The Dimensions of Party Polarisation in Latin America

The Left-Right Dimension in Latin America Party Politics
Manuel Alcántara ([email protected]) and Cristina Rivas ([email protected])
Universidad de Salamanca (Spain)
Prepared for delivery at the 2006 Annual Meeting of the American Political Science
Association, August 30th-September 3, 2006.
Copyright by the American Political Science Association
1
Abstract
This paper studies the left-right division between political parties in Latin America. In
order to do so, first of all the axes of ideological polarisation that coincide with this
division are identified. Then, the elements that form these axes are analysed, together with
whether or not they change over time. This is done by employing a technique of statistical
analysis not often used in Political Science that allows us to represent and identify these
components and the specific position of the parties with graphs.
1. Introduction
The use of the terms left and right in a region as heterogeneous as Latin America has
done little to clarify the political life of the region. On top of the frequent interruptions of
democratic processes, in which the left-right struggle has been particularly significant, there
was also the empire of populism that defined Latin American politics for decades.
Wherever populism set down its roots, it caused confusion as a result of its centripetal
vocation, the promotion of patrons of national identity, the contempt for party
competition and the use of the State as a regulator in socio-economic relations.
However, the recuperation of democracy that occurred in the vast majority of the
countries in the region towards the end of the 20th Century has made possible the
reconfiguration of inter-party competition according to the left-right axis. The continuity
of democratic political life during this period has consolidated some old panoramas of
ideological confrontation, as is the case in Chile and Uruguay, and in others it has opened
up new ones, for example in Ecuador, El Salvador, Mexico or Nicaragua. This division has
been measured and explained efficiently by using the positioning of actors along the leftright continuum (Alcántara 2004).
The actors place themselves, their parties and their competitors on the
aforementioned continuum and show their preferences for different political issues that
can be transferred to scales. In this way, statistical analyses are facilitated and the validity
of these indicators is guaranteed. Within the party universe, the legislators are relevant
actors who are easily accessible and whose number, relatively small compared to other
types of party members, allows us to obtain representative samples of units of information
and observation. Using this as a reference, Latin American legislators have been
interviewed from 1994 onwards by a research project 1 that classifies political parties
ideologically and obtains data about their opinions on different issues of political reality
that can include representative values of ideological polarisation.
In this paper, we have selected eleven political parties with representation in the
legislatures of Latin American congresses during the last decade and which, according to
the opinions of their deputies, are classified as being at the extreme ends of the left-right
scale (see Table 1) 2 . The selection of cases based on this criterion makes it easier to
identify the elements that differentiate between and constitute the aforementioned
polarisation, as opposed to other parties that are less distant ideologically.
The project is known as the PELA and is carried out at the University of Salamanca.
On a scale of 1 to 10, where 1 is equal to “left” and 10 “right”, a left-wing party is any one that obtains a
mean, in one of the two legislatures analysed, less than or equal to 3.5 in the scale of the party’s ideological
position and a right wing-party is any one with a mean greater than or equal to 7.5 on that scale.
1
2
2
TABLE I: CLASSIFICATION OF LATIN AMERICAN POLITICAL PARTIES ACCORDING TO THEIR IDEOLOGY
Country
Party
Party’s mean ideological
position during the first
legislature
(N)
Party’s mean ideological
position during the second
legislature
(N)
Country
Party
Party’s mean ideological
position during the first
legislature
(N)
Party’s mean ideological
position during the second
legislature
(N)
PARTIES ON THE LEFT
MEXICO
NICARAGUA
PRD
FSLN
CHILE
PS
ECUADOR
MUPP-NP
EL SALVADOR
FMLN
URUGUAY
FA-EP
2.50
3.50
4.11
2.33
2.28
3.03
(26)
(6)
(11)
(27)
(25)
(30)
2.56
3.22
3.14
1.69
1.72
2.91
(9)
(9)
(22)
(29)
(29)
(47)
PARTIES ON THE RIGHT
HONDURAS
THE DOMINICAN
REPUBLIC
PNH
PRSC
EL SALVADOR
CHILE
ECUADOR
UDI
PSC
8.18
7.46
7.87
8.00
8.05
(17)
(22)
(13)
(8)
(20)
7.09
8.09
7.70
7.97
8.42
(24)
(23)
(47)
(29)
(26)
ARENA
Source: own elaboration based on data from the PELA (1997-2005).
The legislatures in Chile (UDI and PS) are those during the periods: 1998-2002 and 2002-2006.
The legislatures in Ecuador (PSC and MUPP-NP) are those during the periods: 1998-2002, and 2002-2006.
The legislatures in Honduras (PNH) are those during the periods: 1997-2001 and 2001-2005.
The legislatures in México (PRD) are those during the periods: 2000-2003 and 2003-2006.
The legislatures in Nicaragua (FSLN) are those during the periods: 1997-2001 and 2001-2006.
The legislatures in the Dominican Republic (PRSC) are those during the periods: 1998-2002 and 2002-2006.
The legislatures in El Salvador (ARENA and FMLN) are those during the periods: 2000-2003 and 2003-2006.
The legislatures in Uruguay (FA-EP) are those during the periods: 2000-2005 and 2005-2010.
(N): number of interviews carried out.
Now that the selection of the universe of study has been justified, this paper aims to
identify the principle ideological dividing lines between the chosen political forces as well as the
formation of party families based on the classification of mean positions of the representatives
along the dimensions of ideological polarisation. This grouping, a result of a multi-variant
statistical analysis, strengthens the validity of the initial criterion of the selection of parties
considered on the left and right, taking into account their position on the ideological continuum.
Then, the evolution of these political parties in two consecutive legislative periods is analysed.
In this way, the differences between the left and right-wing parties in Latin America
are considered in more detail on the basis of cleavages defined by the dimensions formulated
from the variables collected in Table II and whether they remain constant over the years or not.
Whether or not there have been significant changes within each party during the two legislatures
studied here is also taken into account. The selection of variables included in the analysis, rather
than another group of possible indicators, has been based on criteria that follow to a large extent
what was proposed by Alcántara (2004). The programmatic classification in that work was
constructed taking into account the existing polarisation along the axes known as “state control –
neo-liberalism” and “progressivism – conservatism”.
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TABLE II: VARIABLES IN THE ANALYSIS
VARIABLES
- Evaluation of democracy in the country
- Assessment of the current role of the Armed Forces
- Personal opinion with regard to abortion
- Relations with the Armed Forces as a problem for democratic consolidation
- Role of elections (as a mechanism for political representation)
- Preference for the United Status as a business partner
- Preference for the United Status as an investment partner
- Role of political parties.
- Relations between the Armed Forces and the Government as a threat to democratic consolidation
- Degree of state intervention in subsidising housing for its citizens
- Degree of state intervention in generating employment
- Degree of state intervention in providing adequate health care
- Degree of state intervention in guaranteeing general and free of charge university education
- Degree of state intervention in providing help for the unemployed
- Degree of state intervention in protecting the environment
- Degree of state intervention in covering the basic needs of all citizens.
- Importance of religion
- Personal opinion on divorce
- Interest in belonging to the FTAA in the future
Source: own elaboration based on the questionnaire carried out by the PELA (1997-2005).
In this paper, two types of multi-variant statistical analyses have been carried out: a factor
analysis and an HJ-Biplot representation of the means of the factors obtained in the factor
analysis and of the political parties that have been selected from the present-day Latin
American Parliaments. The aim of the factor analysis in this case is, starting from a large
number of observable variables, to find a relatively small number of factors that can be
used to interpret the relationship between these variables and, in this way, obtain the
dimensions of ideological polarisation that currently exist in the Parliaments of Latin
America. Once the dividing lines between the parties on the left and right have been
discovered, we focus on discovering which dimensions polarise the political parties most
and which ideological families are formed on the basis of each one of the cleavages that are
exposed. With this aim in mind, the HJ-Biplot representation has been used, as it is an
analysis that allows us to represent both the ideological dimensions and the political parties
in a reduced space, in such a way that not only is it possible to see the configuration of the
parties but also the dimensions that explain this configuration.
To fulfil the second objective of this paper, that is the ideological continuity or
change within the political parties in two consecutive legislatures, the same statistical
analyses have been repeated, but on this occasion we include the data of political
formations both in the current legislature and in the previous one. On one hand, we use
factor analysis to obtain new ideological dimensions and on the other, the HJ-Biplot analysis
for the simultaneous representation of political parties and the cleavages. In this way, it is
possible to compare from the biplot graph the position of the political parties, in each one
of the cleavages, in the two moments of time that are considered.
Finally, the comparison of the two HJ-Biplot analyses carried out in this work (the first
with data corresponding to the current legislature and the second with data both from the
current legislature and from the previous one) will highlight the fact that the discriminating
capacity of the ideological dimensions remains static in time for practically all of the
cleavages.
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2. The main dimensions of polarisation found in Latin American Parliaments
today
The five ideological dimensions are the result of the application of an exploratory factor
analysis with varimax rotation 3 , based on the replies of the Deputies of the current
parliaments in Latin America to a whole series of questions that measure economic,
political, religious and social preferences and offer information about the political divisions
of the members of the different parties with regard to concrete questions. The nineteen
variables included in the analysis are displayed in Table II.
The purpose of this analysis is to identify the latent structures that allow us to
establish the main points of disagreement between the right and the left in Latin America
based on the opinions and preferences of its parliamentarians. Five factors are obtained
that explain 56.6% of the total variance.
The first factor, the one with greatest explicative power (17.3%), is composed of
variables related to state intervention in public policy. The second factor that has been
found, with 11.6% of the total variance, includes the variables that relate to values. The
third factor is related to the attitude that Latin American parliamentarians have towards the
United States and explains 9.7% of the variance. The fourth factor comprises the variables
related to the current role of the Armed Forces in Latin America. And, finally, the last
factor is related to a democratic tendency and is made up of the variables related to the role
of political parties and elections as a mechanism for political representation, as well as the
degree of democracy that exists in the country in question.
3 The results obtained meet those that are deemed necessary to undertake a factor analysis, with a value of
0.754 on the Kaiser-Meyer-Okin Measure of Sampling Adequacy. By extracting the first five factors, a factor
model that explains 56.58% is obtained. It is an acceptable percentage if one bears in mind the number of
cases available (N=298) and the reduction of the achieved dimension (19 variables are reduced to 5).
5
TABLE III: DIMENSIONS OF POLARISATION (ORDERED ACCORDING TO THEIR CONTRIBUTION TO THE FORMATION OF THE FACTOR)
FACTOR 1
(17.3% of the variance explained)
FACTOR 2
(11.6% of the variance explained)
FACTOR 3
FACTOR 4
(9.7% of the variance explained) (9.4% of the variance explained)
Degree of State Intervention
Values
Attitude towards the United States
Role of the Armed Forces
- Healthcare in all areas.
- Legalising abortion.
- Preference for the US as a
- Relations with the Armed Forces as a - Role of the political parties
commercial partner.
problem for democratic consolidation.
- Support for the unemployed.
- Legalising divorce.
- Protecting the environment.
- Importance of religion.
- Guaranteeing general and free university
education.
- Preference of the US as an
investment partner.
- Interest in belonging to the
FTAA in the future.
- Generating employment.
- Relations between the Armed Forces
and the government as a threat to the
stability of democracy.
FACTOR 5
(8.6% of the variance explained)
Democratic tendency
- Degree of democratic stability
- Role of elections (as a mechanism
for political representation)
- Current assessment of the Armed
Forces.
- Covering the basic needs of all citizens.
- Degree of state intervention in
subsidising housing for its citizens.
Source: Own elaboration based on the results of the factor analysis with data from the PELA (1997-2005).
6
From the results above it is possible to establish five major cleavages of ideological
polarisation in the Parliaments of Latin America: “State intervention”, “Values”, “Attitude
towards the United States”, “Armed Forces” and “Democracy”.
These factors allow us to obtain a same system of reference for all Latin American
political parties selected in this study on the basis of which it is possible to discover the
relative importance of the cleavages of ideological polarisation.
Once we have established the five dimensions in which the political parties studied
here show clearly differentiated positions, we hope to discover which of these dividing
lines cause the greatest polarisation between the current formulations of left and right in
Latin America and what is the position of the parties with regard to these dimensions.
In order to reply to all of these questions, and to complement the investigation, a
multi-variant analysis seldom used in the field of Political Science is undertaken, the HJBiplot (Galindo, 1986), an extension of the Biplot methods of Gabriel. The variables used in
this HJ-Biplot representation are the means of the factor scorings (for each one of the
political parties in question) obtained in the factor analysis. The representations that
constitute the simultaneous analysis of individuals (in this case parties) and variables are
particularly interesting, because they not only allow us to discover the configuration of
political parties but also what variables are responsible for this configuration.
Although it does not reproduce the elements of the original matrix, the HJ-Biplot 4 has
the advantage of being a simultaneous representation in the strict sense of the word, so that
the markers for the political parties and for the ideological dimensions are chosen in such a
way that both can be superposed in the same system of reference. In this way, a maximum
quality representation both for the political parties as well as for the variables that define
the cleavages of polarisation can be achieved 5 (Rivas, 2006).
The party-cleavage relationship is studied by means of the perpendicular projection
of the points that represent the parties over the vectors that represent the ideological
dimensions obtained in the factor analysis, which allows us to determine the cleavages that
most differentiate between the sub-groups of parties.
In Table IV, the inertia absorbed by the first four factor axes of the HJ-Biplot is
presented. 6 Given that the total variability cannot be shown together on one graph, as it is
not a bi-dimensional phenomenon, four axes have been retained. As can be observed in
Table IV, the first factor axis contains most of the information and absorbs 35.1% of the
total variability: that is to say, the ideological dimension or dimensions that are best
In contrast to the Biplot methods proposed by Gabriel in 1971, that allow a representation of the data of
any matrix X(nxp) in which p variables and n individuals (units) are considered in a space of reduced
dimension, by just choosing markers a1, a2… an for its rows (individuals) and markers b1, b2… bn for its
columns (variables), so that the internal product a1’ bj reproduces the element xij of the matrix X.
5 En the HJ-Biplot representation the following must be taken into account:
- The ideological dimensions have been represented by means of vectors and the political parties by
means of points with corresponding labels.
- The points that are projected close to the head of the arrow have greater magnitude than those that
are projected in the prolongation.
- The points that are projected above the centre of gravity correspond to positive values whereas
when they are below the centre of gravity they have negative values.
- The further away the points that represent the political parties are from the centre of gravity, the
more variability these parties will have shown in the study.
- The closeness between the points that represent the political parties is interpreted as a similarity
between them.
- The longer the vector, the greater will be the contribution of the element (or dimension) to the
inertia (variability).
6 When reference is made to factor axes, it is a reference to the axes of biplot representation and they lack a
specific meaning. Their function is to interpret the ideological dimensions of the sub-space, something like
the axes of a dispersion graph. The factor axes have no relation to the factors obtained in the factor analysis.
4
7
represented in axis 1 will be the cleavages that most discriminate between the left and rightwing political parties on the first factor level. The second axis also provides important
information, even if slightly less so than the first one (26.1%). The rate of inertia on the
first factor level, formed by axes 1 and 2, reaches 61.1%, achieving in the space formed by
the first three axes (1, 2 and 3) 79.6% of the total variability of the data. That is to say, the
positions of the parties and the ideological dimensions can be interpreted with a relatively
small loss of information. This justifies the final decision to explain only the first three
axes in the analysis. Therefore, the following pages will concentrate mainly on the first
factor level for the interpretation of the HJ-Biplot, although attention will also be paid to the
third axis that, with an absorption of inertia of 18.5%, offers interesting results for some of
the political forces considered.
TABLE IV PROPORTION OF CUMULATIVE VARIABILITY ABSORBED
- Axis 1
- Axis 2
- Axis 3
- Axis 4
VARIABILITY ABSORBED
35.05
26.08
18.45
14.14
ACCUMULATED VARIABILITY ABSORBED
35.05
61.13
79.58
93.72
Source: Results obtained from the HJ-Biplot based on data from the PELA (1997-2005).
The measurement of the relationship between the axes of the biplot representation and each
one of the variables observed is called the Relative Contribution of the Factor to the
Element (whether it be cleavage or political party). 7 This contribution reveals which are the
ideologically dividing lines most directly related to each axis and, therefore, shows which
variables are responsible for the placement of parties on the perpendicular projection
above each one of the vectors of the factor axes. 8
TABLE V: RELATIVE CONTRIBUTIONS OF THE FACTORS TO THE DIMENSIONS OF POLARISATION 9
IDEOLOGICAL DIMENSIONS
- State intervention
- Values
- Attitude towards the United States
- Armed Forces
- Democracy
AXIS 1
AXIS 2
AXIS 3
469
608
124
523
28
77
15
632
32
548
350
76
154
4
340
Source: Results obtained from the HJ-Biplot based on data from the PELA (1997-2005).
The analysis of the biplot representation shows that there are 3 characteristic
dimensions of axis 1, that is to say those which receive a strong contribution from axis 1
but little from the others: “Values”, “Armed Forces” and “State Intervention”. For their
part, the cleavages “Attitude towards the United States” and “Democracy” obtain the
greatest contribution from axis 2 (see Table V).
It seems clear then that there are two ideological dimensions which vary the most in
the present day Latin American Parliaments studied here and they therefore have a greater
capacity to discriminate between the political parties of the left and the right. These
dimensions are: “Attitude towards the United States” and “Values”. Nevertheless,
“Democracy” and the role of the “Armed Forces” have an important contribution when
The relative contribution of the factor to the element indicates the contribution of each one of the factor
axes of the biplot representation to the dimensions of ideological polarisation or to the political parties studied
here.
8 As the axes are independent, the contribution of each one of them to each variable is also independent.
Therefore, it is possible to calculate the contribution of one factor level by adding the contributions of the
axes that form it. For example, the contribution of the level to the dimension “State intervention” would be
the result of adding axes 1, 2 and 3 to this dimension, that is to say 469, 77 and 350. In this way, the
contribution of the level to the dimension “state intervention” is 896 (out of 1000).
9 The numbers that appear in bold indicate that the received contribution is substantial.
7
8
classifying left and right in Latin America. “State intervention” is the cleavage that presents
the smallest variability on the factor level. 10
With regard to the parties, the quality of representation in nearly all of the cases is
good or acceptable, as can be observed in Table VI. The only exceptions are: the PSC
because it was not possible to draw reliable conclusions given its minor contribution to the
formation of ideological dimensions on this level (this supposes that its position in the
space of reduced dimension is apparent); and the FMLN, a case which calls for caution
when drawing conclusions.
TABLE VI: RELATIVE CONTRIBUTIONS OF THE FACTORS TO THE POLITICAL PARTIES 11
POLITICAL PARTIES
AXIS 1
AXIS 2
AXIS 3
- PS
242
474
104
-UDI
625
229
125
-MUPP-NP
864
10
98
9
71
54
-ARENA
819
97
20
-FMLN
114
167
44
-PNH
158
211
596
-PRD
301
311
300
-FSLN
13
496
86
-PRSC
2
122
816
338
559
14
-PSC
-FA/EP
Source: Results obtained from the HJ-Biplot based on data from the PELA (1997-2005).
The biplot graphs (see Figures I and II) show how the forces of the left and right in
the present day Latin American Congresses are clearly divided by the dimensions of
ideological polarisation obtained in the factor analysis. The right-wing parties are situated
on the left on the first and second factor levels, whereas the left-wing parties (clearly
represented on the axis 1-2) appear on the right hand side of the first factor level (Figure
1). However, within the left there are two clearly differentiated groups: on the one hand,
those situated in the lower-right quadrant (FSLN, FMLN, PRD and MUPP-NP) that
represent a more revolutionary left; and on the other hand, a more moderate left located in
the upper-right quadrant.
For a more successful interpretation of Figure I (and worth bearing in mind for the
rest of the figures that will be analysed later on) two fundamental aspects have to be taken
into account: the length and the angle of the vectors that represent the cleavages and the
perpendicular projection of the points, political parties, over the ideological dimensions or
A more detailed analysis implies investigating the cause of this smaller contribution. One possible
interpretation lies in the presence of mean positions of the parliamentarians interviewed for the variables that
compose this dimension and therefore the lack of a relationship between this dimension and belonging to a
political party (measured according to the left-right continuum). Another possible explanation for the smaller
variability presented by this cleavage could be due to the fact that it has become obsolete in the region. Or it
could be that this dimension is better represented on other factor levels that are not considered here. In this
case it would be necessary to search in the levels formed by the axes 1 and 4, 2 and 4, or 3 and 4 to confirm
that this is the case, because, as already mentioned, 20% of the total variability remains unexplained by the
three retained axes. However, and as will be demonstrated in this paper, this dimension allows us to
distinguish between political forces on the left and the right.
11 The parties with a very high quality of representation appear in Table VI in bold and double underlined.
Normally, the parties with minor contributions are near the centre of gravity and are those which cannot be
interpreted because of their poor quality of representation.
10
9
cleavages. Thus, the longer the vector, the greater the variability presented by this cleavage
in the analysis and the smaller the angle between the vector and the factor axis that
represents it, the greater its importance in this study. For its part, the perpendicular
projection of the parties over vectors allows us to determine which dimensions
differentiate the most between the various sub-groups of the political parties.
FIGURE I: HJ-BIPLOT REPRESENTATION OF THE DATA MATRIX (AXES 1 AND 2)
Source: Results obtained from the HJ-Biplot based on data from the PELA (1997-2005).
This implies that the first factor level (Figure I) separates, on one hand, those political
parties with a tendency to a greater state participation in public policy, with values being
less important, and those which evaluate negatively the role of the Armed Forces at the
time when the interviews were carried out. All of these parties are found on the right hand
side of the graph. They are separated from those that are neo-liberal in economic terms,
conservative in their values and who consider the role of the Armed Forces as positive.
This second group of parties is found on the left hand side of the graph. On the other
hand, it also separates those parties with a pro-US attitude, a lesser democratic tendency
(lower part of the graph) from those who show a clear rejection of the United States and
who support a model of democracy in which political parties and elections are essential for
the political system (top part of the graph).
10
It is interesting that some of these ideological dimensions not only separate the right
from the left but also help us to establish differences within the group of left or right-wing
parties, as is particularly the case with the cleavages “State intervention” and “Attitude
towards the United States”.
The interpretation of the PNH and the PRSC must be made taking into account their
position on the factor level 1-3, since it is on this level that the parties have a greater
contribution (Figure II). Now, it will not be possible to draw reliable conclusions from
these political formations for the dimensions “Democracy” and “Attitude towards the
United States” since in the axis 1-3 these dimensions have a very low quality of
representation at the same time as the relative contribution of the axes of both dimensions
is very small (see Table V).
FIGURE II: HJ-BIPLOT REPRESENTATION OF THE DATA MATRIX (AXES 1 AND 3)
Source: Results obtained from the HJ-Biplot based on data from the PELA (1997-2005).
Now that we have established which ideological dimensions have the greatest power
to differentiate between the political parties of the Latin American congresses that are the
object of our analysis, we turn our focus to the possible families of political parties that are
formed on the basis of each of these dimensions.
11
2.1 Classification of political parties according to the main ideological
dimensions: State Intervention
Very often neo-liberal economic and market policies have been associated with rightwing political forces whilst positions in favour of increasing the State’s capacity to
intervene in the economic-social area have been associated with left-wing parties. The
market-state confrontation has shaped Latin American politics since the late 1980s and,
despite the fact that this division no longer has the same discriminatory capacity as it did in
previous decades it is still one of the main lines of party competition between the left and
right in the region.
The dimension “State intervention”, as was seen in the interpretation of the factor
analysis, is formed by those variables related to State intervention in different areas of
public policy (health, housing, the environment, university education, employment, aid for
the unemployed or covering the basic needs of all citizens). Thus, projecting onto Figures I
and II each one of the political parties in a perpendicular position to the vector that
represents the cleavage “State intervention” their classification can be obtained. In this
way, all those parties positioned near to the head of the arrow of this vector will be in
favour of state intervention in this type of public policy, principally social in nature,
whereas those situated at the extreme opposite of the vector will be in favour of a neoliberal model for the economy.
TABLE VII Classification of Political Parties according to the dimension “State intervention”
DIMENSION “STATE INTERVENTION”
POLITICAL PARTIES
- State control
MUPP-NP, PRD, FMLN, FA/EP, FSLN, PRSC, PNH
- Neo-liberalism
UDI, ARENA
Source: Own elaboration based on the HJ-Biplot graphs
* The political parties not included in this table are absent because they have a poor quality of representation in this
dimension and therefore their classification in one group or another could just be a matter of appearances. Those parties
who have a neutral position on this dimension are also excluded.
The results listed in Table VII show that the “State control” stance attracts a greater
number of parties than the neo-liberal one, perhaps reflecting the change that has been
occurring since the start of this decade as a reaction against the structural adjustment
policies that were widespread in the region from 1985 onwards. The parties in favour of
state control are clearly left-wing: MUPP-NP, PRD, FA/EP, FMLN and FSLN, but some
are also right-wing such as the PRSC and PNH (see Figures I and II). The MUPP-NP, the
PRD and the FMLN are the parties who present a clear rejection of neo-liberal economic
policy, giving the State a more active role in economic and social matters (even if the
position of the latter should be treated with some caution due to its low quality of
representation). The position of the Chilean PS is intriguing within this cleavage as it has a
middle-way position, which shows that the programs and discourses of the parties do not
always coincide with their ideological position. 12
In the neo-liberal, pro-market field, only two right-wing political forces are present:
the UDI and ARENA. Within the conservative group, the UDI appears to be by far the
political force most favourable to a market policy for the economy. 13
12 The PS in its Declaration of Principles establishes in art 3 that “they reject the selfish and exclusive
behaviour that the logic of the capital system imposes on human beings.” (Alcántara, 2004: 143).
13 In article 16 of the Declaration of Principles, neo-liberal policies are defended when it is established that
“experience shows that economic systems stimulate in every person the capacity to generate wealth, produce
12
2.2 Classification of political parties according to the main ideological
dimensions: Democracy
The authoritarian-democratic divide has not occupied a predominant place in the
structuring of the party systems of many Latin American countries, in spite of many of
them being marked by the experience of an authoritarian regime in the 1970s and 1980s.
To a great extent the transitions to democracy were successful precisely because the
democratic creed was adopted without reserve by the political elite. However, after various
lustrums of democratic institutions it is possible to discover signs that differentiate parties
according to a greater or smaller tendency to democracy.
The variables that form the cleavage “Democracy” are those related to the
acknowledgement of the role of the political parties and elections as mechanisms of
political representation, together with the evaluation of democratic stability in the country.
This cleavage divides political formations into two very different extremes: on one hand,
those which really value democracy in their country and support a model of democracy in
which political parties are included (those projected in Figure I near to the head of the
arrow that represents this dimension); and on the other hand, those which believe that
parties and elections are not necessary for the smooth running of democracy.
In this sense, the group of parties with greater democratic tendencies is basically
formed by the Chilean UDI and PS and the Uruguayan FA/EP, which reflects the weight
of history and the importance of systemic conditions. The classification of parties with
lesser democratic tendencies is headed by the FSLN, the PRD and the FMLN, followed by
the MUPP-NP, all of which are political forces present in systems with very little
democratic tradition. In this sense it must be remembered that both the FSLN and the
FMLN sprung-up to combat the dictatorship in Nicaragua, in the first case, and in El
Salvador, in the second, although their form of political expression was violent rather than
democratic. Together with the left-wing parties with less democratic tendency is the rightwing party in El Salvador, the ARENA, which, in spite of adopting a more moderate
position than the rest of the parties on this issue is closer to this group than its right-wing
counter-parts.
TABLE VIII: CLASSIFICATION OF POLITICAL PARTIES IN THE DEMOCRATIC DIMENSION
DEMOCRATIC DIMENSION
POLITICAL PARTIES
- Lesser democratic tendency
MUPP-NP, FMLN, FSLN, PRD, ARENA
- Greater democratic tendency
UDI, PS, FA/EP
Source: Own elaboration based on the HJ-Biplot graphs.
* The political parties not included in this table are absent because they have a poor quality of representation in this
dimension and therefore their classification in one group or another could just be a matter of appearances. Those parties
that have a neutral position on this dimension are also excluded.
The classification of political parties according to this dimension reveals that the
democratic cleavage does not discriminate so much between left and right-wing political
formations as it does between those on the left. In this way it is possible to speak of a
moderate and democratic left comprising the Chilean PS and the Uruguayan FA/EP and a
revolutionary left that grants less importance to institutions that are vital to democracy
such as political parties and elections, perhaps marked by the very origins of these parties.
economic development and social welfare vastly superior to the collectivisms planned by the state
bureaucracy…. the closer the State is to being the only employer or source of income for people, the closer it
will be to controlling them by the use of political power.” http://www.udi.cl/udi/principios.
13
The clearest cases are the FSLN and FMLN fronts, both of which were products of
guerrilla groups.
Neither can the authoritarian legacy of each one of the countries studied here be
forgotten when it changed the position of the left and right-wing parties of a single political
system in this dimension. An example of this is El Salvador with ARENA and the FMLN
situated in an extreme of lesser democratic tendency and Chile with the UDI and the PS in
the opposite extreme.
The low quality of representation of the PNH and the PRSC in relation to democracy
prevents us from drawing clear conclusions about their position on this dimension.
2.3 Classification of political parties according to the main ideological
dimensions: Values
The religious cleavage has been one of the principle axes of social and political
division both in Europe and Latin America for a long time. Traditionally, talking about
religion meant talking about the Catholic Church: an elitist, conservative and antidemocratic institution that was clearly identified with the State and power (Levine, 2005).
The existence of a religious pluralism that is growing, although somewhat slowly, has
weakened the Catholic’s Church monopoly that, nevertheless, still enjoys a privileged place
in Latin American society and its influence is still relevant, even today.
The process of secularising Latin American society has varied a great deal from one
country to the next, which implies that the importance of the dimension “Values” would
not be the same in all of them. However, as has been seen in previous pages, despite the
fact that the new religious panorama in Latin America indicates that there is a decline in
Catholicism (Parker, 2005: 52), it is still an important dividing line between left and rightwing parties in present-day Latin American congresses. 14
There are three fundamental variables that form this ideological dimension: the
religiousness of the Latin American parliamentarians and their position on the legalisation
of abortion and divorce. The classification of left and right-wing political forces along this
cleavage produces two clearly differentiated groups (see Table IX). On one hand, there is a
“conservative” extreme characterised by a high degree of religiousness and a lack of
tolerance about issues such as abortion and divorce. On the other hand, there is a
“progressive” extreme that is less religious and which defends individual liberties,
promoting the legalisation of divorce and abortion.
TABLE IX CLASSIFICATION OF POLITICAL PARTIES ACCORDING TO THE VALUES DIMENSION
VALUES DIMENSION
POLITICAL PARTIES
- Conservative
UDI, ARENA, PNH, PRSC
- Progressive
MUPP-NP, FA/EP, PS, FMLN, PRD
Source: Own elaboration based on the HJ-Biplot graphs.
* The political parties not included in this table are absent because they have a poor quality of representation in this
dimension and therefore their classification in one group or another could just be a matter of appearances. Those parties that
have a neutral position on this dimension are also excluded.
The differences between left and right with regard to their beliefs and values in
relation to moral issues are very clear. The conservative UDI appears to be the most
religious group, the one most opposed to the legalisation of divorce and, above all,
When interpreting this cleavage we should also take into account the key role played by the Catholic
Church in the creation of some Latin American political parties.
14
14
abortion, followed by ARENA 15 , the PNH and the PRSC. On the extreme opposite of
this dimension are found all of the left-wing parties: the MUPP-NP, the FA/EP, the
FMLN, the PS and the PRD. The FSLN maintains a more moderate position, perhaps
because despite the relatively low degree of religiousness on the part of its members, its
position on the legalisation of abortion, mainly, is still rather conservative.
2.4 Classification of Political Parties according to the main ideological
dimensions: attitude towards the United States
At the 4th Summit of the Americas, in Mar de Plata, in November, 2005, a large part
of the debate focused on the rapid conformation of the Free Trade Area of the Americas
(FTAA), that was a way for the United States to reaffirm its presence in the region.
However, as was evident at the Summit with the Heads of State, the differences of opinion
between countries are obvious and reaching an agreement seemed to be a dead end.
The lack of interest towards Latin America, the failure of neo-liberal economic
reforms that came from Washington, together with the incapacity of the United States to
design a suitable regional policy, has meant that the bilateral relations between the United
States and many Latin American countries has deteriorated and an ever more visible antiNorth American sentiment has emerged in the region. More and more countries,
particularly those that are in the MERCOSUR (Brazil, Argentina, Uruguay and Paraguay)
look for new markets for their products in the European Union and in China and in this
way reduce their dependency on the United States (Kern, 2005:8).
The “Attitude towards the United States” cleavage comprises three variables:
preference towards the US as a commercial or investment partner and the degree of
interest on the part of the Latin American deputies for their country to belong to the
FTAA in the future. This ideological dimension divides the political parties into two very
different groups, although the differences between left and right are not so clear, making
the country variable more significant than the political party or ideology. The pro-US
group is principally formed by ARENA and the Nicaraguan, Mexican and Salvadorian left.
The FSLN and ARENA are the parties that would most prefer to be part of the FTAA and
having the US as their main commercial and investment partner. It is not in vain, as both
El Salvador and Nicaragua have signed commercial agreements with the United States. On
the opposite, anti-US extreme, are found the rest of the left-wing political formations, with
the FA/EP and the Chilean PS being the most opposed to agreements with Washington,
whereas the MUPP-NP shows itself to be much more moderate in this respect, occupying
a middle-way stance on this issue. The UDI finds itself in a similar situation as it is the
only right-wing political force with a less favourable attitude towards the United States.
TABLE X: CLASSIFICATION OF THE POLITICAL PARTIES IN THE DIMENSION “ATTITUDE TOWARDS
THE UNITED STATES”
DIMENSION “ATTITUDE TOWARDS THE UNITED STATES”
POLITICAL PARTIES
- Pro-United States
FSLN, FMLN, ARENA, PRD
- Anti-United States
FA/EP, PS, UDI, MUPP-NP
Source: Own elaboration based on the HJ-Biplot graphs.
* The political parties not included in this table are absent because they have a poor quality of representation in this dimension
and therefore their classification in one group or another could just be a matter of appearances. Those parties that have a
neutral position on this dimension are also excluded.
The support of ARENA for Catholic conservative projects has been a feature of the party since it began.
Over the last few years it has showed its support for the anti-abortion projects of the Foundation “Sí a la
Vida” led by Julia Regina de Cardenal.
15
15
This cleavage not only divides the Latin American left and right but also the regions
within the continent. On one hand, Central America and the Caribbean are closest to the
United States, and on the other the Andean countries and the Southern Cone are more
anti-United States.
2.5 Classification of the political parties in the main ideological dimensions:
Armed Forces
The political parties of Latin America had very different experiences during the years
of authoritarian and military regimes and so it is predictable that the “Armed Forces”
dimension will divide the parties into clearly differentiated groups according to their
particular experiences of authoritarianism. The political role of the military played in Chile
and Uruguay is not the same as that in Mexico or Ecuador.
The cleavage related to the Armed Forces comprises three variables: the relations
between them and the Government as a threat to democratic stability in Latin America, the
relations with the Armed Forces as a problem for the country’s democratic consolidation
and the evaluation of these actors at the time of the survey. The classification of the parties
on the basis of the ideological dimension of polarisation produces two groups. On one
hand are the pro-Armed Forces parties, that is to say the political formations that evaluate
positively the current role of the army and consider that the relations between Armed
Forces and Government do not suppose, today, a threat for the democratic stability of
Latin American countries. On the other hand, on the opposite end, are those that are
against the Armed Forces and that question the current role of the military and distrust
their behaviour in the public life of their respective countries.
TABLE XI. CLASSIFICATION OF POLITICAL PARTIES IN THE “ARMED FORCES” DIMENSION
ARMED FORCES DIMENSION
POLITICAL PARTIES
- Pro-Armed Forces
ARENA, UDI, PNH, FSLN
- Anti-Armed Forces
FA/EP, PS, MUPP-NP, PRD
Source: Own elaboration based on the HJ-Biplot graphs.
* The political parties not included in this table are absent because they have a poor quality of representation in this dimension
and therefore their classification in one group or another could just be a matter of appearances. Those parties that have a
neutral position on this dimension are also excluded.
In the first group (pro-Armed Forces), are basically the right-wing political
formations (the UDI, ARENA and the PNH) and the most revolutionary part of the Latin
American left: the FSLN. 16 The second group (anti-Armed Forces) is composed of the leftwing parties, the FA/EP, the PS, the MUPP-NP and the PRD.
It is worth noting the evolution experienced by the FMLN with regard to this
cleavage which, despite its armed origins, is situated in a middle-way position, near the antimilitary extreme. Nevertheless, we cannot draw definitive conclusions about its position
within this dimension given its low quality of representation.
16 The UDI in its origins always remained close to the authoritarian legacy and it was in favour of Pinochet
continuing as the President of Chile in the National Plebiscite celebrated on the 5th of October, 1988. With
regard to the FSLN, it is party with armed origins that was immersed in a long revolutionary process, as a
result of which the relationship between this party and the Armed Forces has been very close from the outset.
The fact that the Armed Forces in Nicaragua had the name “Sandinistas” for a decade helped this situation
(Alcántara, 2004: 100).
16
3.Evolution of the political parties according to the main ideological dimensions
with respect to the previous legislature
Throughout the period of democratisation of the political systems in Latin America,
the region’s parties have seen some important changes, in ideological terms, both with
regard to issues of a political-institutional nature and social and economic questions
(Alcántara, 2004:127). A clear example of this is the change in the “state-market” cleavage,
where the active role of the State in the economy as an unquestionable patron has stopped
being a decisive issue of confrontation for the classification of left and right in Latin
America. Other divisions have emerged related to the integration of Latin American
countries in the world economy or how to soften the effects of the predominance of free
market policies.
In order to identify the evolution of the left and right in Latin America, a new factor
analysis has been undertaken 17 , taking into account the political parties both in the previous
legislature as well as in the current one (that is to say, from 1997 until approximately
2005) 18 . From this factor analysis, four ideological dimensions previously analysed have
been obtained 19 . Then, an HJ-Biplot of means has been constructed with the dimensions
obtained from the new factor analysis. The results of this are shown in Figures III and IV
where the position of the four dimensions of ideological polarisation can be interpreted:
“State intervention”, “Democracy”, “Armed Forces” and “Values.” The first three axes of
the biplot representation explain 85.9% of the total variability of the level and so the loss of
information is very low.
It is possible to interpret the positioning of the political parties along the dimensions
of ideological polarisation in the majority of the cases studied, with the exception of the
PRSC in the two legislatures analysed, which means that is not possible to draw
conclusions about this party over time. The other political formations have an acceptable
quality of representation on one of the extracted factor levels 20 .
TABLE XII: RELATIVE CONTRIBUTIONS OF THE FACTORS TO THE DIMENSIONS OF POLARISATION 21
IDEOLOGICAL DIMENSIONS
EJE 1
EJE2
EJE3
- State intervention
- Religion and Values
- Armed Forces
- Democracy
632
605
444
39
0
6
127
886
60
140
422
75
Source: Results obtained from the HJ-Biplot based on data from the PELA (1997-2005).
The ideological changes of the political parties are evident in Figure III. If the
dimension “State intervention” (which is one of the main dividing lines between the Latin
American political parties) is taken into account, the first conclusion to be drawn is the
The variables included in the new factor analysis are the same as in the previous one except those relative
to the United States that did not exist in the questionnaire of the previous legislation. The Kaiser Meyer
Olkin measurement is 0.784, a more acceptable coefficient, and the percentage of total variance for the four
resulting factors is 53.5%.
18 To aid the reading of these data both in the tables and then in the graphs, the political parties are found
together with a number which indicates the legislative period to which they belong. Thus, for example, a 1
refers to parties in the previous legislature whereas a 2 represents those in the current legislature.
19 As has just been noted, apart from that related to the attitude towards the United Status for which there is
no information from the previous legislature.
20 The FSLN2, MUPP-NP1 and PSC2 are characteristic of axis 3, therefore they should be interpreted by
taking into account their position on the factor levels formed by axes 1-3 (Figure IV).
21 The data that appear in bold indicate that the received contribution is high.
17
17
existence of a centripetal tendency on the part of all of the political forces, especially those
with more neo-liberal or more state-orientated positions. The most representative cases
are the UDI and the Chilean PS. In the graph, projecting perpendicularly the point that
represents UDI1, UDI2, PS1 and PS2 over the vector that represents “State intervention”,
it is possible to observe how in the last legislature the UDI softens its anti-State position,
largely as a result of the failure of neo-liberal policies in Latin America. Likewise, the PS
softens its pro-State position, an understandable occurrence if we bear in mind its
condition as a party in government as a member of the Concertación and the details of the
free market economic policy that Ricardo Lagos maintained during his presidential
mandate. 22
This tendency is found in all of the parties analysed except the MUPP-NP in Ecuador
and Arena in El Salvador, which in the last legislature seem to have intensified their proand anti- State positions, respectively, although this has been more pronounced in Ecuador
than in El Salvador.
FIGURE III: HJ-BIPLOT REPRESENTATION OF THE JOINT DATA MATRIX (AXES 1 AND 2)
Source: Results obtained from the HJ-Biplot based on data from the PELA (1997-2005).
It is interesting to note how the position of PS2 in this new analysis is modified with respect to the
previous one in which only the political parties in the present day Latin American Parliaments were taken into
account. If the PS2 in Figure I occupied a middle-way position, nearer to the neo-liberal end then the State
control one, in Figure III its defence of state intervention in public policies is more evident, albeit much more
moderate than in the 1997-2001 period. This is the consequence of the inclusion of a greater number of
parties in this analysis, with extreme positions of left and right, which makes their position in this new
dimension more extreme.
22
18
With regard to the “Democracy” dimension, the evolution of the political parties
has been very varied. For the vast majority of Latin American political forces, their
positioning on this cleavage has not changed much over time, such as the UDI, the PSC,
the PNH, the FA/EP, the FSLN, or the PRD. However, in the case of other parties such
as ARENA, the change with regard to this dimension from the period 2000-2003 to 20032006 has been a lot more pronounced. ARENA has gone from having an acceptable
democratic tendency in 2000 to occupying, in the last legislature, positions close to the antidemocratic end. Finally, there are two political forces, the MUPP-NP and the FMLN, in
which the change of position on the “Democracy” dimension has been very abrupt. The
FMLN has gone from being the party with the lowest democratic tendency in the period
2000-2003, to occupy more moderate positions in the following legislature, despite still
being part of the group with “less democratic tendency”. The same happened with the
MUPP-NP: in this case the time between one legislature and another emphasises the very
different situations in which the party found itself when the different surveys were being
carried out. 23
FIGURE IV: HJ-BIPLOT REPRESENTATION OF THE JOINT DATA MATRIX (AXES 1 AND 3)
Source: Results obtained from the HJ-Biplot based on data from the PELA (1997-2005).
23 The period 1998-2002 coincided with the preparation of the coup to overthrow Jamil Mahuad by Lucio
Gutiérrez and which had the support of the MUPP-NP. The second (2002-2006) coincided with a greater
consolidation and maturity of the party within the Ecuadorian party system, as it had become a key strategic
actor for the country’s governability at the beginning of that period.
19
The evolution of the different political formations in the “Values” dimension does
not present substantial changes within the parties over the period of time studied. In
general terms there exists a slight tendency, as is the case with the rest of the cleavages, to
adopt more central positions with regard to religious and moral issues, except in the case of
the MUPP-NP which in the current legislature is characterised by being one of the least
religious parties in Latin America, as well as being one of the most open to the legalisation
of such controversial ideas as abortion and divorce. The FSLN, for its part, is still the most
moderate left-wing political force with regard to this cleavage.
With respect to the “Armed Forces” cleavage, the general strategy of the parties is
still that of avoiding extreme positions. The most characteristic cases are found in the
Chilean parties. The UDI has moved slightly to the centre despite being the political force
that most values the Armed Forces. On the opposite end of the scale is the PS which, if in
the 1997-2001 period was the most anti-military party of all, together with the FA/EP, in
the last legislature experienced an important change and, although its evaluation of the
Armed Forces in Chile is still negative, its opinion has noticeably improved with respect to
the previous period. In keeping with what has been noted about the other ideological
dimensions, the MUPP-NP is still one of the parties that have experienced most changes
between the 1998-2002 and the 2002-2006 periods, just as was the case with the PSC in this
dimension. Thus, whilst in 1998 the PSC had a positive opinion about the Armed Forces it
currently is the party that is most opposed to them. 24 On the opposite end of the scale is
the MUPP-NP which in the present day legislature is rather more positive about the army
in Ecuador than it was in 1998 25 . The same thing happens with the PRD, whilst in 20002003 it adopted unfavourable positions towards the Armed Forces, it has improved
noticeably (see Figure IV). With regard to the rest of the political formations, there has
been very little change.
4. Conclusions
One of the initial objectives of this paper was to construct and analyse the
dimensions of ideological polarisation that have formed and continued to form the space
of competition between the left and right in Latin America. The analysis of the information
dealing with the period between 1997 and 2005 allows us to see the continuity in time of
the ideological dimensions as key axes of inter-party competition as well as discovering
which of these cleavages have lost importance over time as arenas of confrontation
between the left and right in Latin America.
The first conclusion that can be drawn from these pages is that the five lines of interparty competition in Latin American Parliaments in the present day, “State intervention”,
“Democracy”, “Values”, “Attitude towards the United States” and “Armed Forces”,
obtained from the factor analysis, the dislike/like of the United States, the
liberalism/conservatism and a greater or lesser democratic tendency on the part of the
Deputies are the principal axes of polarisation between the parties with parliamentary
representation analysed in this paper.
On the other hand, the State/market cleavage is less important and has given way, in
more recent legislatures, to questions such as the attitude that Latin American politicians
have towards the United States, which is one of the principal topics of conflict between the
24 It is possible that this was influenced by the fact that the President and their political opponent at that time
was Lucio Gutiérrez, a soldier.
25 At the beginning of this legislature, the MUPP-NP supported unreservedly the government of the soldier
Lucio Gutiérrez, who had led the coup.
20
left and right in the region at the present time. 26 The perception that the civilian-military
relationship has improved and the supposition that it no longer presents a threat for
democratic consolidation continue to divide the left and right. This is also the case with
topics such as divorce and, above all, abortion, which are still very problematic.
A clear conclusion can be drawn from the joint analysis of the data: the validity over
time of the main dividing lines between the Latin American left and right. Thus, the
cleavages “Democracy”, “Values” and “Armed Forces” still play a polarising role between
the political formations over the two legislatures analysed in each country, whereas the role
of the State in the economy is not currently one of the main topics in the political agenda
of many countries in the region.
Another of the conclusions reached is that over time, Latin American parties are less
radical in ideological terms. As has been shown, there exists a generalised tendency in all of
the political formations analysed to adopt more central positions with relation to the issues
discussed here.
Table XIII offers a summary of the positions of the parties in each one of the
dimensions of ideological polarisation in order to characterise the parties together. In this
way we can conclude that the left and right wing parties in Chile present certain similarities
with regards to the evaluation of the role of democratic institutions and their attitude
towards the United States. Both the UDI and the PS present high levels of democratic
tendencies and have a rather negative view of the United States. All of these features are
more related to systemic matters and to the country’s political and social system than
ideological characteristics of the two parties. The issues of greatest confrontation between
both are: the role that the State should play in the Chilean economy, the religiousness of
the Deputies, the decisions about abortion and divorce and scepticism about the
relationship between Armed Forces and Government and its possible threat to democratic
consolidation. For its part, the UDI sets itself up as being a neo-liberal, very conservative
party which values positively the role of the Armed Forces in Chile without thinking that
they represent for Chilean democracy.
In Ecuador, the differences between the right-wing PSC and the left-wing MUPP-NP
are evident in practically all of the cleavages analysed. Whilst the MUPP-NP is
characterised as being in favour of State intervention in public policy, not religious, antiUS, in disagreement with the Armed Forces and with a lesser democratic tendency, the
PSC is exactly the opposite. However, it might have been interesting to see whether these
features are constant in the current legislature for the dimensions of democracy and
attitude towards the United States, something that is not possible given the low quality of
representation of the PSC for this year along axis 2. Taking this into account, it can be said
that the party is nearer to neo-liberal policies, is conservative and religious, in favour of the
Armed Forces (even if in the period between 2002 and 2006 this opinion has changed
slightly) and defends democratic values.
The left and right in El Salvador are relatively similar in three of the five ideological
dimensions. The most obvious point on which both parties agree is the positive image
their deputies have of the United States. In the same way, there seems to exist a proximity
between ARENA and the FMLN with regard to the position of the Armed Forces
dimension, even if ARENA has a more favourable opinion of the army than the FMLN.
This is understandable if we remember the authoritarian enclaves in El Salvador and the
way in which the political transition was carried out. Furthermore, there is also a similarity
with regards to the democratic tendencies of both political forces. Whilst the FMLN is
characterised during the two periods analysed as being one of the Latin American parties
with the lowest tendency to democracy, ARENA in the 2003-2006 legislature is also
26
However, the lack of reference to this issue in 1997 means that we cannot say if it was already like this in
previous legislatures.
21
characterised by similar features. On the other hand, and despite this proximity between El
Salvador’s right and left on these issues, the distance between them is immense when it
comes to State intervention and values. Whilst ARENA is a neo-liberal and conservative
political force, the FMLN is quite the opposite as it is progressive and in favour of state
intervention.
The PNH, in both of the legislatures analysed, confirms its profile as a right-wing
party, although a lot more moderate than the rest of the political forces in this group (in
favour of the market, conservative, with a high democratic tendency, and defensive of the
role of the Armed Forces.)
Something similar happens with the PRSC, although little can be said about its
evolution along the cleavages given its low quality of representation on the factor levels
during the period running from 1998 to 2004. However, it stands out from the other rightwing political groups as a result of its support for a greater role for the State in public
policy and its lack of confidence in the country’s army.
In the case of the PRD, its support for the role of the State is confirmed, it has a
lesser democratic tendency, it is progressive and not particularly religious, anti-military
(although its opinion about the Armed Forces has noticeably arrived over the last
legislature) and has a positive image of the United States.
The FSLN is one of the most constant parties in terms of its ideology. Its profile as a
revolutionary left-wing force is evident and, despite it being closer to neo-liberal policies, it
stands out because of its lesser democratic tendency, its positive evaluation of the Armed
Forces and its pro-US attitude. With regard to values, it is not clearly defined, as even if it
declares itself to be not at all religious, it is much more conservative with regard to issues of
high moral importance, such as the legalisation of abortion, which makes its position on
this cleavage not so extreme.
Finally, there is also the case of the FA/EP that presents features very similar to
those of the PS. It is largely due to the fact that Uruguay and Chile are both countries of
great democratic stability and an economic prosperity superior to that of the other
countries studied here. The FA/EP has separated itself from the revolutionary LatinAmerican left, fundamentally from the FMLN and the FSLN, presenting itself as a highly
democratic party, critical of the role of the Armed Forces (largely because of its experience
under the military regime), confrontational with the United States, progressive, liberal and
defensive of the role of the State in the economy.
Today the ideological differences mean that is still possible to talk of left and rightwing parties in the seven Latin American countries analysed here, whilst acknowledging
their specific differences derived from characteristics that are inherent to the national
political systems of which they form part.
22
TABLE XIII: SUMMARY OF RESULTS
-PS1
-PS2
-UDI1
-UDI2
-MUPP-NP1
-MUPP-NP2
-PSC1
-PSC2
-ARENA1
-ARENA2
-FMLN1
-FMLN2
-PNH1
-PNH2
-PRD1
-PRD2
-FSLN1
-FSLN2
-PRSC1
-PRSC2
-FA/EP1
-FA/EP2
DEGREE OF STATE
INTERVENTION
Very high
High
Very low
Very low
Medium – high
High
Low
Medium – low
Low
Low
High
Medium – high
Low
Medium – low
Very high
High
Medium –high
Medium – low
High
Very high
Very high
DEMOCRATIC
TENDENCY
Very high
High
High
High
Low
Medium – low
Medium – high
TOWARDS
DEGREE OF RELIGIOUSNESS ATTITUDE
AND CONSERVATISM
THE UNITED STATES
Medium – high
Medium – low
Very low
Low
High
High
Medium – low
Low
Very low
Very low
Very low
Low
Very high
Very high
Medium – low
Low
High
Medium – high
High
High
Low
Medium – low
High
Medium – high
Medium – low
Low
Medium – low
Medium –low
High
High
Medium – high
Very low
Low
Positive
EVALUATION OF THE
ARMED FORCES
Very negative
Negative
Positive
Positive
Medium - negative
Medium – negative
Positive
Medium – negative
Positive
Positive
Medium - positive
Medium – positive
Medium – positive
Medium – positive
Negative
Medium –negative
Medium – positive
Medium – positive
Very negative
Medium –negative
Very negative
Negative
Negative
Medium – negative
Medium – negative
Positive
Medium – positive
Medium –positive
Source: Own elaboration based on the HJ-Biplot graphs (Figures III and IV).
* The data for the PRSC2 are taken from the HJ-Biplot representation for the data of the current legislature (figures I and II).
*The cases for which there is no available information appear shaded.
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5. Cited Works
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Leviatán, nº 43-44, Madrid, pp. 73-92, 1991.
-ALCÁNTARA, Manuel. ¿Instituciones o máquinas ideológicas? Origen, programa y organización de los
partidos latinoamericanos. Barcelona: ICPS, 2004.
-GABRIEL, K.R. “The Biplot graphic display of matrices with application to principal
component analysis”. Biometrika, 1971, 58, 3, pp. 453-467.
-GALINDO, M.P. “Una alternativa de representación simultánea: HJ-Biplot”. Questíio, 1986a,
10 (1), pp. 13-23.
-GALINDO, M.P. y CUADRAS, C. “Una extensión del método biplot y su relación con otras
técnicas”. Publicaciones de Bioestadística y Biomatemática, 1986b, nº 17.
-KERN, Soeren. “¿Cuáles son los intereses de Estados Unidos en Latinoamérica?”. Análisis
del Real Instituto (ARI), Real Instituto El Cano, Madrid, 1995, pp. 1-10
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América Latina Hoy, 2005, nº 41, pp. 17-34.
-INSTITUTO INTERNACIONAL DE GOBERNABILIDAD DE CATALUÑA. Perfil de Gobernabilidad de
la República de Ecuador, 2005.
-PARKER, Cristián. “¿América Latina ya no es católica? Pluralismo cultural y religioso
creciente”. América Latina Hoy, 2005, nº 41, pp. 35-56.
-PELA. Salamanca: Instituto Interuniversitario de Iberomérica y Portugal, 1994-2004.
-RIVAS, Cristina. “Las dimensiones de la polarización en los parlamentos”. En ALCÁNTARA,
Manuel (Ed.) Políticas y políticos en América Latina. Madrid, Siglo XXI, 2006, pp. 215253.
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