerce
(63,000 members; membership is compulsory),
Human Rights organisations started to surface in the
chambers of industry (15,000 members), employers’
1970s but didn’t begin to thrive until after the 1990s
professional associations, employers’ societies, the
when seven international conventions where ratified by
Association of Banks in Jordan and the Jordanian
Parliament and the government started presenting
Business Association.
human rights reports to the UN.
Civil protection and health care societies operate
The National Centre for Human Rights was established
under the 1966 Social Bodies Law but are registered
in 2002 by Royal Decree and in accordance with
under the Ministry of the Interior instead of the
provisional law 75 of 2002, which was approved by
Ministry of Social Development. Some are also
Parliament and made permanent in 2007. The centre is
registered as civil corporations with the Ministry of
said to be financially and administratively independent,
Trade and Industry (Centre for Defending the Freedom
Working Paper 56
9
of Journalists, Law Group for Human Rights
they are endorsed by both houses of Parliament and
(MIZAN). Most were established in the 1990s, post-
ratified by the king as stipulated in the Constitution.
1989 reforms. Most are directed towards the
These instruments become effective laws only after
handicapped and special needs and therefore have
they are promulgated by the king, and after 30 days
government approval.
from the date of their publication in the Official
Other categories of organisations include: cultural
associations and leagues, sports clubs, environmental
societies, teachers forums and foreign NGOs.
Legal framework
Constitution & international treaties
Freedom of Association is guaranteed in Jordan by
article 16 of the 1952 Constitution, which allows
Jordanians to form associations and political parties.
The Constitution also provides guarantees to protect
the fundamental freedoms and rights that relate to
democratic elections, freedom of expression and
assembly. Article 16 states that “(i) Jordanians shall
have the right to hold meetings within the limits of the
law. (ii) Jordanians are entitled to establish societies
and political parties provided that the objects of such
societies and parties are lawful, their methods
peaceful, and their by-laws not contrary to the
provisions of the Constitution. (iii) The establishment
of societies and political parties and the control of
their resources shall be regulated by law“. The
Associations and Social Entities Law No. 33 of 1966
amended by Law No. 2 of 1995 regulates the work of
associations. Since 2004 several draft laws have been
presented by the government to replace it. A new
Political Parties Law has recently replaced Law No.
32 of 1992 which regulated political parties. Other
laws regulating the work of civil society are the Trade
Unions and Professional Associations Law, the Public
Meetings Law No. 7 of 2004, the Labour Law, which
regulates the activities of union workers, the
Cooperative Societies Law, the Political Parties and
Associations Law, and the new Company Law of 1997.
Gazette. Thus, although Jordan has endorsed the
majority of international instruments and conventions
on human rights, most of these agreements have not
been presented before Parliament for discussion and
endorsement.19 The International Covenant on Civil
and Political Rights (which was ratified by Jordan in
1975) and the International Covenant on Economic,
Social and Cultural Rights were published in the
Official Gazette in June 2006, giving them the force of
law. The Convention on the Rights of the Child, The
International Convention on the Elimination of All
Forms of Discrimination and the Convention against
Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading
Treatment or Punishment were also published in the
Official Gazette in 2006, years after having been
signed and ratified. The Convention on the Elimination
of All forms of Discrimination Against Women was
signed and ratified (with reservations) and published in
the Official Gazette in July 2007, two days before the
UN was due to review Jordan’s compliance with it.
Jordan has not ratified the Convention on Freedom of
Association and Protection of the Right to Organise
(No. 87).
Other international conventions have been signed
without the requisite adaptation of the local
legislation. For example some aspects of the labour
laws are in contradiction with the international
conventions signed. The articles on the freedom to form
unions contradict the international conventions signed
as does the fact that public servants and foreign
labourers cannot join unions. Articles 134-135 violate
the right to stage strikes.
There appear to be contradictions between some of the
provisions in the Constitution and obligations under
international law pertaining to the international
covenants ratified. Article 91 of the Constitution
The international instruments ratified by the Jordanian
government are considered national laws only after
19 Rahal, op. cit.
Planting an Olive Tree: The State of Reform in Jordan
Ana Echagüe
10
stipulates: “The Prime Minister shall refer to the
nor whether priority should be given to applying
Chamber of Deputies any draft law, and the Chamber
international law over domestic law or vice versa. Lack
shall be entitled to accept, amend, or reject the draft
of amendments to domestic legislation reflective of
law, but in all cases the Chamber shall refer the draft
ratified agreements reveals a lack of real commitment,
law to the Senate. No law may be promulgated unless
as does the non-enforcement of the provisions of those
passed by both the Senate and the Chamber of
agreements as law before national courts.21
Deputies and ratified by the King.” Control of the
legislative process thus rests with the king and the
executive through the constitutional power to reject
legislation, the control of the upper house of
parliament and the possibility to issue provisional
legislation and decrees. In this sense there is no
guarantee that legislative power represents the will of
the elected house of Parliament, which contravenes one
of the central tenets of international standards related
to democratic governance (Article 25 of the
National legislation
The legal framework and regulations relating to civil
society in Jordan contain provisions that restrict the
right of association and limit the freedom of civil
society. These regulations contain restrictions that
prevent associations from achieving their goals, do not
provide adequate safeguards to ensure respect for the
right of association and facilitate the executive’s
interference in the activities of the associations.22
International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights).
In the same way, the fact that both houses of
The lack of a clear legal framework under which to
Parliament have equal powers in the legislative
operate is one of the main hindrances to freedom of
process, although only the lower house is popularly
association as organisations end up being subject to the
elected, also appears to undermine the concept of
prerogatives of the authorities. A wide range of
democratic ascendancy within the Constitution. The
organisations exist and they operate under different
Constitution allows the executive to postpone elections
laws: some were created under the 1966 Law of
for up to two years and to suspend Parliament
Charitable Societies, some under the Non-Profit
indefinitely, which undermines Jordan’s obligations
Private Company Law, and others by royal decree. This
under international law to guarantee periodic elections
lack
(Article 25 of the International Covenant for Civil and
Additionally, there are a range of other laws, some
Political Rights). These constitutional provisions create
recently enacted, such as the Anti-Terrorism Law and
a possibility for the arbitrary suspension of Parliament
the Public Meetings Law, which impinge in one way or
(indeed, it was under these powers that Parliament was
another on the activities of civil society organisations.
suspended in 2001 and parliamentary elections were
These laws usually give the government powers to
postponed for two years).20
monitor and interfere with the work of organisations.
of
homogeneity
constitutes
a
problem.
Restrictive articles of legislation have also been
In the same way, many of the laws that are being
introduced in the Political Parties Law and there have
legislated contain provisions contradicting the
been attempts to amend the Professional Associations
principles and standards contained in the international
Law so as to enable the government to restrict the
charters and conventions ratified by Jordan. The
work of those associations.
Jordanian Constitution lacks any provision giving
priority to the application of international treaties over
The 1966 Associations and Social Entities Law
domestic legislation. Neither has the Jordanian
(No.33) is the main legislation governing charitable
legislature addressed clearly the question of the
and voluntary societies reporting to the Ministry of
relationship between international and domestic laws,
Social Development. It also regulates civil society
organisations reporting to the Ministry of Youth,
20 Democracy Reporting International, op. cit, p. 7.
21 Rahal, op. cit.
22 Rahal, op. cit.
Working Paper 56
11
Culture and the Interior and governs groups that do not
Another form of restriction is the requirement of a
report to a particular ministry such as human rights
minimum number of members to establish an
groups, development, democracy, environment and
association, in this case seven. The law also allows the
women’s groups. The law defines a “charitable (or
minister to interfere in the administration of associations
voluntary) society” as a “body consisting of seven or
and in the organisation of their elections by appointing
more persons whose main objective is to organise its
an interim governing body in place of their original
endeavours for offering social services to citizens
governing body. The Associations and Social Entities
without aiming, through its activities or work, to make
Law, together with the Penal Code and the Anti-
or share material profits, secure a personal advantage
Terrorism Law, allow the search of the headquarters of
or achieve any political goals.” This definition does not
associations and the monitoring of their funding sources
include political societies or societies established by
on grounds of suspicion alone. Associations may not
special legislation.
have any political goals, although the term “political
goal” has not been legally defined, leaving interpretation
The law grants the Ministry wide supervisory powers
to the discretion of the Ministry of Social Development.
over these groups which can be used to interfere with
Associations are free to hold meetings at their
and restrict their work. It gives the Ministry and the
headquarters and centres without obtaining permission,
governor
incorporation
but need to notify the concerned administrative governor
applications, inspect their operations and records, audit
and obtain a written approval when organising any
their headquarters, supervise their elections and
activity outside their headquarters. The minister may
dissolve them. The Ministry may also examine the
dissolve any organisation that has contravened its basic
group registers and accounts to ensure that the funds
regulations or expended its funds in inappropriate ways.
are being expended for their designated purpose and
Article 16 lists the reasons for dissolving an association:
the
right
to
approve
that the work is being conducted in accordance with
the requirements of this law, towards its established
“A. Should the number of the governing body
goals, and in cooperation with the ministry concerned.
members become inadequate to properly convene
The level of intrusion is such that Article 15 stipulates
because of resignation, death or failure to attend
that the association must inform the Ministry of Social
three consecutive meetings without excuse, and the
Development of the election day of its governing body
failure to fulfil the sufficient number of members in
at least 15 days before the set date such that the
accordance with the provisions of the statutes.
Ministry may send an employee to verify that the
B. Should the governing body violate the provisions
election is conducted in accordance with the statutes.
of statutes related to the reelection of its members
or to summoning the General Assembly to convene,
Associations must obtain a written authorisation from
or to accepting memberships, and fail to rectify the
the minister in order to establish an association, and
violation within a month from the date of the
the refusal of such authorisation need not be specified.
Minister’s written warning. The interim governing
The Ministry must decide within three months on an
body shall summon the General Assembly within
application for registration. The minister may seek the
sixty days from the date it was formed, and present
opinion of the administrative governor before granting
a detailed report to the Assembly on the situation
approval for the establishment of an association or
of the concerned association. The General Assembly
organisation. In practise approval is usually contingent
shall elect in this session a new governing body.”23
on security considerations. The law did not originally
give the applicant the right to contest the Ministry’s
Two new draft proposals were submitted to the prime
decision but this changed with the Higher Court of
minister’s office, one drafted by the Ministry of Social
Justice’s granting of the right to challenge
administrative decisions.
23 Rahal, op. cit.
Planting an Olive Tree: The State of Reform in Jordan
Ana Echagüe
12
Development and the other by the Ministry of Political
Unions are regulated by the 1953 Labour Union Law
Development, in 2007:
and 1960 Labour Law for Political Associations.
Contrary to the freedoms guaranteed by the
The law drafted under the Ministry of Political
international conventions signed, the government
Development was the result of a participative process
continues to ban the right to organise unions among
which included civil society organisations and various
public servants, including teachers and the workers of
different ministries, including the Ministry of Social
Jordanian pharmaceutical factories, whose numbers
Development. It streamlines the registration process,
exceed 5,000. Foreign labourers are also banned from
provides for improvements in funding by removing
joining unions. The law limits worker rights to freedom
restrictions and states that organisations cannot be
of association and collective bargaining, with articles
shut down without a court order. The draft law
134-135 violating the right to stage strikes. Unions are
proposed by the Ministry of Social Development was
required to obtain the approval of the administrative
much more restrictive. Under this draft the government
governor for any activity they wish to hold, even within
does not act as a regulatory but rather as an
their headquarters. Article 13/B of the Labour Law
authorisation organism. It allows the Ministry to police
grants labour inspectors the right to inspect the
organisations’ headquarters, granting
Ministry
registers of trade unions, which is considered
employees judicial police powers. It requires pre-
interference in the affairs of the unions and a
authorisation to receive foreign funds. This is the
diminution of their independence in the administration
version that most expect will be passed.
of the affairs of their members. The Universities Law
prohibits the formation of student unions and tasks the
The cabinet in October 2007, days before the
university president’s office with the appointment of
parliamentary elections, proposed the more restrictive
half of the student council members while the
draft law. The parliament never voted on the draft and
remaining half is elected by the students.
following civil society protests it was eventually
withdrawn by Prime Minister Dahabi in January 2008.
The Jordanian Cabinet approved a draft law on
The Ministry of Social Development then led a series
professional associations in 2005 which would bar
of consultations on a new draft law, only to disregard
professional associations from engaging in politics and
civil society input. In June 2008 a draft NGO law as
change the way in which they elect their leadership. The
restrictive as the one put forth in 2007 was introduced
generalised outcry against it and the strong opposition
by the government. The law, which places harsh
from the IAF prevented it being presented to
restrictions on foreign funding of NGOs and allows
Parliament for endorsement. It stipulated that
Ministry officials to reject NGO attempts to register
members of the local branches of the associations
for almost any reason, came into force after being
would elect intermediary councils and that the
approved by Parliament, signed by the king and
members of these councils in turn would elect each
published.
association’s president and general council, changes
which aimed to minimise the influence of Islamist
Some civil society organisations, in an attempt to avoid
candidates. The draft also authorised the Audit Bureau
interference from the Ministry of Social Development,
to inspect the associations’ financial records, and
are registered as non-profit companies under the
restrict their activities to internal and professional
Ministry of Trade and Industry. Nevertheless, in 2007
matters. Written approval from the Interior Ministry,
the Ministry issued new regulations extending its
obtained three days in advance, would be required to
supervisory role to monitoring funding. The provisions
hold a gathering or meeting. The law would also create
adopted are similar to those proposed by the Ministry
a disciplinary council to judge offences. The law also
of Social Development in its draft law. All
prohibits ties between the professional associations in
organisations are also required to re-register.
Jordan and those in the Palestinian territories.
Working Paper 56
13
The 1992 Law on Political Parties regulated until
government. All parties have agreed to reject the new
recently the formation of political parties. It
law which they feel represents a reversal in terms of its
introduced a liberalised regulation for the formation of
numerous penalties, regulations and prohibitions. They
political parties through registration with the Ministry
feel the new law has doubled the emphasis on security
of Interior (MOI) and, in general, allowed for parties
considerations and that it does not deal with parties as
to function without governmental interference. The new
political institutions with a right to access power, but
Law on Political Parties passed in 2007 increases the
rather portrays them as a hindrance rather than as a
number of founding members required for a political
contribution to public life. Some would prefer a
party from 50 to 500 members (the initial draft law
percentage threshold for parliamentary representation
proposed an increase to 250 but Parliament raised it
as a means of consolidating the party scene.
to 500) with a requirement that the party must also
have members in at least five different governorates.
By far the most contentious law is the electoral law
Most political parties have expressed concern over
which since 1993 is based on the “one man one vote”
their ability to meet the proposed new requirement.
system. This system allows the individual one vote
Another important aspect of the new law is the
regardless of how many parliamentary seats represent
condition that political parties must be non-
their district. The law benefits independent candidates
discriminatory. This requirement prohibits any party to
with strong personal or tribal connections to the
discriminate on the grounds of religion or ethnicity and
detriment of political parties that cannot effectively
there is some concern that the provision may be used
run lists of candidates in each district as voters get only
as a means to restrict parties that stand on a religious
one choice. The Election Law that regulates the
or ethnic platform. The law also restricts the use of
conduct of parliamentary elections was issued as
religious premises for political party activity. The IAF
provisional legislation in 2001 and amended again in
may be particularly adversely affected by these aspects
2003. The TEL has never received the formal approval
of the new law as the measures restrict party activities
of Parliament and its constitutional legitimacy is
and election campaigning in its traditional areas of
therefore questionable. By law, provisional legislation is
support, especially in mosques.24 Every year political
valid only if it is placed before Parliament at the
parties must submit their budget to the MOI and prove
beginning of its next session. This temporary legal
that their membership dues have been paid. Positive
framework falls short of international standards for
aspects of the new law include the inadmissibility of
democratic elections, most notably by not guaranteeing
harming or questioning citizens or holding them
the universal principle of equality of suffrage amongst
accountable or prejudicing their constitutional rights
voters.25
because of their party affiliation. It also provides for
state funding of registered parties and allows for the
A policy to ensure the over-representation of
utilisation of official media outlets and the opening of
parliamentary seats from rural areas at the expense of
public facilities for partisan activities.
urban areas, where most Jordanians of Palestinian
origin live, has led to large discrepancies in the number
The new law aims to reduce the number of political
of voters that each seat represents. The regime sees the
parties by forcing them to consolidate. The goal is to
large population of Palestinian origin in urban areas as
force the creation of political parties that can act as a
a political obstacle to any process of electoral reform
counterweight to the IAF but it is doubtful if parties
and this situation may continue until the final status
can be created from above in such a manner. The
negotiations between Palestinians and Israelis reach a
government contends that once this consolidation is
permanent solution on the issue of refugees. The
achieved the majority party would be able to form the
Cabinet of Ministers has discretionary power to decide
24 Democracy Reporting International, op. cit, p. 8.
25 Democracy Reporting International, op. cit, p. 1.
Planting an Olive Tree: The State of Reform in Jordan
Ana Echagüe
14
on how the 104 directly-elected parliamentary seats
Parliament is unlikely to present a bill to change the
should be distributed among the 45 different electoral
electoral law as its MPs have been elected under the
districts. A governmental decree is issued ahead of an
existing law. Any dialogue on a new law will therefore
election stating how many seats have been allocated to
have to be spearheaded by the prime minister. There
each electoral district. There are no established
seems to be a generalised consensus, at least among
criteria, such as population size or geographical or
parties, that any proposal should include a
regional representation, for the method by which the
combination of one man one vote and proportional
government determines the allocation of seats.
representation with one vote for the locality and one
vote for a national list.
Other shortcomings of the Election Law that need to
be addressed include: the lack of a mechanism that
Another contentious issue regarding elections is the
allows citizens to seek legal remedy to protect or
issue of observers to ensure fairness and transparency.
enforce their electoral rights or to ensure that there is
Many civil society organisations fear that transparency
compliance with the law, the lack of legal requirement
will be undermined by the lack of local or international
for a detailed and prompt publication of results,
observers and accuse the government of interference in
insufficient safeguards of the right to vote in secret for
the appointment of individuals to act as observers. The
illiterate voters, the lack of a set campaign period or
government has informally conceded the possibility of
rules on campaign spending, lack of guarantees for
monitoring but there are no laws to establish rules and
equitable access for candidates to publicly-funded
regulations concerning monitoring. The government
media and administration of elections by the Ministry
referred all organisations interested in monitoring the
of Interior instead of an independent electoral
November 2007 parliamentary elections to the
commission.26
National Centre for Human Rights (NCHR), which was
advised that it could only enter the area outside the
There have been numerous proposals for amendment
schools where voting took place, thereby precluding the
of the law, starting in 1999 with the Jordan First
observation of counting, sorting and voting itself. The
Committee
through to the suggestions made by
NCHR notified the government of their intention to
National Agenda in 2005, but none of them have been
observe and offered to train observers but did not
taken up. The National Agenda Committee brought
receive an official response. Additional problems with
together some 400 representatives to, among other
the elections include the lack of specific voter lists by
things, “enhance public participation in the decision-
precinct (all voters need is their ID with which they can
making process and strengthen the role of the civil
vote in any polling station within their constituency),
society institutions”. This initiative produced a
“ironing” of voters (using an iron to remove the
comprehensive national action plan with one of the key
impression on the ID card so that people can vote more
recommendations being for electoral reform so as to
than once), transfer of voters from one constituency to
strengthen the public’s engagement in politics and
another, buying of votes and government interference in
build the capacity of Parliament and political parties
candidate’s submission and withdrawal.
as democratic institutions. All sides participating in the
initiative were unanimous on the need for electoral
The Public Meetings Law of 2004 constrains the right
reform, differing only on the type of election system
of associations to organise rallies, sit-ins and
that should be adopted, although all professed a
demonstrations, contradicting the principles contained
preference for a “mixed” system. Despite such
in signed international covenants. It restricts freedom
consensus, the government seems to have chosen not to
of association through its requirement of submission of
follow the recommendations of the National Agenda.
a request, three days in advance, to the administrative
governor in order to hold a public meeting or march.
26 Democracy Reporting International, op. cit, p. 2.
Working Paper 56
The law also requires specification of the names,
15
addresses and signatures of the applicants, the goal of
based restrictions are open to wide interpretation and
the meeting or march as well as the location and the
are likely to continue to limit the freedom of the media.
time set for either event. Article 8 holds those
While there is some improvement in the protection of
requesting permission to hold a meeting or rally
journalists from arrest, they are still vulnerable to
responsible for any damages in the event of a breach of
arrest and detention under provisions of the Penal
public security during the meeting or a march.
Code Articles 150 and 195 (“stirring up sectarian
Violations of this law can lead to imprisonment for a
strife or sedition among the nation “and lèse majesté )
minimum period of one month and a maximum period
which continue to be used against journalists and in
of three months or fine of JD 200 to JD 1,000, or
this way contribute to a climate of self-censorship. Free
both. Under this law unions must obtain approval from
speech seems to end when it comes to sensitive
the governor for any activity they hold, even within
political issues.28 There are certain issues which are
their headquarters. Following the issuance of the
off-limits to the press such as: demographics of
Public Meetings Law, the Minister of the Interior
Jordanians of Palestinian origin, the Royal Family, the
issued additional regulations on meetings and rallies
judicial system, the Ministry of Planning and the Army.
through which he prohibited “the use of slogans,
Basic information/statistics (such as the number of
expressions, songs, drawings or pictures that are
Christians or Jordanians of Palestinian origin) are not
detrimental to the state’s sovereignty, national unity,
available.
security or public order.”27
In this sense, the laws do not fully protect freedom of
A new draft law on public meetings passed both houses
expression and legislation is used by the authorities as
of parliament in 2008. It presents a minor
a means to restrict journalists. On 9 October 2007 a
improvement over the old law but continues to be very
State
restrictive. While it still requires prior written approval
parliamentarian Ahmad Oweidi al-Abbadi to two years
by the governor in order to hold a public meeting, the
in prison for “attacking the state’s prestige and
response time has been reduced from three to two days
reputation”. Al-Abbadi, a Member of Parliament from
and a lack of response is considered to be an approval.
1989-1993 and 1997-2001, and head of the Jordan
The governor is still not required however to justify any
National Movement (a party not recognised by the
refusal to grant permission for any gathering.
government), was arrested on 3 May after posting an
Security
Court
sentenced
former
open letter to US Senator Harry Reid on his party’s
The media is regulated by the Press and Publications
website that accused Interior Minister Eid al-Fayez
Law of 1998, amended in 2003 and again in 2007. The
and other government members of corruption.
law allows the authorities to be overly intrusive and in
this way encourages self-censorship among journalists
Journalists are required to be members of the Jordan
and editors. The lower house of parliament finally
Press Association, in violation of international
endorsed changes to the law in March 2007, abolishing
conventions, while attempts to establish an alternative
clauses allowing the imprisonment of journalists.
writers union of reporters have been legally refuted.
Instead journalists can face fines of up to JD 28,000
Media owners must grant the Ministry access to
for violations relating to defaming religion, offending
budget information of all media organisations.
religious prophets, inciting sectarian strife or racism,
slandering individuals, and spreading false information
Most media can best be described as governmental.
or rumours. It requires that “publications shall adhere
Conflict of interest is rampant as a large percentage of
to… principles of… national responsibility... and the
journalists
values of the Arab and Islamic Nation”. Such broad-
organisations. The government has its TV and
27 Rahal, op. cit.
are
consultants
in
governmental
28 Democracy Reporting International, op. cit, p. 30.
Planting an Olive Tree: The State of Reform in Jordan
Ana Echagüe
16
newspaper as well as ownership of the distribution. The
on the governor’s judgement. According to the NCHR
lack of professionalism in the media is another
Human Rights Report for 2006, the current
problem, as coupled with a spirit of intimidation and
implementation of the Crime Prevention Law violates
the fear of ending up in court, it leads to greater self-
both international and national legislation and leads to
censorship. The Protection of State Secrets and
arbitrary behaviour on the part of judicial police
Documents Law turns all information in the possession
officers, with persons being punished twice for the
of the state into confidential information unless
same offence, once by the judiciary and again by the
allowed to be published.
administrative governor. It contributes to the
generalised climate of fear.
There is strict security monitoring of the media,
particularly websites. The Jordanian Press and
Publications Department announced in September
2007 that regulations of the Press and Publications
Law would be extended to websites and online
publications. The department stated that it will not
attempt to censor content, but will monitor it and
prosecute if needed. Journalists and civil rights
activists protested the measure as “damaging to
Fiscal regime / taxation
Civil society organisations are tax exempt by virtue of
being volunteer non-profit organisations. Some
organisations receive exemptions from customs or
taxes accrued on property. Royal foundations often
further benefit from exemption from paying sales
taxes, a measure other associations believe should be
extended to them too.
freedom of expression”.
The 2008 rankings published by Journalists without
Borders rank Jordan 121st (it was 109th in 1996).
The Anti-Terrorism Law adopted in 2006 allows
anyone to be held on suspicion and entitles the State
Security Public Prosecutor to detain suspects, carry
out surveillance, prevent suspects from travelling, and
monitor financial assets. The suspect may file a
“grievance” against these decisions before the same
State Security Court by challenging them “within three
days from the date the individual was informed” of the
decisions. If the complaint was rejected by the State
Security Public Prosecutor or extended for a period
Foreign associations
Foreign associations operate under Law 33 and must
register prior to their establishment. They may start
their activities prior to registration but must negotiate
on a case by case basis the development of their
activities and their tax exemption. International
organisations must register under the Ministry of
Social Development. The Ministry may authorise a
foreign organisation to open one or several antennas in
Jordan which will be subject to the same rules and
control as Jordanian associations. In practice, foreign
associations usually open their local antennas without
prior authorisation as the registration procedure can
take years to become effective.29
exceeding one week, the individual may appeal before
the Cassation Court. The Cassation Court’s decisions in
such cases are final. The legislation was first proposed
in November 2005 in the wake of the terrorist
bombings in Amman. The House of Representatives
approved on 29 August 2006 the controversial draft
law despite objections by Islamist deputies and human
rights activists.
The Crime Prevention Law allows the administrative
government to detain people under suspicion that they
will commit a crime. Detention can be renewed based
Working Paper 56
29 Doucin, Michel., (ed.), “Guide de la liberté associative dans le
monde”, La Documentation française, Paris, 2007.
17
is often attributed to security considerations but
Key obstacles
reasons for the denial are most often probably
undisclosed political matters. In 2006 the Ministry of
the Interior denied the licensing of four associations. In
Most of the key obstacles highlighted by civil society
the event of rejection, associations can appeal this
representatives are contained within the legislation
administrative decision before the Cassation Court.
described above, the main issues relating to:
They also have the right to seek compensation before
registration, dissolution and oversight. Additional
regular courts.30
complaints refer to the elasticity of the laws, that is,
the flexibility in their implementation and difficulties
pertaining to funding.
Registration
The Associations and Social Entities Law requires a
minimum of seven founding members and the
submission of a request for registration to the Ministry
with the statutes attached in order to approve the
registration of a society. The request should include:
– Name of the charity, social entity or union.
– Addresses of the society’s headquarters and
branches.
– Names, professions, ages and places of residence of
the founding members who must not be under 21
years of age.
– Detailed account of the purposes and goals for which
the society was created.
– Membership requirements, fees and ways to revoke
Oversight
There is extensive and intrusive supervision over
associations (administrative, financial, members,
activities) by the Ministry of Social Development and
the Ministry of the Interior. This has led many
organisations to register under the Ministry of Trade
and Industry in an attempt to avoid such scrutiny.
Under the Associations and Social Entities Law, the
Minister for Social Development assumes oversight
over the different types of charities, social bodies and
federations. Organisations are required to maintain the
following information in their headquarters: the
statutes and names of the governing body’s members
during each election cycle and the date of their
election; the names of all members, their identification
information, age and date of affiliation; minutes of
meetings of the General Assembly in sequence; minutes
of meetings of the governing body in sequence; detailed
income and expenditure accounts; supplies and assets.
membership.
– Method for electing the governing body tasked with
In addition they must notify the minister of every
conducting the business of and overseeing the entity’s
modification to their headquarters, amendment to
affairs.
their statutes or change to their governing body.
– Convention and dissolution of the entity.
Amendments to the statutes will only take effect after
– Monitoring and managing the financial affairs of the
obtaining written approval from the minister after
consultation with the concerned federation. The change
entity.
in the governing body will only take effect after
– Disposal of the entity’s funds in case of dissolution.
obtaining a written approval from the minister after
The Law requires a written permission or authorisation
consultation with the governor. Every organisation has
from the minister prior to the formation of any
to submit two copies of its annual report outlining its
association. If after three months from the receipt of
activities, the overall amount spent to achieve its goals
the request by the Ministry the applicants have not yet
and sources of income. Each organisation must obtain
received a notice of the decision, or of the presence of
a certificate from a licensed auditor at least once a
legal deficiencies in the application or the statutes
year. If these provisions are not adhered to, the minister
presented, they can then start their activity as if the
association were registered. The denial of registration
30 Rahal, op. cit.
Planting an Olive Tree: The State of Reform in Jordan
Ana Echagüe
18
can order the dissolution of any charity, social entity or
resort to the judiciary in order to challenge the
federation.31
dissolution decision before the Cassation Court.
Associations targeted for dissolution are usually those
The Ministry can send representatives to observe any
with political or ideological orientations opposing that of
meeting or election and to inspect any records at any
the government, such as Islamist organisations, or those
time. Permission to organise a workshop has to be
associations whose founders include individuals with a
requested two months in advance. In general there is
partisan history of opposition to government policies.32
little interference in associations’ activities as long as
they are within the goals and objectives set forth in the
NCHR reports that the number of associations
statutes, and loyal to the government. However,
dissolved by the Ministry of Social Development was
opposition associations are subject to dissolution and
nine in 2005 and five in 2006. The reasons cited were
interference, such as was the case of the Jordanian
deviations from the goals they were founded to pursue
Women’s Union, which was dissolved twice because of
or their statutes and contravening the Associations and
its political positions. There is also more informal
Social Entities Law.33
monitoring and supervision by the Jordanian
intelligence services, which are often accused of
planting people (their presence at workshops and
intimidation of participants is notorious). This
discourages citizens from joining organisations for fear
of being persecuted and encourages self-censorship.
During the few months in the run up to the 2007
elections, scrutiny intensified. This seems to be the
expression of a concerted effort from above rather
than simply the initiative of an isolated ministry.
Dissolution and suspension
The Associations and Social Entities Law allows the
Ministry to dissolve any organisation without judicial
oversight if the association has breached its statutes, has
not implemented the goals set forth in its statutes, has
stopped working for six months or displayed
shortcomings in its work, has refused to allow officials
to attend its meetings, inspect its premises, documents or
records, has expended its funds for purposes other than
those specified, has submitted to concerned official
authorities incorrect data, generally violated any
provision of the Law, or if one third of its general
assembly members who are entitled to vote voted in
favour of its dissolution. The reasons for dissolving
associations are as unclear as the reasons for denial of
registration. Dissolution is often justified by and
attributed to “undermining the objectives or legal
violations”. The Law allows association founders to
Funding
Most organisations suffer from a lack of financial
resources and depend on government and foreign
support. The funds allocated to support social and
charitable work in the general budget are very limited,
which obliges civil society organisations to resort to
international donors for funding. The most important
sources of funding include the United Nations
agencies, the European Union and international
organisations of different nationalities. The law
establishes many restrictions that limit the right of
associations to acquire or own property and funds or
use property other than those licenced. Some analysts
are beginning to note that this is leading to a civil
society driven by donors. Professional associations are
more sustainable due to compulsory membership fees.
The IAF and some other political parties rely on
influential leaders or regional affiliations that can
provide necessary financial resources. Most other
parties face difficulties in financing their activities.
In theory the government does not limit access to
foreign funding but it does require express
authorisation from the ministry concerned. Some
organisations complain that they have not been able to
accept foreign funds because the Ministry of Social
Development has simply not responded to their request
32 Rahal, op. cit.
33 NCHR report for 2006
31 Rahal, op. cit.
Working Paper 56
19
and accompanying proposal, even a year after it was
eventually released, they were held in solitary
made. The Ministry sent a letter to all embassies in
confinement with some of their wrongful detentions
2007 reminding them that they may not fund
lasting more than five months without their being
Jordanian organisations or foreign organisations
charged. Shortly afterwards four members of the IAF
operating in Jordan without prior consent. In practice,
were arrested and charged with incitement after
some organisations accept foreign funds without
visiting Al Zarqawi’s funeral tent and offering
government approval and have thus far had no
comments that implied support for Al Zarqawi’s
problems. In general terms regional organisations seem
actions in Iraq. The parliamentarians were arrested for
to be less constrained by regulations than local ones,
their statements and tried in the State Security Court.
an example of the inequity in application of the law.
In July 2006, the Cabinet took an additional step,
The Ministry has attempted to take over some aspects
acting on a report by the public prosecutor alleging
of the administration of the financing of civil society
irregularities in the management of the Islamic Centre,
organisations. Donor countries are expected to provide
the largest NGO associated with the Islamist
the funds to the Ministry, which in turn finances the
movement, to replace the organisation’s board. The
projects of associations applying for funding using
king finally issued a pardon of the deputies.
applications specifically designed for this end. However,
the Ministry is accused of not being objective in the
The leftist parties have not escaped the harassment of
disbursement of these funds and has the option to
the security agencies either, as a number of their
deprive associations of funding based on its own
members were detained and arrested on the basis of
criteria, which makes many associations and
participation in and calling for rallies and popular
organisations reluctant to request funding from the
actions to support the resistance in Palestine, Lebanon
Ministry and resort to donor parties directly instead.
and Iraq. In addition, in 2006, the security services
arrested a number of professional association members
The Anti-Terrorism Law allows the government to
based on expressions of their political views on the
control the bank accounts of associations, and punishes
regional situation. Furthermore, the Minister of the
them for donating to charities suspected of supporting
Interior and the Governor of the Capital denied
militant groups in Palestine, Lebanon and Iraq. While
licences to a number of activities and festivals marking
the Audit Bureau was established to monitor the
Land Day and those supporting the resistance in
financial behaviour of the government, the government
Palestine, Lebanon and Iraq. Likewise, the security
issued a decision that obliges professional associations
forces prevented some of the festivals and rallies by
to subject their accounts and general budgets to the
force, including a rally the opposition parties and
scrutiny of the Audit Bureau. In this way it interferes
professional associations called for to support the
with the freedom of associations to manage their
Lebanese resistance in confronting Israeli aggression.
financial affairs and their own resources.
There are no specific restrictions on women joining
Targeted/excluded groups
In the aftermath of the US invasion of Iraq and the
election of Hamas the relationship between the IAF
and the Jordanian regime has become steadily more
adversarial with some of the regime’s actions
prompting speculation that it is moving towards open
repression of the Islamist movement. In 2006, security
agencies arrested some members of the IAF based on
the unlikely claim that Hamas was preparing to launch
attacks within Jordan. Although the detainees were
associations, yet women’s groups are especially
susceptible to interference by the security services, given
that often their members are of Palestinian origin.
Although women enjoy significant presence and
representation in many organisations, this is not the case
in political parties, professional associations and trade
unions, where women have a low presence. This is
attributed to dominant social perceptions and patterns
that promote women’s presence in charitable activities
and diminish it in political circles, parties and associations.
Planting an Olive Tree: The State of Reform in Jordan
Ana Echagüe
20
Political Development. They held extensive meetings on
State – civil society
relations
the development of the law and jointly produced a
draft. Despite supposed party representation in the
joint committee all parties have come out against the
new law, so there seems to have been some flaw in the
process. A civil society draft law was also drawn up
While the reform process initiated in 1989 did lead to
after a process that included participation from a
an increase in cooperation between civil society and the
broad spectrum of NGOs, but nevertheless a much
government, the government is still reluctant to grant
more restrictive version which disregarded civil
these organisations too much space and independence
society’s concerns was the one to be presented to and
in the fear that they may gain political influence. While
approved by Parliament.
the state views national organisations as partners in
development issues it is suspicious of any initiatives in
In terms of political parties, the state’s general
the political arena and so attempts to rein them in
approach towards Islamist, nationalist or leftist
through legislation that restricts their operations. The
parties has oscillated between co-optation and
government does consult some organisations in regard
repression. Most recently, however, it appears to be
to decisions relevant to the public interest, such as
combining the two strategies at the same time,
personal status laws, employment and development
initiating formal processes of political reform (with
projects especially with regard to the Millennium
various new campaigns, dialogues, and laws) while not
Development Goals, and when writing country reports
actually contributing to their strengthening.35
on its commitment to international human rights
conventions like those submitted to the CEDAW
The pervasive role of the king in all aspects, executive,
Committee or the Committee on the Rights of the
legislative and judiciary, has created expectations
Child. Nevertheless, the government usually enacts laws
among both his supporters and the opposition that any
independently and without consultation with civil
reform must originate from the Royal Court. Thus
society, particularly with regard to political and
political and social campaigns, whether by parties or
economic affairs such as the Political Parties,
civil society, focus on attracting the attention of the
Elections and the Income Tax Laws.34
king as progress in any area is seen to depend on his
will. The king actively encourages and initiates policy
In those instances where dialogue has taken place
discussions outside Parliament, seeking a direct
between civil society and government on more political
dialogue among key interlocutors. While the outcomes
issues, concrete results have yet to be implemented. The
of these initiatives have no legally binding force and
Ministry of Political Development, charged with
mostly remain unimplemented, they do provide an
nurturing the relationship between state and society as
indication of the consensus for reform. Yet, while these
well as furthering a participative society, is also said to
initiatives offer an important platform for interlocutors
be the weakest ministry and the one with least support.
to exchange ideas and reach political compromises,
Although it has initiated multiple stakeholder
their set-up sidelines the institutional framework for
processes for the purpose of reforming legislation on
political discussion and contributes to the further
political parties and associations, these have yet to
weakening of an already feeble Parliament.36 In a
bear concrete results. For the purpose of the Political
similar fashion, civil society organisations, especially
Parties Law a joint committee was formed of political
the royal NGOs, often find that they have greater
party representatives and government representatives
support from the Palace than from the government.
from the Ministry of the Interior and the Ministry of
35 Brown, op. cit.
36 Democracy Reporting International, op. cit.
34 Rahal, op. cit.
Working Paper 56
21
The NCHR for example has had several conflicts with
the state–society relationship and the main pillar of
the government, such as in relation to the issuance of
rent distribution by the state. Appointments in the
the
these
public sector (representing close to 50 percent of total
confrontations with the government the king has ended
employment) are an important instrument towards the
up overruling the government in favour of the centre,
maintenance of the patron–client networks that help
hardly a way to give credibility to the government.
sustain the state. Reforming this sector would entail
anti-terrorism
law. In
several
of
changing the social contract between state and society
In any case, participation in any of these reform
and reducing privileges to politicians and tribal leaders
initiatives, as is the case with policy-making and
which provide stability and support to the regime.
implementation generally, has been mostly relegated to
Structural changes to this system of privileges face
the ruling elite. The regime is known to act single-
severe resistance from entrenched and privileged
handedly in the implementation of top-down policies.
groups. Thus little progress has been made to reform
Any reform efforts are imposed from the top after being
public administration and introduce merit-based
initiated and designed by the Palace’s multiple
recruitment and payment.38
initiatives.
Effective
involvement
of
different
stakeholders is lacking perhaps because civil society,
Future reform will depend on whether the regime is
political parties, and unions are too weak to play a role
convinced that Jordan’s stability is best maintained
in supporting or blocking reform. The state does not
through political liberalisation or through repression.
perceive these groups as influential stakeholders to be
The regime believes that socio-economic developments
considered in the process of designing and introducing
will take pressure off but the question is how long the
reform measures. The state’s institutional capacity to
country can sustain the status quo. The later the reform
promote participation, make information available, and
the more destabilising the situation will be. A lack of
facilitate the process of debating reform and potential
progress could lead to a rise in support for the more
changes is either limited or withheld. There are no
extreme elements of the Islamist movement and
effective channels of communication between the state
growing discontent could lead to the IAF adopting a
and society in place. Available networks are not
more confrontational stance.
independent and are often controlled by the state and its
security branches. The appointment of former Director
of the General Intelligence Department, Ahmad Obeidat,
rights groups of major human rights violations.37
Domestic calls for
reform
Furthermore the average term of Jordanian
Calls for reform from local activists and civil society
governments during the last fifteen years has been less
range from broad appeals for a more balanced
than two years. This has often made governments and
distribution of power through constitutional reform to
individual ministers hesitant to implement reform
detailed proposals on the Association Law governing
programmes. Despite the regime’s claim to prioritise
their activities. These include the following:
as chairman of the National Centre for Human Rights,
is a case in point. The GID stands accused by human
reform of administrative structures, any fundamental
changes to the system are often avoided by the
government. The public sector is the key instrument of
37 Alissa, Sufyan., “Rethinking Economic Reform in Jordan:
Confronting Socioeconomic Realities”, Washington: Carnegie
Endowment for International Peace, Carnegie Middle East Center,
Carnegie Papers, Number 4, July 2007, p 9-10.
Constitutional reform to ensure balance of powers:
– Government should be formed by the winning
majority parliamentary coalition as opposed to being
appointed by the king.
38 Ibid
Planting an Olive Tree: The State of Reform in Jordan
Ana Echagüe
22
– Parliament should be granted full legislative and
– Prohibit official bodies from interfering in the
oversight power, unchecked by an appointed upper house.
administration of associations or from dissolving
– The judiciary should be truly independent.
them except in the case of a decision issued by the
– Independent Constitutional Courts should be
judicial authority.
– Abolish the requirement of informing the authorities
established.
in
National legislation:
– Should be in accordance with the international
conventions signed.
– Should guarantee the liberties established in the
Constitution.
– Should not be decreed by the king as “temporary
legislation”.
– Repeal the Anti-Terrorism Law.
– Repeal the Public Meetings Law.
– Amend Associations and Social Entities Law.
advance
of
upcoming
meetings
of
the
organisation’s electives bodies.
– Abolish the requirement of authorisation for
activities outside the organisation’s headquarters.
– Allow the formation of national, regional and
international coalitions without prior authorisation.
– Allow civil servants, teachers and university students
to form unions.
– Remove restrictions on funding from foreign donors.
– Allocation of public funds to civil society in an
equitable and transparent manner.
– Abolish requirement for unions to obtain the
Elections:
Reform of the electoral framework is needed before the
next elections in 2011. The absence of political reform
has already undermined the public’s confidence in
elections and the role of Parliament. The “one man one
vote” system should be replaced by some form of mixed
system, and parliamentary seat distribution should be
revised towards a more proportionate allocation that
ensures equal suffrage. The Ministry of the Interior
should adopt measures to increase the transparency of
the electoral process, through independent election
observation, involve parties and candidates more in the
preparation of the elections and provide for a prompt
and detailed publication of results.
Political parties:
– Remove requirements on number of founding
members and provenance.
Civil society:
– Abolish the requirement of prior authorisation by the
Minister for Registration and prior consultation of
the governor by the minister.
– Simplify requirements for establishing an
association, including removal of required number of
founders.
– Allow organisations to freely adopt and modify their
statutes.
Working Paper 56
approval of the administrative governor for their
activities, including within their headquarters.
– Formalise and encourage the participation of civil
society in the decision-making process regarding
public policies.
Media:
– Remove required membership of Jordan Press
Association.
– Remove broad-based restrictions which are open to
wide interpretations.
– Improve access to information.
– Contribute to professionalism in journalism through
training.
– Refrain from using penal code to prosecute
journalists.
Education:
– Public-awareness campaigns.
– Democratic curriculum in education system.
– Ensure academic freedom.
– Ombudsmen.
Remove all administrative and security-based
restrictions imposed, directly or indirectly, on the work
of trade unions, professional associations, political
parties, civil society and the media.
23
society organisations masks the constraints that they
Conclusion
operate under both in terms of the specific legal
framework that regulates their activities and the
broader democratic deficits related to the monarchy’s
Jordan’s path to reform has been a carefully managed
concentration of power, the lack of independence of the
top-down process which has all the trappings of
judiciary and the overly extensive and intrusive
democracy while lacking substance. The balance of
supervision they are subjected to.
power is highly slanted towards the king, his ministers
and the unelected upper house, while the elected lower
Without further substantial reform, it remains to be
house of parliament remains constrained in its powers
seen whether Jordan’s status as a favourite of foreign
and thus ineffective and lacking in credibility. This has
donors and King Abdullah’s economic reform strategy
created grave disillusionment in Jordan as well as a
will be sufficient to stave off rising dissent over the
continued lack of oversight of legislation affecting civil
government’s lack of accountability to the electorate
society. While in some areas the government reported
and disappointed hopes for further liberalisation of
an official 54 percent turnout for the recent elections
laws regulating civil society. The question remains as
held in November last year, the figure was much lower
to whether the regime is willing to continue with
for many urban districts populated mostly by citizens
political reform or will use security as an excuse to
of Palestinian origin.39 The large number of civil
stall or even backtrack on liberties achieved so far.
39 “54% of eligible voters cast ballots in ‘smooth’ elections”, The
Jordan
Times,
November
27
2007
h t t p : / / w w w. j o r d a n e m b a s s y u s . o r g / n e w / n e w s a rc hiv e / 2 0 0 7 /
11212007001.htm
Planting an Olive Tree: The State of Reform in Jordan
Ana Echagüe
24
WORKING PAPERS
56 Planting an Olive Tree: The State of Reform in Jordan. Freedom of Association and Civil Society in the Middle East
and North Africa: Report 2, Ana Echagüe, March 2008
55 The Democracy Promotion Policies of Central and Eastern European States, Laurynas Jonavicius, March 2008
54 Morocco: Negotiating Change with the Makhzen. Project on Freedom of Association in the Middle East and North
Africa, Kristina Kausch, February 2008
53 The Stabilisation and Association Process: are EU inducements failing in the Western Balkans?, Sofia Sebastian,
February 2008
52 Haiti: Voices of the Actors. A Research Project on the UN Mission, Amélie Gauthier et Pierre Bonin, January 2008
51 The Democratisation of a Dependent State: The Case of Afghanistan, Astri Suhrke, December 2007
49 Peru: the Kingdom of the ONG?, Donor Harmonisation: Between Effectiveness and Democratisation. Case
Study 3, Enrique Alasino, February 2007
48 The Nicaragua Challenge. Donor Harmonisation: Between Effectiveness and Democratisation. Case Study 2,
Claudia Pineda y Nils-Sjard Schulz, January 2008
47 EU Democracy Promotion in Nigeria: Between Realpolitik and Idealism, Anna Khakee, December 2007
46 Leaving Dayton Behind: Constitutional Reform in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Sofía Sebastián, November
2007
45 The "Third Populist Wave" of Latin America, Susanne Gratius, October 2007
44 OSCE Democracy Promotion: Griding to a Halt?, Jos Boonstra, October 2007
43 Fusing Security and Development: Just another Euro-platitude?, Richard Youngs, September 2007
42 Vietnam’s Laboratory on Aid. Donor Harmonisation: Between Effectiveness and Democratisation. Case Study
1, María Delfina Alcaide and Silvia Sanz-Ramos, September 2007
41 Theoretical Framework and Methodology for Country Case Studies. Donor Harmonisation: Between
Effectiveness and Democratisation, Stefan Meyer y Nils-Sjard Schulz, September 2007
40 Spanish Development Cooperation: Right on Track or Missing the Mark?, Stefan Meyer, July 2007
39 The European Union and the Gulf Cooperation Council, Ana Echagüe, May 2007
38 NATO’s Role in Democratic Reform, Jos Boonstra, May 2007
37 The Latin American State: ‘Failed’ or Evolving?, Laura Tedesco, May 2007
36 Unfinished Business? Eastern Enlargement and Democratic Conditionality, Geoffrey Pridham, April 2007
35 Brazil in the Americas: A Regional Peace Broker?, Sussane Gratius, April 2007
34 Buffer Rus: New Challenges for Eu Policy towards Belarus, Balazs Jarabik and Alastair Rabagliati, March
2007
33 Europe and Russia, Beyond Energy, Kristina Kausch, March 2007
32 New Governments, New Directions in European Foreign Policies?, Richard Youngs (editor), January 2007
31 La Refundación del Estado en Bolivia, Isabel Moreno y Mariano Aguirre, Enero de 2007
30 Crisis of State and Civil Domains in Africa, Mariano Aguirre and David Sogge, December 2006
29 Democracy Promotion and the European Left: Ambivalence Confused?, David Mathieson and Richard
Youngs, December 2006
28 Promoting Democracy Backwards, Peter Burnell, November 2006
27 Respuestas globales a amenazas globales. Seguridad sostenible para el siglo XXI, Chris Abbott, Paul
Rogers y John Sloboda, Septiembre de 2006
Working Paper 56
25
WORKING PAPERS
26 When More is Less: Aiding Statebuilding in Afghanistan, Astri Suhrke, September 2006
25 The Crisis in Timor-Leste: Restoring National Unity through State Institutions, Culture, and Civil Society,
Rebecca Engel, August 2006
24 Misión de la ONU en la República Democrática del Congo: Imponer y consolidad la paz más allá de la
elecciones, Luis Peral, Julio de 2006
23 Angola: Global “Good Governance” Also Needed, David Sogge, June 2006
22 Recovering from Armed Conflict: Lessons Learned and Next Steps for Improved International Assistance,
Megan Burke, April 2006
21 Democracy and Security in the Middle East, Richard Youngs, March 2006
20 Defining ‘Terrorism’ to Protect Human Rights, Ben Saul, February 2006
19 Failing States or Failed States? The Role of Development Models: Collected Works; Martin Doornbos,
Susan Woodward, Silvia Roque, February 2006
18 Facing the Victims in the Global Fight against Terrorism, Jessica Almqvist, January 2006
17 Transition and Legitimacy in African States: The cases of Somalia and Uganda, Martin Doornbos,
December 2005
16 The United Nations’ Responsibility towards Victims of Terrorist Acts, Irune Aguirrezabal Quijera,
November 2005
15 Threats to Human Security: The Need for Action?, Luis Peral, October 2005
14 Helping Castro? EU and US policies towards Cuba, Susanne Gratius, October 2005
13 Alliance of Civilisations: International Security and Cosmopolitan Democracy, Kristina Kausch and Isaías
Barreñada, October 2005
12 Building a New Role for the United Nations: the Responsibility to Protect, Carlos Espósito and Jessica
Almqvist, September 2005
11 Political Reform and the Prospects for Democratic Transition in the Gulf, Jill Crystal, July 2005
10 Aggression, Crime of Aggression, Crime without Punishment, Antonio Remiro Brotóns, June 2005
9 España y el Magreb durante el segundo mandato del Partido Popular. Un período excepcional, Laura
Feliú, Mayo de 2005
8 EU instruments for conflict prevention, Javier Niño Pérez, April 2005
7 Contribución española a la construcción de la paz. Razones y propuestas para la elaboración de un Plan
de Acción, Luis Peral, Abril de 2005
6 Spain and Morocco: Towards a Reform Agenda?, Richard Gillespie, April 2005
5 Which Justice for Perpetrators of Acts of Terrorism? The Need for Guidelines, Jessica Almqvist, March
2005
4 Reflexiones sobre la reforma del Servicio Exterior de España, Carlos Espósito, Febrero de 2005
3 Political Islam: Ready for Engagement?, Emad El-Din Shahin, February 2005
2 Ten years of the Barcelona Process: A Model for Supporting Arab Reform?, Richard Youngs, January 2005
1 A proposal for governance of the Gaza strip in the context of the announced Israeli withdrawal, CITPax,
an initiative of Shlomo Ben-Ami, November 2004
Planting an Olive Tree: The State of Reform in Jordan
Ana Echagüe
Since his accession to the throne, King Abdullah II of Jordan has succeeded in
managing an ostensibly reformist programme while simultaneously not ceding the
key levers of power. The impotence of the elected lower house of parliament
together with the failure of the political parties to articulate a truly national
agenda as a counterbalance to the executive power of the King and the royally
appointed Cabinet of Ministers, has resulted in a deep sense of frustration and
disillusionment among Jordanian citizens. The erosion of civil liberties under
royally promulgated legislation between 2001 and 2003 have not been reversed,
and the introduction of anti-terrorism legislation in the wake of the 2005 Amman
bombings has prompted fears that the reform process in Jordan may have been
stalled, or even reversed.
This paper argues that the government of Jordan must strike a balance between
providing security to its citizens while respecting its international obligations as
outlined in the International Covenant of Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR).
Based on a series of interviews conducted with government, political and civil
society representatives, this paper concludes that a process of constitutional
reform is required in Jordan, in order to achieve a greater balance of powers, the
establishment of a truly independent judiciary, increased parliamentary legislative
and oversight powers and a government representative of the winning majority
parliamentary coalition, based on a fair electoral system. These reforms are
necessary if Jordan is to capitalise on the positive contributions made by a broad
range of stakeholders towards building a more cohesive, accountable and
democratic society.
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