Indigenous perception of changes in climate variability and its

Climatic Change (2011) 107:363–389
DOI 10.1007/s10584-010-9972-9
Indigenous perception of changes in climate variability
and its relationship with agriculture in a Zoque
community of Chiapas, Mexico
Maria Silvia Sánchez-Cortés · Elena Lazos Chavero
Received: 14 August 2009 / Accepted: 5 October 2010 / Published online: 22 December 2010
© Springer Science+Business Media B.V. 2010
Abstract This study analyses the perceptions of Zoque indigenous men and women
of changes in climate variability, indicated by rainfall and temperature records
from the region. Peasant farmers perceive decreases in rainfall and increases in
temperature as these factors are related to modifications in the corn planting season
and the introduction of crops which were usually only found in hot regions. The
climate changes in the zone are attributed to vegetation loss and the eruption of the
Chichón volcano in 1982. The Zoque perception is structured according to cultural
and individual experience, tied to agriculture and the annual weather calendar. The
volcanic eruption offers a significant chronological reference point in order to explain
different environmental transformations, such as climate, within Zoque territory.
Perception is the mental picture of local climate variability changes and the responses
in seasonal agriculture modifications, utilizing individual and cultural experiences
which are vulnerable to economic and environmental change.
1 Introduction
Scientific interest in the impact of anthropogenic climate change will be considered
as lines of investigation while measuring mitigation and adaption, in particular those
measures which involve vulnerable populations located in developing countries. The
double exposure to the changes due to climatic and economic globalization (O’Brien
and Leichenko 2000; Sokona and Denton 2001; Thomas et al. 2007) resonates in
M. S. Sánchez-Cortés (B)
Facultad de Ciencias Biológicas, Universidad de Ciencias y Artes de Chiapas,
Libramiento Norte Poniente s/n Col Lajas Maciel, Tuxtla Gutiérrez, 29039 Chiapas, México
e-mail: [email protected]
E. Lazos Chavero
Instituto de Investigaciones Sociales, Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México,
Mexico City, México
e-mail: [email protected]
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Climatic Change (2011) 107:363–389
the quality of their well being, in their health through exposure to diseases, in the
changes of crop output, and in the decrease of the availability of water (IPCC
2001; Ebi et al. 2007; Tseng et al. 2008). In respect, sundry projections of climatic
models have been carried out which put forward scenarios of regional changes and
their possible socio-economic impact (Burton 1997; Smit et al. 2000; Kates 2000;
Kelly and Adger 2000; Leary et al. 2008). However, these efforts enhance the
conceptualization of the regional scale (Magaña et al. 1997; Gay et al. 2006; Chen
et al. 2008) and yet few studies exist at the local level dedicated to knowing the
viewpoints, experiences and practices of the persons directly involved, as is the case
with seasonal farm workers. In this vein, the studies present two principle focal
points, the first of which is dedicated to knowing and understanding the perception
of climate change and its variability joined to the socio-economic context (Ringrose
et al. 1996; Hageback et al. 2005). The second is focused on knowing and forecasts
the weather, in particular by the indigenous peoples. It is recognized that rigorous
coexistence with the agricultural, environmental and atmospheric aspects have much
to contribute in the actual context of global climatic change in the same way as
does historic modeling of the micro-climate. (Katz et al. 1998; Orlove and Tosteson
1999; Orlove et al. 2000, 2002; Conde et al. 2004; Leduc 2007; Green et al. 2010).
The indigenous knowledge of climate in relation to its disruption of subsistence
agriculture, in addition, could show how the human response has been previously
to the climatic variability and its changes (Stigter et al. 2005).
The majority of the indigenous studies on climate in Latin America have been
made from the areas of ethnometeorology and ethnoclimatology (Lammel et al.
2008; Glockner 2001; Cabrera et al. 2001; García 2001; Orlove et al. 2002; Lorente
and Fernández 2006) nevertheless little is known about indigenous perceptions of
climate change and of the productive and socio-economic effects on their lives
(Lammel et al. 2008). In Mexico, few studies which include these kinds of perceptions
have been done as part of the investigations into the perceptions of environmental transformation and global change (Arizpe et al. 1993; Lazos and Paré 2000).
Indigenous groups include climate as part of their world view and organize their
daily activities in accordance with their view (Leduc 2007; Green et al. 2010). They
expect the weather from meteorological phenomenon to agree with a particular
calendar and the climate associated with the climatic and micro-climatic conditions of
a specific location where altitude and zonal characteristics converge (Descola 1989;
Lammel et al. 2008).
Seasonal agriculture is strictly associated with the climate of a specific zone and
is linked with the annual and transannual climatic variability for which indigenous
farmers have evolved adaption and response practices to the climatic demands. For
this reason it is considered fundamental to know and reevaluate the indigenous
knowledge about climate and the changes detected by them in the climatic variability
in the short and long term, in order to be incorporated into the studies of anthropogenic climatic change. In this sense it is necessary to correlate the anthropological
investigation of climate in a dynamic context of global change with the directly
involved community (Rudnev 1997; Lammel et al. 2008). Therefore, it is necessary
to expand the understanding and local knowledge of the capability to respond and
adapt by the local farmer to the variations and changes of climate (Meze-Hausken
2004; Conde 2006; Thomas et al. 2007).
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365
The indigenous peoples have been marginalized both sociologically and economically, a situation that acerbates their confrontation with a rapidly changing world
from a climatic, environmental, economic and cultural point of view. An example
of this is their adaptations to climate variability developed over hundreds of years
which is also now being challenged by the availability of access to the land and the
emigration of the youth; risk factors that diminish the environmental and cultural
resilience (Ángel 1995).
This research forms part of a wider study on perceptions of environmental change
carried out in two Zoque communities of Chiapas in 2006 and 2007. When different
ejidatarios and their wives were asked about perceived changes in their community
over the past 10, 20 and 30 years their perceptions of “climate change” were
expressed as part of the environmental transformations. In particular, temperature
increases, a reduction in rainfall, changes in the duration of the northerlies (winds
from the north) and alterations to the agricultural calendar were mentioned. The
causes are attributed to the eruption of the Chichón volcano in 1982 and also a
reduction in vegetation cover on the surrounding mountains (cloud forest and mountain rainforest). The regularity of these answers led us to study these perceptions in
greater depth.
In this article we present a case study concerning the perception of climate
and changes in climate variability by members of a Zoque indigenous community,
with the aim of identifying their perceptions as well as their explanations and
solutions regarding the changes detected. Our objectives are focused on identifying
the existence of possible changes in the climate variability of the region through two
sources of information, climate data on the region and perceptions of ejidatarios
and their wives. The questions that formed the foundation of this study are: What
do local inhabitants perceive as changes in climate variability? Who in particular
perceives these changes? How do they explain these climate changes? And finally;
how are climate perceptions linked to the environmental and cultural context of the
community and Zoque territory?
This study is based on environmental perceptions, wich are understood as an
awareness and grasp of the environment by individuals and groups in the broader
sense (Whyte 1977, 1985). Perceptions influence the type of questions, explanations,
meanings and values that we give to the world within which we live. Thus people
dynamically structure and orientate multiple possibilities for actions (Lazos and Paré
2000), such as representations and actions taken by local inhabitants in the presence
of perceived changes in climate variability.
We regard climate as the average conditions of the climate system that consists of
the interaction between solar radiation, atmosphere, oceans, continents and diverse
life forms. This climate system determines the average conditions of variables such as
temperature, rainfall and winds, thus climate variability forms part of climate and the
long term changes which can occur. Variability corresponds to climate fluctuations
over a short period of time which can be annually or every decade. Climate change
is defined by changes in meteorological conditions over long periods of time, usually
over centuries, characterized by local and global manifestations. A possible change in
climate can be detected by the alterations in means or extreme values of climate variables (Stehr and von Storch 1995; Smit et al. 2000; Hageback et al. 2005; Conde 2006).
Our analysis of Zoque perceptions of changes in climate variability is based on this.
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2 Case study
The indigenous community of San Pablo Huacanó (17◦ 11 45 N; 93◦ 12 25 W;
1,630 m) is located in the municipality of Ocotepec in the mountains of northern
Chiapas (Fig. 1). The majority of Zoque communities are concentrated in this
zone identified as the “La Selva Zoque” (The Zoque Forest), typified by a high
degree of biodiversity. It is one of the focal points for tropical and temperate forest
conservation within the Mexican section of the Mesoamerican Biological Corridor
(Corredor Biológico Mesoamericano México 2002). Topography is mountainous and
the climate is tropical warm / temperate with a dry winter and summer rains A(C)w
1(w). Mountain cloud forest predominates (Rzedowski 1978; INEGI 2006a, b). In
2005, the population of San Pablo Huacanó was 1,278, 660 men and 618 women
(INEGI 2006a, b), the majority bilingual (Zoque and Spanish). The municipality
of Ocotepec (59.60 km2 ) is composed of 38 rural localities characterized by a high
degree of marginalization and poverty, lacking in drinking water and drainage
Fig. 1 The location of the climatologically regions and the community of San Pablo Huacanó in
relation to the Chichón volcano (17◦ 36 N; 93◦ 23 W; 1,100 m) is a distance of 18.5 km. In the
low lands, the Zoques of San Pablo frequently use two hot micro-climatic regions between 600 and
1,300 m, which are respectively the locations of Campeche and Simbac. There they cultivate varieties
of short cycle corn (Zea mays L.), coffee (Cof fea arabica L.), banana trees (Musa sp L.), cassava
(Manihot esculenta Crantz) and oranges (Citrus cinensis (L.) Osbeck). In the colder highlands such
as San Pablo Huacanó (1,630 m) they cultivate long cycle corn, peaches (Prunus persica (L.) Batch)
and avocado (Persea shiedeana Nees)
Climatic Change (2011) 107:363–389
367
infrastructure. The average number of years in education is 2.3 years and only 50.7%
of the population can read or write; 60.2% of houses do not have any commodities
(INEGI 2002). The peasants who possess rights to farmland are named ejidatarios
and belong to the Ocotepec Ejido which has an area of 7,840 ha, 90% of the land
is dedicated to crops, 10% to cattle farming and there are 993 ha of cloud forest
(INEGI 2006a, b). The VII Ejido Census (INEGI 2001) recorded 556 ejidatarios with
individual land plots, 60 from San Pablo Huacanó (Com. pers. Agente Municipal,
October 2006). Land access and distribution is unequal, varying between 1 and
100 ha. People who have insufficient land or are landless are forced to rent. Some
plots are close to the town and others are dispersed throughout the Ejido. Corn (Zea
mays L.) and beans (Phaseolus vulgaris L.) are cultivated for self-subsistence on steep
mountainous land, making production difficult. Coffee is also grown to complement
their inadequate income (Cof fea arabica L.) and a few people practice extensive
cattle farming.
In order to attain a climatological analysis of the zone and considering that
San Pablo Huacanó lacks a meteorological station to analyse possible trends in
temperature and rainfall changes data was used from various meteorological stations
close to the community and located in the Mexican Gulf Climate Region (Vidal
2004). We selected the stations according to the continuity and representativeness of
the data recorded. The stations were all located within the 17◦ latitude (Table 1), thus
all receiving similar hours of daylight and as a result similar warming conditions that
in turn influence rainfall patterns, temperatures throughout the year and thermal oscillations (Barry and Chorley 1999). The stations are: Reforma, Yamonhó-Tecpatán,
San Joaquín Pichucalco and Ocotepec (Fig. 1).
The daily temperature records are taken from the Computerized Climate Data
Base (CLICOM) V 3.1 provided by the Comisión Nacional del Agua (National
Water Commission) Chiapas Delegation. The aim of the data analysis was to identify
changes in rainfall and temperature that were taking place. Rainfall (Figs. 2 and 3)
was analysed by year1 and by season: winter (January to March); spring (April to
June); summer (July to September) and autumn (October to December). The occurrence of dry seasons, when evaporation exceeds precipitation, was also determined.
As well as analysing the annual thermal oscillation and maximum and minimum
temperatures, the frequency of days with extreme temperatures was also revised.
Extremely hot days are defined as days when the temperature exceeds the standard
deviation of the mean annual maximum temperatures. Likewise, extremely cold days
are defined as days when the temperature is below the standard deviation of the
mean annual minimum temperatures (O’Brien 1998). Extreme temperature records
can be considered as indicators of trends in changes of both variability and climate as
a whole. The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, The Intergovernmental
Panel on Climate Change, IPCC (2007) indicates a probable increase in the highest
maximum temperatures, more hot days, an increase in the heat index, the possibility
of higher minimum temperatures and less cold days.
1 Annual
Precipitation. Annual rainfall greater than 3,000 mm is higher than in other regions of
Mexico and is found the in mountainous areas with slopes facing the Atlantic and Pacific oceans.
93◦ 10
93◦ 13
93◦ 08
93◦ 03
17◦ 13
17◦ 07
17◦ 52
17◦ 35
OCO
YAM
REF
SJP
1400
325
558
21
Altitude (m)
6,467
9,110
74,590
46,087
Distance, in
a straight line
from San Pablo
Huacanó (m)
A(C)w 1(w)
Af(w)
Af(w)
Af(m)
Climate Type
(INEGI 2008)
Am(f)(i’)gw”
Am(f)(i’)gw”
Af(m)(i’)g
Type of climate
and sub climate
(García 2004)
19.7◦
26.2◦
25.4◦
25.1◦
Annual T ◦ C
3589.3
1041.6
3670.5
1932.9
Annual Pp (mm)
Source: García (2004); Vidal (2004); Servicio Meteorológico Nacional (2006); INEGI (2008)
Af hot wet; Af(m) excellent exposure to moist winds (trades and northerly winds ); Am hot wet with summer rains; Am(f) winter rainfall greater than 10.2%; A(C)
hot wet/warm temperate; A(C)w summer rains
Longitude
Latitude
Station
Table 1 Meteorological stations
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Climatic Change (2011) 107:363–389
369
Fig. 2 Normal precipitation
An analysis of the four meteorological stations revealed the following:
1. In Reforma there is a trend towards a reduction in annual rainfall over the years
(R2 = 0.25) in both autumn (R2 = 0.56) and winter (R2 = 0.66); with a significant
increase in the number of dry months per year (R2 = 0.69; Table 2). In southern
México, the increase in frequency and intensity of “El Niño” during the last
two decades could be the cause of a reduction in rainfall (Magaña et al. 2004).
Thus, in this case, the analysis of rainfall in Reforma is in keeping with the expected scenario (Fig. 4) and the thermal oscillation (Fig. 5) has increased (R2 =
0.77), possibly due to the increase in the annual mean maximum temperature
(R2 = 0.63).
Fig. 3 Winter rainfall (January, February and March) and observed values for the meteorological
stations
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Table 2 Annual rainfall pattern
Station
Ocotepec
YamonhóTecpatán
Reforma
San JoaquínPichucalco
Years
recorded
% analysed Annual rainfall
months
R2
P
Spring
Summer
Autumn
Winter
R2
R2
R2
R2
P
P
P
P
1985–2005 92.46%
1972–1997 99.67%
0.01
0.09
0.59 0.10 0.19 0.00 0.70 0.00 0.72 0.00 0.72
0.13 0.02 0.46 0.02 0.48 0.10 0.11 0.00 0.86
1966–1996 96.23%
1963–1990 96.13%
0.25
0.04
0.01 0.01 0.67 0.01 0.62 0.56 0.01 0.66 0.01
0.33 0.00 0.87 0.00 0.64 0.03 0.38 0.06 0.23
Fig. 4 Pattern in the number of dry months. Reforma present a trend towards a temperature and
dry months annual increase
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371
Fig. 5 Pattern in the annual thermal oscillation. Reforma station shows the possible trend decreasing in thermal oscillation
2. The Yamonhó-Tecpatán station did not present any changes in rainfall patterns
or thermal oscillation (Table 3).
3. In San Joaquín-Pichucalco there is a slight trend towards an increase in the
annual thermal oscillation (R2 = 0.18).
4. Ocotepec presents a slight trend towards an increase in the annual thermal
oscillation (R2 = 0.19). The daily rainfall data were incomplete, so we did not
analyze them. There was no trend in an increase or decrease in the frequency of
cold or hot days in the four stations.
In addition, the inhabitant’s perceptions were interpreted by applying 69 semi
structured interviews (Whyte 1977; Lazos and Paré 2000) to 39 men and 30 women,
all farmers that sow corn, beans and in some cases coffee in their own, borrowed
or rented fields. Educational level varies; adults and old people are illiterate or
only went to school an average of 2 years. Regarding young interviewees, some
are illiterate and others went to primary school just for a few years. A minority
Table 3 Pattern in the frequency of extreme temperatures
Station
Ocotepec
Yamonhó-Tecpatán
Reforma
San Joaquín-Pichucalco
T◦ maximum
No. hot days
T◦ minimum
No. cold days
R2
P
R2
P
R2
P
R2
P
0.23
0.38
0.63
0.11
0.03
0.01
0.01
0.08
0.04
0.01
0.00
0.09
0.39
0.01
0.01
0.08
0.33
0.41
0.81
0.04
0.01
0.01
0.01
0.39
0.02
0.00
0.05
0.03
0.56
0.97
0.24
0.40
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Climatic Change (2011) 107:363–389
studied secondary and high school. The interviews2 were transcribed into text so
that the narration could be codified and interpreted and subject to a quantitative
and qualitative analysis. Some women who could not speak fluent Spanish and were
less used to outsiders, gave much shorter answers.
The 69 interviewees were placed into three age categories so as to represent
young people (15–25 years old), adults (26–59 years old) and elderly people
(over 60). Thus, we have two large gender groups and six age groups. The questions
were aimed at finding out if they remembered what the climate was like when
they were around 15 years old. When referring to changes in temperature or rainfall
they were given three options: the same, less cold or colder. They were also asked
how they had recognized and what did they attribute these changes to. The questions
were open-ended in order to avoid any influence or manipulation on the answers by
the interviewer.
From this group of 60 people, 12 were selected (eight men and four women)
who were to be interviewed more extensively regarding the agricultural and weather
calendar, corn and bean varieties as well as the relationship between the climate
and snakes. Out of these 12, only three were chosen because of their knowledge
expressed in the previous interviews whilst the others were selected randomly, taking
into account there willingness to be interviewed.
3 Zoque Territory: knowledge and management
San Pablo Huacanó was founded at the beginning of the twentieth century by
people from Ocotepec. They cultivated the milpa (corn and beans) by shifting
cultivation. This system implies a broad knowledge of nature, climate and crops
varieties. In hot and lower locations “sowing rain”, known locally as tornamil (600–
1,300 m). Depending on each specific location, tornamil can be sown in November,
December and even February, harvested in April, May and July respectively (Fig. 1).
These crops are grown over 5 months. The corn varieties, which have a shorter
growing season with an earlier harvest, as they have a short cycle, in the Zoques’
words are known as “early”. Another characteristic of these sites is that the higher
temperatures, soil humidity and rain present from November to February permit
them to obtain an additional harvest to those of colder climates.
The traditional maize varieties, grown close to the town in cold locations (above
1,600 m), are sown in April and May and harvested in August and September.
These varieties have a longer growing cycle. These crops are described by the
inhabitants as “late” crops. In accordance with their agricultural practices the San
Pablo Huacanó Zoques divide their territory into two climate types, namely hot and
cold, determined by two altitudinal variants (Fig. 1). They recognize that “each place
has its traditional variety”; each specific microclimate determining which is the most
appropriate corn traditional to be sown. This knowledge allows peasant farmers to
manage different crops with distinct climatic requirements as well as the seasonal
collection of woodland and forest products (Descola 1989; Nates and Cerón 1997;
Lammel et al. 2008; Velázquez 2001).
2 All
the interviews were carried out by Spanish and recorded onto cassette tapes.
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373
During the 1960s, the traditional agricultural model of shifting cultivation practiced in San Pablo Huacanó was in crisis. Due to the increase in population and
an unequal land distribution, there was an increase in land fragmentation and
overexploitation, making it difficult to preserve “acahuales” (recovering fallow land).
The corn harvest suffered a dramatic reduction and the peasants had to buy corn.
A short time after, in March and April 1982, the Chichón volcano erupted (Fig. 1),
resulting in moderate damage caused by 20 cm of ash. Once the uncertainty regarding
the germination and development of the crops had passed, the farmers saw a
recovery in their corn crops and obtained plentiful harvests. They attributed this
occurrence to the volcanic ash which when combined with the soil, “heated up” and
fertilized the cropland. The local newspapers (SARH 1982), together with messages
transmitted by radio, widely divulged to the population the benefits of the volcanic
ash, which consists of non-toxic silicon, sulphates and nitrogen compounds suitable
for agriculture.
The eruption became a reference point for different events during the period,
such as the corn recovery, decline in bean cultivation and the modification of the
local climate that local inhabitants perceived through the effects on their crops. The
farmers point out that the hot weather affects the cornfields so they avoid sowing
in March, just as their parents and grandparents did 30 years ago. Today they sow
in April and the first days of May and so have less time to wait before the rains
commence.
The lack of sufficient land to apply the traditional shifting cultivation model
has resulted in a sharp decline in the altitudinal use of territory and therefore in
the possibility of reducing impacts from strong winds or frosts. Furthermore, the
peasant farmers lack alternative techniques in soil, pest and agricultural product
management. The farmer’s strategy has been to rent land, work with their parents
or migrate in order to obtain additional income to farm the land and satisfy their
basic needs.
4 Weather calendar and ethno-meteorological knowledge
In the Zoque culture the climate is connected to the agricultural and lunar cycles.
Báez-Jorge (1979, 1983) identifies three climate seasons: the hot period “Ningo
Po-ya” or hot moon; rainy season “Tucsawa Po.ya” or moon-wind-rain, and the
cold season “Pacak Po.ya” or cold moon. The names of the seasons are associated
with the moon (Po.ya), which plays a fundamental role in Zoque cosmology and
in the agricultural calendar. The moon is seen as the Madre Luna (Mother Moon),
the wife of Padre Sol (Father Sun) and is associated with fertility. The waning or
waxing moon is taken into account in different daily activities and in crop sowing
and harvesting. The waning moon signifies growth; the full moon or fourth quarter
symbolizes maturity. If the corn is not sown or harvested during these respective
lunar phases the corn does not grow or the grains are eaten by moths. The wind plays
an important role in the climate; the Tucsawa or northerly wind season is associated
with the presence of rain-wind-cold between June and October and the southerly
wind, Hamansawa or Sun Wind is associated with hot weather (Fig. 6).
When interviewing people over 40 years old about the weather calendar, they
expressed some local variations to the names reported by Báez-Jorge (1979). They
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Climatic Change (2011) 107:363–389
Fig. 6 Time cycle. Sources: Báez-Jorge (1979, 1983) and fieldwork. S1 tornamil sowing Simbac; S2
tornamil sowing Campeche; S3 current sowing cold climate San Pablo Huacanó; S4 sowing 30 years
ago cold climate; H1 harvest Simbac; H2 harvest Campeche; H3 current harvest cold climate; H4
harvest 30 years ago 30; SAB slash and burn of cropland. Local variants of the seasons: Tucsawa
Po.ya Pakatsawa or Pomi.Tu; Ningo.poya Ikitsawa or Pictu Po.ya
provided details of the succession and duration of climate events observed during
each season and in each altitudinal space such as the presence of the southerly wind
during the hot season which when strong, affects the corn crops in the hot region
mountains towards Simbac located at lower altitudes (Fig. 1). The northerlies occur
during the rainy season thus its possible effects are considered before sowing. In cold
San Pablo Huacanó, the different traditional varieties and introduced corn are sown
in April and the first days of May so that by the time June arrives, plants have more
resistance against the winds and intense rain (Fig. 6).
The interviewed people distinguished the downpour or “Modu” months defined
as a short intense rain shower with a duration expressed in hours and where you
cannot leave your house until the heavy rain stops. This rain is expected in May
and June. They mention that the period of thunderstorms is in June and July. The
Norte (northerlies) or “Nor yoe” rain is a less intense, light or moderate rain that
lasts several days without stopping. The sun does not appear however it is possible
to work in the fields. The northerlies usually take place from August to October.
The indigenous farmers distinguish intermediary months between one season and
Climatic Change (2011) 107:363–389
375
another, such as the hot season before the start of the rains or between the cold and
hot season (Fig. 6).
The dog days period (canícula) is expected between July 20 and August 20 and
divided into two types, the water canícula so called because it will carry on raining
and the hot canícula, a succession of hot days, a heavy shower and then hot again,
a phenomenon that “heats up the earth and causes mainly stomach illnesses”. The
Zoques consider that during this period the crops can become rotten or any wood
that has been cut will get woodworm, thus these activities are avoided.
Currently, the entire population does not take into account the relationship
between the agricultural calendar and the moon. Some farmers adhere to these
beliefs when sowing and wait for a waning moon, referred to as eight days after the
appearance of the moon; others sow during the waxing moon. On moonless new
moon days they avoid sowing, stating that “the corn stem thins out and grows taller3
or the corn drowns......it doesn’t sprout evenly”. The harvest takes place during a full
moon so that the stored corn grain is not affected by pests. Not all farmers apply this
traditional knowledge and attribute this situation to dependence on fertilizers and
insecticides applied when the corn is stored. Coffee seedlings are planted during or
two or three days after a full moon.
Another aspect related to the climate seasonality is the presence and behaviour
of particular bird species (Lammel et al. 2008). At the start of the sowing season
during March and April the Tush tucu (Zoque)/dove (Columba sp), the Po’Ki,/Claycoloured Robin (Turdus grayi) and the turimpio start singing. The interviewed
inhabitants explain that “the old people say that they sow the beans and corn when
the calandria (Turdus grayi). They sings so that the corn and bean crops flower;
they sing when the men are working” “the doves and robins nested in the acahuales
...when I was 12 years old I sowed in March, the birds sang all around, announcing
that it was time for sowing beans, the elders would say that it is time to burn and
prepare the ground for sowing, time to sow, the people prepared, I don’t know
where the doves have gone, they have gone somewhere else, the dove is not seen
here anymore.....”
These examples demonstrate the Zoque vision of an environment where time,
space and different living things interrelate with their daily activities, all linked to
cyclic events such as agriculture and climate. Perception also provides evidence
of changes that have occurred in the farmer’s territory, wildlife and landscape.
Therefore, knowledge of how people experience variations in the weather and
climate is essential, taking into account their local calendar which differs from the
western calendar, with different time periods and atmospheric and environmental
observations connected to agricultural production (Vedwan and Rhoades 2001;
Orlove et al. 2002). The Zoques inhabit a climate zone characterized by rainfall
and humidity. They differentiate types of rainfall in different seasons and their
observations are more focused on rainfall duration rather than quantity in order to
orientate their daily and agricultural activities. This observation is similar to that
mentioned by Roncoli (2006) who considers that in climate and climate prediction
3 Under
controlled conditions there are different responses of some plants to moonlight; an aspect
related to different popular beliefs. For example “ seed bed seedlings exposed to a fourth quarter
waning moon experience vegetative development whereas when exposed to a fourth quarter waxing
moon, display less root or leaf development but flower earlier” (Elías and Castellví 2001:183).
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Climatic Change (2011) 107:363–389
research, more importance should be given to rainfall duration and seasonality
variables than rainfall amounts.
Climate knowledge interrelates with cosmology in order to explain meteorological
phenomena and their control. Descriptions similar to those pointed out by BáezJorge (1979) who mentions the relationship between the rain, wind and cardinal
points were made by the Zoques of San Pablo Huacanó. The people express that
“when it is going to rain, a cold wind blows and clouds appear. The southerly wind
blows towards the north and then returns with the rain. The southerly wind blows
and prepares the clouds, this same wind returns as a cold northerly with the rain”.
The short heavy showers and the northerlies are controlled by a supernatural
being called “Don Rayo” (Mr Lightning), owner of the rain who lives in a place
known as hamlet, in the northern mountains of Chiapas. This name is just a reference
to a place and does not correspond to a specific geographic location. Here, the land is
farmed for corn and diverse agricultural products, all of which are better and bigger
than those consumed by other humans. Don Rayo is also associated with water and
has three wives who change into frogs during the day.
Julio Hernández an 80 year old man explains that “Don Rayo” gives permission
to the heavy showers and the northerlies. He has seven pots where he keeps the
clouds and seven large earthen water jars where the rain comes from. He possesses a
walking stick which he moves to make the lightning and new clothes which he puts on
when he goes to work (makes it rain). During the period of heavy showers he takes
his walking stick out of his box and takes the lid off one two or three pots and two or
three water jars, depending on the intensity of the rain and where it is going to rain
and then he puts the clouds away. When it is time of the northerlies (several days’
rain) he takes the lids off the seven pots and water jars...(each year) the lightning
starts in the east and as the days go by it moves all the way around the horizon until
it returns to the place where it first appeared. Then it starts to thunder, but still far
away, and goes around the horizon just like the lightning and then rumbles. When
this has finished, it is the time of lightning and heavy showers, like in June. If the
lightning starts in March it means that there will be good weather (enough rain for
the crops), if there is no lightning, there isn’t going to be any good weather, When
there is thunder, it begins in North America and then it follows its path all around
the world”. The latter reasoning expresses the incorporation of new cultural elements
that explain the rainy season. Some Zoque residents of San Pablo Huacanó migrate
temporarily to the United Sate of America.
Snakes are also associated with water, rain and lightning. There are many snakes
in the hills which climb onto the clouds and wander around them in the form of
lightning, such as the Neñaksumu (Báez-Jorge 1979). In San Pablo Huacanó the
adults describe a huge horned snake, similar to a Boa constrictor. Its head and ears
are similar to those of the “Mua” deer and is therefore called “Mua tzat”. When the
snake moves or opens its mouth, which can trap people and large animals, it causes
strong winds.
Don Julio Hernández explains the presence of three snakes associated with the
wind: the Mua tzat orAwuayuhua that has 12 horned heads, lives in the hills and
the sea and can swallow people. According to Báez-Jorge et al. (1985) it takes a
primordial place in the Zoque supernatural world; the Neñaksumu, a snake that
makes the wind, climbs up trees and when it comes down it goes to the sea; and
finally the Tzitzat snake that makes the rainbow or jungüwi’ts, the snakes breath,
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which appears when it rains. These three snakes differ from Nawayomo, linked to
the punishment of human unfaithfulness, capable of converting into other men and
women, has three fingers and lives close to streams and gullies. This legend is present
in various Zoque communities (Sulvarán 2007).
In order to predict meteorological events that are close in time, the Zoques use the
lunar phases. When it is a full moon “the rain goes away” and when it is waxing (1st
and 2nd quarter) it “brings water”. The black “ori” bird is associated with the rain
or northerlies (Báez-Jorge et al. 1985). In San Pablo Huacanó, the Zoques mention
birds such as the cowboy bird, the Plain Chachalaca (Ortalis vetula) and the pi’ja
that indicate rain or heavy showers. Other species such as the Spotted Wood Quail
(Odontophorus gutatus) and the black odi and oti birds announce northerlies or a
change in the weather. When found in peoples houses, the chicatana ant (Atta sp.)
indicates a change in the weather.
The seasonality of the rain and the association of the wind with the cardinal points
are interrelated with cosmology and knowledge of the land. These aspects allow
Zoques to place a cultural and practical significance to weather and climate interpretation, however, this knowledge and symbolic meanings are expressed differently,
depending on generation, gender, agricultural practices and personal experience.
The meteorological and climatic knowledge of the Zoques has commonalities with
other indigenous groups of Mexico, although each group has its idiosyncrasies. For
example, the association of snakes with rain and rainbows, the catching of rainwater
in jars ( representing the mountains), wearing rain gear, and the differences between
the dry and wet dog days. At times, they predict the weather based on the behavior
of birds and ants (Lammel et al. 2008).
5 Perception of changes in climate variability
The changes perceived refer to a decrease in rainfall, less duration of northerlies, an
increase in temperature during the hot season and less cold in the winter months.
Out of 69 people interviewed, 70% (N = 48) perceived a change in the climate,
whereas 30% (N = 21) did not perceive any change (Fig. 7). It was difficult for
the interviewees to remember particular years when referring to changes in climate
variability so they used reference points such as when they were children or number
of years before or after they were married. However, the most significant reference
point for both adults and elderly people was the Chichón volcano eruption in 1982.
5.1 Rainfall
Changes in rainfall are perceived by 59% (N = 28) of men and 23% (N = 11) of
women. The perception of this variation has reference points such as the weather
calendar where the presence of rainy or northerly wind months is expressed and
personal experience (Table 4). The three main aspects regarding the perception of
changes in rainfall are:
1. Decrease in duration of rain: 31% (N = 15) of the interviewees mention the
lessor number of days with storms or northerlies today compared to the past.
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Fig. 7 Perception of climate change. N 69 = 100%. No perception of climate change (subtotal N
21 = 30%): 15 to 25 years old (13%); 26 to 60 years old (8%) and More than 60 years old (9%).
Perception climate change (subtotal N 48 = 70%): 15 to 25 years old (20%); 26 to 60 years old
(26%) and More than 60 years old (24%). Percentages rounded up to 0 decimals
Duration is connected to the daily activities during the rainy season, for example:
“when I grew up and got married there was no corn or beans, we had to go
to Copainala to buy it and also bring back salt, soap and sugar......we would go
before the rainy season because sometimes the northerlies would last for more
than 20 days”; “it used to rain 10 or 15 days, it’d rain a lot, nowadays it doesn’t
rain like it used to, it just rains a little now”, “before the volcano exploded it was
just rain, one would get bored with so much rain”.
Table 4 Perceptions of changes in climate variability parameters
Percentage of 48 people
Rainfall
Decrease in duration
Decrease in amount
Seasonality variations
More rain
No rain changes
Temperature
Less cold
Warmer
Less frost
No temperature changes
No change in degree of cold
Young people
Adults
M
W
M
W
Elderly people
M
W
6
8
4
2
0
0
4
0
2
2
10
8
8
0
0
6
4
0
0
0
4
4
2
0
0
4
2
0
0
2
31
31
15
4
4
4
10
0
6
0
4
6
0
0
0
21
6
4
0
0
6
6
0
6
6
10
2
4
0
2
8
2
4
0
0
54
33
12
6
8
The percentages are rounded up to 0 decimal points; therefore the total is not always 100%
Subtotal
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379
Twenty years ago, there was no road leading to the community making it extremely
difficult to travel to nearby communities, therefore the weather was an important
factor when organizing during the rainy season.
2. Decrease in amount: 31% (N = 15) point out that it rains less. On several
occasions, interviewees perception was associated with agricultural activities, an
increase in temperature and related to the weather events calendar, for example:
it rains less because “before we would go to the fields with my father, the corn
would grow evenly and green, now they tell me that there is a lack of rain, and
that it is very hot” “I noticed, as I am old. I knew in which season there weren’t
any northerlies anymore ...and now the sun makes it hot”.
3. Variation or unpredictability in the rainy season: this was only expressed by
men as they are more attentive to the start of the rainy season as it determines
when they sow the fields. 15% (N = 7) of men mentioned these variations: “the
rains no longer have a special time, anyone can be wrong, the clouds can appear
whenever, there isn’t a specific time when they appear anymore”; “it’s variable;
before, the time for northerlies was in September, October and November;
this no longer happens,.......it rains for a while, then it’s hot again” (Table 4).
These changes in rainfall duration, amount and variation are perceived mostly
by interviewees aged between 26 and 60 years old and particularly men.
5.2 Temperature
Changes in the temperature are perceived by 62% (N = 30) of men and 37% (N =
18) of women. They refer to (1) less cold, 54% (N = 27); (2) warmer, 33% (N =
16) and (3) less frost 12% (N = 6). The latter was only mentioned by several adults
and elderly people (Table 4). The perception of changes in temperature reflect an
important sensorial component, however, these are not mentioned in isolation. On
different occasions, adults and elderly people gave their answers using personal
experiences, referring to the weather calendar and using the volcano eruption as a
reference point. For example: “before, there were more northerlies, it was colder
and now it is warmer” “when I was a small it was very cold, even our bodies hurt in
the cold, it changed because of the El Chichón volcano eruption, ...the cold period
started in November and December, it was unbearable, now it starts in November
but it doesn’t feel cold”; “when I was a kid it was colder, it rained continually for a
week to 12 days, now it is warmer and it doesn’t rain so much.”; “before the eruption
it was colder; in the night we used to use two or three blankets but after the eruption
we realized we didn’t need extra blankets.”
The perceived temperature changes are mentioned often by people aged between
26 and 60 years and especially men.
5.3 The causes of change
The farmers and their wives mention the following as causes of changes in climate
variability: the reduction in mountain vegetation 27% (N = 13); the eruption of the
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Chichón volcano 42% (N = 20) and the heating up of the land, 17% (N = 8), 12%
(N = 6) do not know the cause of these changes (Table 5).
The Zoques refer to primary forest vegetation or fallow land (acahual) left to
recover for a period of 40 years as “Mujatzama” or montaña (forest) associated with a
wet, cool microclimate and soils that allow plants grow. The montaña is also cropland
where previously farmed acahuales can recover and become forest again. Related to
this, the Zoques have a cyclic perception of various natural events such as vegetation
regeneration and a vision of continuity or continuum. Within the Zoque landscape,
as in other indigenous cultures, there are no strong divisions between humans and
nature, cropland and forest or domestic and wild (Descola 1992; Lazos 2008).
In this context, people explain that in the montaña (forest), large trees attract
clouds, fog and water; it rains more and is cooler than in deforested areas. Twentyone percent (N = 10) of men belonging to three generations and 6% (N = 3) of
adult women view population increase and agriculture as the main causes of the
deterioration and decrease in area of the montaña and therefore less chance for its
recovery and continued existence. However, they recognize crop and cattle farming
as essential subsistence activities, thus justifying forest degradation with the need
to farm available land for survival. In most cases the interviewees did not directly
mention the accumulation of land by individuals or how the land is used by cattle
farmers. In addition to these problems there is a lack of production alternatives and
appropriate reorientation of government policies towards a sustainable management
of forest resources.
The other cause of changes in climate variability is the Chichón volcano eruption,
a perception expressed by 23% (N = 11) of men and 19% (N = 9) of women
belonging to the adult and elderly age categories. The structure of and attachment
to this perception is connected to personal experience during and after this important geological event. The inhabitants experienced environmental changes such as
variations in annual temperatures and changes in soil fertility. In 1982, the Chichón
volcano eruption produced K-alkaline magma and formed a 27 km high plinian
column (Medina-Martínez 1982; Sigurdsson et al. 1984) which dispersed in a northeasterly direction injecting sulphur aerosols into the stratosphere (Matson 1984; Rye
Table 5 Perceptions of causes and consequences of climate variability
Percentage of 48 people
Causes
Eruption of Chichón volcano
The heating up or the land
Decrease in vegetation
Don’t know
Consequences
Changes to sowing and
harvest period
Introduction of cacaté
Introduction of bananas
Introduction of squash
Introduction of coffee
Young people
Adults
M
W
M
W
M
W
0
0
10
6
0
0
0
2
13
10
2
4
6
0
6
0
10
2
8
0
13
4
0
0
42
16
27
12
0
0
6
2
13
2
23
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
6
6
2
4
0
0
0
0
4
6
8
6
2
0
4
2
12
12
14
12
Percentages rounded up to 0 decimal points
Elderly people
Subtotal
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381
et al. 1984). The global surface temperature decreased by 1◦ C followed by a sharp
increase during the summer of 1983 (Seoánez 2001). In addition to the greenhouse
effect, due to the reflection of terrestrial radiation and ash in the atmosphere, the
affected zone experienced high rainfall, temperature and humidity. These effects
accelerated the germination, growth and recuperation of the secondary vegetation,
particularly grasses (Cervantes-Borja et al. 1983).
The Zoques interpreted the fall of volcanic ash in two ways. The first is related to
the soil whereby the mixing of “the sand” with the soil in the fields modified fertility.
At first, this was considered to be beneficial for the corn production, but currently
it is perceived as having a negative effect, as they blame the ash for the presence of
different weeds and pests such as the “lorito” (parrot) insect (Diphalauca sp.) that
affects bean production. The second is related to the perception of the heating up
or the land which is associated with local changes in climate variability and their
diverse repercussions. According to the Zoques, the climate became warmer as a
consequence of the eruption. In addition, the ash is considered hot because it comes
from a volcano.
5.4 Consequences and responses to changes in climate variability
The perception of climate variability is interrelated with the indigenous farmer’s
agricultural experiences and their annual corn sowing calendar. The Zoques perceive local climate changes and the heating up of the land, together with their
consequences and responses within the sphere of their daily agricultural activities
and resulting modifications. The Zoques perceive today’s climate as warmer than
more than 30 years ago. The logic in explaining the change is based on climate
and altitudinal knowledge, in particular the differentiation between cold and hot
territory, together with climate requirements for the sowing and development of
different crops such as corn which plays a fundamental subsistence role.
5.5 The heating up or the land and the displacement of the agricultural calendar
When the San Pablo Huacanó Zoques argue that “the earth has heated up” they
are describing the fact that their community, characterized as “cold land” has
experienced climate changes. Their arguments are backed up by changes in the
sowing calendar. Thirty years ago, in cold zones, they sowed during March and
April and harvested in August or September (Fig. 6). They point out that today
the varieties of corn with long cycles “have moved forward”; that they require less
time to develop as in the “hot land” the short cycle corn varieties. The interviewed
farmers grow the native Mexican “criollo” (traditional) corn variety that was sown
by their ancestors, locally known as “bacal grande” as well as the “bacalito” variety,
smaller but with more grains and introduced during the last few decades. Both of
these varieties are currently sown during April and May and harvested in August
and September respectively (Fig. 6). The peasants mention that for both varieties
“the time of sowing is different but the harvest period is the same”.
Regarding corn cultivation, the Zoques constantly observe changes in the agricultural calendar and climate. The farmers have put the sowing period back one month
when compared with their parents or grandparents to ensure that the seedlings
receive rain and do not die prematurely due to a lack of water and heat (Table 5).
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Other consequences expressed by 50% (N = 26) of adult and elderly interviewees
related to “the heating up or the land” is the introduction in their homegardens of
plants from warmer climates such as coffee, banana (Musa sapientum L.) and orange
(Citrus sinensis (L.) Osbeck). They also mention that due to a warmer climate they
can now grow squash (Cucurbita pepo L.) in the fields near to the village, when years
before they could only harvest chilacayote (Cucurbita f icifolia Bouche) which is more
resistant to cold weather (Table 5).
A recently cultivated species is cacaté (Oecopetalum mexicanum Greenm. &
Thomps), grown in the coffee fields near to the village. Years before, the seeds
were collected in semi-warm areas. According to collection data (Medina 2000),
in Veracruz, the distribution of O. mexicanum corresponds to hot and temperate
climates, with an average annual temperature of 17◦ C to 26◦ C and a average
minimum temperature of 2◦ C to 12◦ C at altitudes between 0 and 2,000 m, indicating
that its climate requirements do not limit it to hot areas. The Zoques of San Pablo
Huacanó argue that before the eruption they planted this tree in their village but it
did not yield any fruit.
6 Discussion
The analysis of the climate stations close to San Pablo Huacanó showed possible
trends in changes in micro regional climate variability. However, as the four stations
did not present similar trends, no determining conclusions can be made. The possible temperature changes differ between stations. Reforma (R2 = 0.77) present an
increasing trend in thermal oscillation. An increase in the annual mean maximum
temperature is evident in Reforma (R2 = 0.63) and Yamonhó-Tecpatán (R2 = 0.38).
None of the four stations presented an increase or decrease in extreme temperature
frequency.
Changes related to an increase in temperature and decreases in rainfall are
particularly evident in Reforma. Annual rainfall shows an increase in dry months per
year (R2 = 0.69). The decrease in rainfall is more significant in autumn (R2 = 0.56)
and winter (R2 = 0.66). These trends are consistent with the perceptions expressed
by the Zoques of San Pablo Huacanó who stated that the sowing season had been
displaced from March and April to April and early May in the cold zone regardless
of the maize variety (bacal and bacalito). The peasant farmers reveal that the heat
affects the sown corn so they try to expose the corn seedlings as little as possible.
This is related to changes in soil humidity, probably derived from an increase in
temperature that favours the absorption of water vapour. The decrease in winter
rainfall is also evident in observations related with agriculture.
Thomas et al. (2007) states that variations in the means of climate variables is not
sufficient to identify attributes of climate impact observed and experienced by local
inhabitants, as it is only they that have a day to day relationship with the weather
and climate and can distinguish continuities or variants as regards the local climate,
something which is not visible in statistics. Hence, an understanding of responses
by local actors to the different magnitudes and frequencies of changes in climate
variability is fundamental. Changes in micro-regional climate variability perceived
by the Zoque farmers come to light when they describe the displacement of the
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383
sowing season and the introduction of crops from warmer zones used for household
subsistence rather than increasing economic productivity, as is the case in other
studied communities (Hageback et al. 2005; Thomas et al. 2007).
In order to optimize corn cultivation, affected by negative factors such as climate
events, erosion or a lack of available land, the indigenous farmers have put various
interrelating strategies into practice which act as a “buffer” against these pressures
and help ensure an adequate subsistence harvest. Depending on their possibilities
of access to their own or rented land, the Zoques do not restrict themselves to just
one area of cropland. They sow on both “cold land” and “hot land” thus increasing
their options and providing a safeguard against the effects of damages caused
by the weather or climate events. Furthermore, cultivating crops in two distinct
microclimate zones allows harvests at different times of the year, again reducing
the risk of losses due to the climate or weather events as well as ensuring that food
availability is not limited to just one particular period. The selection of corn varieties
is in function of the farmer’s preferences and a process of trial and error with different
varieties which provide benefits in various aspects. Long-cycle “criollo” traditional
corn, “bacal grande” or short-cycle “bacalito” corn is grown. Although the Zoques
have experimented with other corn varieties such as Tuxpeño or those promoted by
the government, the interviewees mention that the majority of the farmers opt for
the varieties that ensure a harvest and an increase in yield.
The vulnerability of the Zoques, farmers that depend on the seasons, is not
entirely due to climate (Roncoli 2006). It is also related to their socio-economic
context and the corn production environment, as this is their staple subsistence
crop. Currently, regional and international migration also plays an important role.
This difficult situation is exacerbated when there are no other economically viable
crops that can provide additional income, such as coffee 20 years ago. In San Pablo
Huacanó and the 38 communities that comprise the Municipality of Ocotepec, corn is
grown on steep mountain slopes and on soils that are not suitable for agriculture. This
makes farming tasks difficult and limits productivity. The farmers cultivate between
0.5 and 3 ha, on average they sow 20 kg of corn and obtain a harvest of 800 a 1,000/ha,
a reflection of the impact of erosion, weeds, pests and a lack of agricultural inputs
(fertilizers, pesticides etc).
Another aspect which contributes to vulnerability is migration which Mertz
et al. (2008) considers as having an impact on adaptation to climate change. All the
young people temporally migrate from San Pablo Huacanó. Some return during the
sowing or harvest season. Another significant factor is the lack of access to available
land, an aspect that reduces the options for the altitudinal use of territory and thus
causes a loss of knowledge and experience in the management of microclimates
for agriculture. This makes season dependent farmers, in particular landless young
farmers or peasants, more vulnerable when faced with the foreseen changes in
climate variability. There is a decline in adaptation options, linked to culture,
agricultural and environmental experience, as well as a certain amount of learning
involved in this process (Smith and Wandel 2006).
The question regarding who perceives changes in climate variability, leads us to
differential perceptions between interviewees. Adult and elderly men refer to the
changes with greater frequency, a situation associated with there inherent nexus
to agriculture. Women circumscribe their activities to the domestic household,
homegardens and depending on time or needs, in the fields helping with the harvest.
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These differences in daily activities give rise to a degree of heterogeneity between
genders and age groups. The women mention climate change less than any other
group. Although Arizpe et al. (1993) did not find any gender differences regarding
perception; she established a rural/urban dichotomy whereby rural inhabitants were
directly linked to the climate through their farming experiences.
Comparisons between the actual climate and the idealized weather calendar
(expected weather) intervene in the structure of climate change perception (Rebetez
1996; Vedwan and Rhoades 2001). The adult groups and especially the elderly,
resort to the ethno-climatology calendar in order to compare changes detected in
climate variability. Young Zoques do not clearly mention this calendar or their
ethno-meteorological knowledge in predicting the weather.
The generational rupture is present in the role of significant events such as the
Chichón volcano eruption that orientate perceptions of environmental change. The
temporary increase in temperature and soil fertility are immediate consequences of
the eruption over 27 years ago and are contrasted with current changes namely in
the climate, erosion, an increase in weeds and pests as well as a drastic decline in
flora and fauna, all to a certain degree a consequence of rapid deforestation. The
inhabitants of the San Pablo Huacanó area look to the past to account for present
events; the future is judged relative to the past and people’s experiences. Concurring
with these principles, the eruption as a singular event creates social ties between
individual people, connecting individual experiences played out during the event.
In the present, experience forms part of the logic of meaning to explain current
environmental changes, including climate. The eruption, as well as orientating the
meaning of experience, is part of the historic context of perceptions and their
differential inter-generational expression.
The young Zoque farmers also use their personal experience when they reveal
that the deterioration and fragmentation of the montaña(forest) is the principal
cause of climate change. They express perceptive elements of their experiences
visiting the forest, comparing the cool climate associated with the vegetation and
the permanent mist. It is also likely that part of the discourse related to forest
conservation taught in the school classroom or present in similar discussions is
incorporated into their explanations (Lammel et al. 2008). The adults and elderly
mention the same aspects referred to by the younger inhabitants and also refer to
changes related to the seasonal presence of specific bird species (Columba sp) in
their old acahuales which are now deforested, thus manifesting the environmental
deterioration of their territory over time. Zoque perception connects perceptive and
practical experience to their personal knowledge. At the same time, these elements
are associated with environmental cyclic processes, experienced by the Zoques in
their daily activities. It is an articulated perception where the climate is one more
component, not isolated from the social and environmental context.
The perception of the weather and climate is related to diverse environmental
elements. With Zoque peasant farmers, their own perception is not based on isolated
signs it is part of a general world view (Lammel et al. 2008) but on a grouping
together of many parameters that are not consciously articulated (Roncoli 2006).
This is evident in the case of biological indicators used by the Zoques to predict
the weather, such as bird and ant behaviour linked to heavy showers or northerlies.
Other indicators used to explain the perceived changes in climate variability are
specific plants, widely known through farming or collection. The farmers can use
Climatic Change (2011) 107:363–389
385
them to identify productivity when compared with other environments and their
microclimate characteristics (coffee, squash, bananas, oranges and cacaté). The
farmers mention that they have grown these plants for years on land on their property
located in the “tierras frías” and “calientes” (cold and hot land).
Roncoli (2006) refers to plants that African farmers use for predicting local climate. People’s agricultural perceptions and knowledge are founded on observation
carried out over many years and linked to their productive and subsistence experience, thus converting into local empirical indicators of both climate and changes in
climate variability. This aspect needs to be taken into account in scientific studies on
climate change and variability. Another possible climate indicator that needs further
research is the perception that there has been a reduction in the degree of cloudiness
in the mountains associated with vegetation loss and a cause of temperature increase.
Finally, these aspects, at times, are incorporated in the perception of specific climatic
indicators, such as cloudiness, wind or types of precipitation, on the part of the
farmers (Meze-Hausken 2004).
7 Conclusions
The modification of the local farming calendar in subsequence to their experiences
is found in the knowledge Zoque of the changes in the climatic variability of the
region. These modifications have had immediate association with the eruption of the
Chichón volcano and possibly with a variation in the temperature for at least the last
30 years. The indigenous knowledge and experiences should be considered not only
in studies of anthropogenic changes, if not also in the discussion and the planning
of international, national and local efforts. Principally in the measures directed for
the mitigation and the adaptation in seasonal agriculture, where the indigenous
population ought to be a priority due to their vulnerability to social and economic
risks. Another aspect on the part of science is to consider the value of the indigenous
knowledge of climate and the ecological aspects of the territory, both expressing an
integrated vision of nature. In the variances of these elements one finds an important
view by the local indigenous inhabitants of environmental change.
The perception of changes in the climatic variability from the point of view of
this Zoque community, who inhabit a region that isn’t characterized by periods of
severe drought, contribute elements to expand micro-regional studies of climate, as
in those of the agricultural meteorologists, in order to understand the interaction
between the climate and the varieties of native and introduced corn. This Zoque
knowledge can orient the appropriate mitigation and adaptation measures for the
region by considering the interrelation of indigenous knowledge, scientific and
technical involvement in the management of soils, the support of the diversification
of agricultural products or the management of plant pests and diseases.
The indigenous Zoques know their land, weather and climate going back many
generations. The anthropogenic climate changes present a considerable risk because
it is expected to be present for a short period of time and should be reflected
concurrently by an actual response in their seasonal agricultural practices. The affects
on the territory, as in the destruction of the forests, has cultural and environmental
consciences for the Zoques, an indication that the custodians of the animals and
the cultivars have abdicated. The reduction of the fauna or in the harvest yield
386
Climatic Change (2011) 107:363–389
is attributed to that reason. These cultural beliefs are principally found in the
elderly. In their own way, the adolescents and adults consider that the times have
changed and in small measure bestow an explanation from their cultural perspective.
This tell us about the fragmentation of cultural beliefs through factors of intruding
western education, the media of communication, the ways life is experienced in
other places, the changes to customs, etc. The challenges to current generations will
be to understand environmental and climatic changes stemming from the cultural
transformation which involves the fragmentation of the culture, countryside and
language.
The lack and fragmentation of land has caused the youth for the last 30 years
to look for economic avenues through emigration. Even though it has been recent,
the abandonment of agriculture by the youth reduces the formation of agricultural
experiences, agricultural and ecological knowledge of the land, the climate and the
variety of harvested corn. In effect the migration and its consequences began to shift
the balance toward the abandonment of the countryside while sufficient alternatives for employment, agricultural support or development of sustainability do not
exist.
Acknowledgements We thank the Biological Science Postgraduate Department of the National
Autonomous University of México (UNAM) and the National Council for Science and Technology
(CONACyT) for the research grant provided (number 181674). We especially thank the people of
San Pablo Huacanó who provided us with their viewpoints and support during the fieldwork. We are
grateful to Diego Díaz Bonifaz in charge of the Southern Border College Geographical Information
Laboratory (ECOSUR-SCL) for the drawing of the required maps, also Fabiola Gumeta Gómez
and Jesús Pérez Acua for help with the climate data analysis. Thanks to Dr. Alicia Castillo Álvarez
of the Ecosystem Research Centre (CIECO-UNAM) and Dr. Alma Rosa González Esquinca from
the Chiapas University of Arts and Science (UNICACH) for her valuable observations during the
development of this research.
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