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SERIE MUJER Y DESARROLLO
W O M E N A N D POLITICS
IN LATIN A M E R I C A
AND THE CARIBBEAN
SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT DIVISION
WOMEN A N D DEVELOPMENT UNIT
ECONOMIC COMMISSION FOR UTIN AMERICA AND THE CARIBBEAN
SERIE MUJER Y DESARROLLO
WOMEN AND POLITICS
IN LATIN AMERICA
AND THE CARIBBEAN
mm
U N I T E D
N A T I O N S
September, 1989
Santiago, Chile
LC/L515
Septemb>er 1989
This study was prepared by Women and Development Unit, Social Development
Division of ECLAC.
CONTENTS
Page
INTRODUCTION
I. THE CONTEXT OF PARTICIPATION
II.
III.
POLITICAL PARTICIPATION BY WOMEN, OR
PARTICIPATION BY WOMEN IN POLITICS
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7
11
1. G e n e r a l c o n s i d e r a t i o n s
2. P o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n by women
and s o c i a l c l a s s
3. Women's p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n p o l i t i c s
4. P a r t i c i p a t i o n o r s u r v i v a l s t r a t e g i e s ?
5. L a t i n American feminism: p o l i t i c a l
p a r t i c i p a t i o n o r o t h e r forms o f
p o l i t i c a l involvement?
11
SOME FINAL OBSERVATIONS
29
BIBLIOGRAPHY
13
16
23
25
31
INTRODUCTION
O b s e r v a t i o n s about the l i m i t e d extent o f p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n
by women have become almost commonplace. Nonetheless, contemporary
h i s t o r y p r o v i d e s more than one example t h a t b e l i e s t h i s i d e a :
In 1789 i n P a r i s : "The f i f t h o f October dawned w i t h a demonst r a t i o n i n f r o n t o f the town h a l l by women from l e s H a l l e s and the
s u r r o u n d i n g a r e a . However, t h e i r l e a d e r s h i p was soon taken up by
h i g h - r a n k i n g c a d r e s . such as M a i l l a r d , who had been one o f the leaders
o f those who stormed the B a s t i l l e . The women, who numbered f i v e o r
perhaps t e n thousand, d e c i d e d t o march on V e r s a i l l e s , thereby g i v i n g
the d e m o n s t r a t i o n a c o m p l e t e l y d i f f e r e n t c h a r a c t e r , p a r t i c u l a r l y
because i t sparked o f f another march by the men o f the armed n a t i o n a l
guard, who h a d g a t h e r e d around midday and who f o l l o w e d the same
r o u t e , w i t h t h e i r g e n e r a l , L a f a y e t t e , a t t h e i r head" (Vovelle, 1979,
pp. 147-148).
Women do n o t p a r t i c i p a t e ? : "The R u s s i a n r e v o l u t i o n was begun
by women. On I n t e r n a t i o n a l Women's Day i n 1917, women t e x t i l e workers
went out on s t r i k e i n P e t r o g r a d and c a l l e d on a l l workers to support
them. T h e i r watchwords were modest: h i g h e r wages, down with autocracy
and down w i t h war" (Lund, 1977, p. 5 ) .
Another example : on 8 March 1908 women o r g a n i z e d a march i n
the s t r e e t s o f New York t o commemorate the 1857 p r o t e s t s o f women
t e x t i l e workers.
And y e t another: "women have n o t been q u i e t l y s t a n d i n g by.
They have been a t the b a r r i c a d e s , they have been t a k i n g p a r t i n
s t r i k e s , i n p r o t e s t marches and i n the hunger s t r i k e t o o . I have
been on i t f o r s i x days. We want to v a l u e o u r s e l v e s as women, as
p e o p l e , as w e l l as t h i s democracy, t h a t hasn't been won e a s i l y ; we
are n o t s a y i n g t h a t , now t h a t we have democracy, ' j u s t go on and
l i v e your l i v e s i n peace' , no, we have been c a l l i n g o u t l o u d and
c l e a r t h a t we a r e n o t going t o be b e l i t t l e d j u s t because we a r e
c o u n t r y women. We have t o r e s p e c t o u r s e l v e s and we have to teach our
c h i l d r e n t o do t h e same; t h a t i s where we have to s t a r t to organize.
These a r e the peasant women's demands" ( M e j i a de Morales and others,
1985) .
And f i n a l l y , i n the course o f the e f f o r t to a c h i e v e g r e a t e r
democracy i n L a t i n America, a v a s t s o c i a l base has a r i s e n : women.
"Women miners speak f o r a l l miners i n B o l i v i a ; mothers speak f o r
t h e i r p o l i t i c a l l y a c t i v e c h i l d r e n i n A r g e n t i n a ; women heads o f
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h o u s e h o l d speak f o r t h e i r b a r r i o s i n Mexico; women p o l i t i c a l leaders
s t a n d s i d e by s i d e w i t h men i n most o f our c o u n t r i e s . And, a l o n g
w i t h the demands made by d i f f e r e n t c l a s s e s , e t h n i c groups and other
s e c t o r s , a t t e n t i o n i s b e i n g drawn to the s p e c i f i c demands made by
women: e q u i t y , equal pay f o r equal work, S t a t e support f o r domestic
work, c o n t r o l over t h e i r own b o d i e s , and v i s i b i l i t y " ( A r i z p e , 1988,
p. 7 ) .
S i n c e the t u r n o f the c e n t u r y , women have come a l o n g way as
regards p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n . The s w i f t n e s s w i t h which they have
emerged as a f o r c e and v o i c e d t h e i r demands, t h e i r i n c r e a s e d v i s i b i l i t y , a c q u i s i t i o n o f f u l l c i t i z e n s h i p and g r e a t e r e d u c a t i o n make i t
i m p o s s i b l e t o c o n c e i v e o f b u i l d i n g a long-term f u t u r e w i t h o u t t h e i r
participation.
The i s s u e i s n o t j u s t one o f women as a group or as individuals,
but o f changing our s o c i e t y . The a n a l y s i s o f p a r t i c i p a t i o n by women
sheds l i g h t on many o t h e r s u b j e c t s : s o c i a l movements, c u l t u r a l change,
the i n c o r p o r a t i o n o f m a r g i n a l i z e d groups, the e x t e n s i o n o f c i t i z e n s h i p , the new r e l a t i o n s h i p between the p r i v a t e and p u b l i c spheres,
p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s , power r e l a t i o n s h i p s , democracy.
Some o f the many images o f t h i s kaleidoscope are explored i n the
f o l l o w i n g pages. T h i s examination o f p a r t i c i p a t i o n by women i s s e t
w i t h i n the framework o f the g e n e r a l o u t l o o k i n L a t i n America and
the C a r i b b e a n as viewed by ECLAC and the U n i t e d N a t i o n s .
The q u e s t i o n o f women's p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s approached from a
v a r i e t y o f d i f f e r e n t a n g l e s : t h e i r membership i n s p e c i f i c s o c i o e c o nomic groups, t h e i r l i n k s t o t r a d i t i o n a l p a r t i e s , the f e m i n i s t
p e r s p e c t i v e and p a r t i c i p a t i o n as a s u r v i v a l s t r a t e g y .
The f o l l o w i n g d i s c u s s i o n i n c l u d e s no c a t e g o r i c a l
statements
- - o n l y p o s s i b l e approaches as we seek to s i f t through the vast, a l b e i t
s t i l l i n s u f f i c i e n t , body o f knowledge t h a t has been accumulated.
There a r e many gaps. Nonetheless,
the m a t e r i a l t h a t i s reviewed
here r e f l e c t s a s p e c i a l s o r t o f v i t a l i t y , t h a t o f s o c i e t i e s whose
f a b r i c i s interwoven w i t h d i f f e r e n t voices --joyous, dramatic, hopeful
v o i c e s - - which we hope t o r e c a p t u r e .
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I. THE CONTEXT OF PARTICIPATION
W i t h i n the U n i t e d N a t i o n s , the i d e a of p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s seen w i t h i n
the c o n t e x t o f the quest f o r e q u i t y as an i n t r i n s i c component o f
the type o f development sought by L a t i n America and the C a r i b b e a n .
I t c o n s t i t u t e s an e t h i c a l stance and a commitment to a c t i o n whereby
the e l i m i n a t i o n o f p o v e r t y and the c r e a t i o n o f e q u i t a b l e s o c i e t i e s
are viewed as b e i n g i n h e r e n t i n the v a l u e s of contemporary s o c i e t y .
The s u b j e c t o f p a r t i c i p a t i o n has a w e l l - e s t a b l i s h e d place among
the concerns o f the U n i t e d N a t i o n s i n r e s p e c t of i t s v a r i o u s areas
o f a c t i v i t y , e s p e c i a l l y d u r i n g r e c e n t decades. Ever since the i n i t i a l
d i s c u s s i o n s on t h i s i s s u e were h e l d a t the f i r s t meetings
organized
by the U n i t e d N a t i o n s Research I n s t i t u t e f o r S o c i a l Development
(UNRISD) (UNRISD, 1981), i t has been c l e a r t h a t , f a r from b e i n g an
i s o l a t e d term, p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s a value vAiich has to do with r e l a t i o n s
among d i f f e r e n t s o c i a l groups and t h a t the extent to which t h i s
v a l u e i s u p h e l d depends upon the nature and f u n c t i o n s a s c r i b e d to
the S t a t e , our concept of government and,
i n b r o a d e r terms, our
concept o f s o c i e t y as a whole. The i s s u e i n v o l v e s i d e o l o g i c a l choices
and p o l i t i c a l commitments much more than i t does technical d e f i n i t i o n s
or o r g a n i z a t i o n a l problems. Indeed p a r t i c i p a t i o n has come to be
seen as an e s s e n t i a l l y e t h i c a l q u e s t i o n , i n t h a t i t i s based on the
i d e a t h a t the c r e a t i o n o f a s o c i e t y i s an ongoing p r o c e s s i n which
a l l s h o u l d take p a r t . C l e a r l y , i f t h i s i s to take p l a c e , then a l l
members o f s o c i e t y should, i n p r i n c i p l e , have an equal o p p o r t u n i t y
to p a r t i c i p a t e . Because e x i s t i n g patterns of dépendance and inequality
are, by t h e i r v e r y n a t u r e , o b s t a c l e s to such p a r t i c i p a t i o n , s o c i e t y
i s fragmented and d e c i s i o n s are o f t e n taken on the b a s i s o f the
consent or d i s s e n t o f v a r i o u s s e c t o r s depending upon the amount o f
power they w i e l d . P a r t i c i p a t i o n has thus become one o f the g o a l s
and o b j e c t i v e s o f development, and t h i s i s expressed i n the increasing
involvement of the most u n d e r p r i v i l e g e d groups i n the f o r m u l a t i o n
o f p o l i c i e s which a f f e c t them and s o c i e t y as a whole.
In L a t i n America and the Caribbean, the subject of p a r t i c i p a t i o n
has been c l o s e l y l i n k e d to the concept o f i n t e g r a l development since
the 1970s (ECLAC, 1975). Ever s i n c e t h a t time the i d e a has c o n s i s t e n t l y been u p h e l d t h a t development should be viewed as an e f f o r t
to a c h i e v e w e l l - b e i n g , s o c i a l j u s t i c e and p a r t i c i p a t i o n . T h i s i d e a
has become even more f i r m l y entrenched in the 1980s as e f f o r t s are
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made to promote the genuine p a r t i c i p a t i o n of the p o p u l a t i o n i n the
p r o c e s s o f economic, s o c i a l and human development (ECLAC, 1981).
Viewed i n t h i s l i g h t , p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s a c o l l e c t i v e a c t i v i t y
e n t a i l i n g an o r g a n i z a t i o n , a s t r a t e g y and a course of a c t i o n aimed
a t changing the d i s t r i b u t i o n o f p r o p e r t y or o f s o c i a l power.
The s u c c e s s , the c o n t i n u i t y and the e f f e c t s of the action taken
by the groups p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n s o c i a l movements t h e r e f o r e depend
upon the p r e v a i l i n g p o l i t i c a l model and the r o l e i t assigns to these
groups. Broader p a r t i c i p a t i o n presupposes changes i n e x i s t i n g power
r e l a t i o n s , and the p o l i t i c a l dimension i s hence a fundamental conside r a t i o n i n g a i n i n g an u n d e r s t a n d i n g of s p e c i f i c s o c i a l s i t u a t i o n s .
P o l i t i c a l encouragement and t o l e r a n c e of p a r t i c i p a t i o n , or, on the
o t h e r hand, i t s p o l i t i c a l r e s t r i c t i o n or r e p r e s s i o n , e s t a b l i s h the
b o u n d a r i e s w i t h i n which the v a r i o u s s o c i a l groups d e f i n e t h e i r
strategies.
The s u b j e c t o f p a r t i c i p a t i o n a l s o f i g u r e s i n the current debate
c o n c e r n i n g the d e m o c r a t i z a t i o n o f L a t i n America and the C a r i b b e a n .
A d e m o c r a t i c system i s , by d e f i n i t i o n , more open and more p a r t i c i p a t o r y than an a u t h o r i t a r i a n system i s . Although there have been models
i n L a t i n America i n v o l v i n g l i t t l e p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n and y e t a
g r e a t d e a l o f s o c i a l m o b i l i t y , these models have not become consolid a t e d or produced l a s t i n g change under e i t h e r m i l i t a r y or c i v i l i a n
p o p u l i s t régimes. E f f e c t i v e p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s o n l y p o s s i b l e when i t
a r i s e s out o f a s t r e n g t h e n i n g of c i v i l s o c i e t y , when c o l l e c t i v e
a c t i o n i s b o t h taken and v a l u e d , and when the p r e v a i l i n g development
s t y l e s are open and e q u i t a b l e r a t h e r then concentrative (ECLAC, 1982).
"The
r e c e n t resurgence of concern about s o c i a l development
has, i n many cases, not been c o u p l e d w i t h a p r o p e r i n t e r p r e t a t i o n
o f the causes o f s o c i a l development problems or w i t h p r o p o s a l s f o r
a c t i o n based on such an i n t e r p r e t a t i o n . Indeed, many c u r r e n t s o c i a l
development p r o p o s a l s are c o n f i n e d to the a r e a o f s o c i a l s e r v i c e s
and thus s i d e s t e p the b a s i c f a c t t h a t unequal access to such services
i s o n l y one, and perhaps not the most important aspect of the o v e r a l l
i n e q u a l i t y which e x i s t s (ECLAC, 1988a, p. 4 ) .
A wide spectrtim o f p a r t i c i p a t i o n o p t i o n s e x i s t i n the r e g i o n :
p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s , short-term s o c i a l m o b i l i z a t i o n ,
s o c i a l movements, p a c t s or agreements which i n many cases take the
form o f s o c i a l or p o l i t i c a l c o a l i t i o n s , i s s u e - s p e c i f i c neighbourhood
campaigns, and v a r i o u s combinations of the above. A l l forms o f
p a r t i c i p a t i o n , however, i n v o l v e two d i f f e r e n t f o r c e s which sometimes
run c o u n t e r to one another and other times are mutually complementary.
In one, the emphasis i s on i n w a r d - d i r e c t e d p a r t i c i p a t i o n w i t h i n the
o r g a n i z a t i o n , w h i l e i n the o t h e r , p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s a r t i c u l a t e d w i t h i n
the o r g a n i z a t i o n but i s d i r e c t e d towards s o c i e t y or towards o t h e r
s o c i a l s e c t o r s . The r e l a t i o n s h i p between the two i s complex, s i n c e ,
on the one hand, s o c i a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n e f f o r t s o f t e n serve to resolve
l o c a l , i n t e r n a l problems and, on the other, p a r t i c i p a t i o n w i t h i n a
l i m i t e d sphere, i f i t i s w e l l o r g a n i z e d and has a b r o a d e r purpose,
may t r a n s c e n d i t s o r i g i n s and achieve a s o c i a l impact. When speaking
about the agents of p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n L a t i n America and the Caribbean,
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reference i s usually being made primarily to workers and peasants,
even though many d i f f e r e n t types of p a r t i c i p a t o r y processes are
occurring simultaneously within the region, including everything
from voting for p o l i t i c a l representatives or the formation of specific
labour c o a l i t i o n s , to v i o l e n t struggles by workers or peasants to
assert their basic r i g h t s . Many d i f f e r e n t sorts of p a r t i c i p a t i o n
demands have been made, some of which have grown into broad-based
s o c i a l movements, while others have remained confined to the l o c a l
community l e v e l .
The subject i s even more complex because the authoritarian
origins of L a t i n American i d e o l o g i c a l constructs are r e f l e c t e d i n
the varying degrees of d i f f i c u l t y which a l l the models have had i n
opening themselves up to new s o c i a l groups and incorporating new
ideas. This s i t u a t i o n has been exacerbated by the governments' long
history of i n s t a b i l i t y and by the constant changes occurring i n the
balance of forces among major s o c i a l sectors, since this has i n e v i tably caused them to harden their positions and has sharpened the
c o n f l i c t s among them. Furthermore, the individual coixntries' internal
s o c i a l , economic, ethnic and c u l t u r a l heterogeneity has l e d to
s t r i k i n g contrasts i n l i f e s t y l e s and great inequality in the people's
objective l i v i n g conditions, which i n and of themselves promote
margination and exclusion rather than p a r t i c i p a t i o n .
9
II. POLITICAL PARTICIPATION BY WOMEN, OR PARTICIPATION BY
WOMEN IN POLITICS
1. G e n e r a l c o n s i d e r a t i o n s
Ever s i n c e i t s founding, the U n i t e d Nations has played a p a r t i c u l a r l y
a c t i v e and i n f l u e n t i a l r o l e i n promoting p a r t i c i p a t i o n by women i n
development and i n economic, s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l l i f e . A number o f
U n i t e d N a t i o n s agencies have promoted i n i t i a t i v e s and c a r r i e d o u t
a c t i v i t i e s aimed a t encouraging women t o p a r t i c i p a t e i n v a r i o u s
a s p e c t s o f development. An i n c r e a s i n g l y s o l i d f o u n d a t i o n has been
p r o v i d e d f o r these a c t i v i t i e s by the s u c c e s s i v e r e f o r m u l a t i o n s o f
the concept o f development i n t r o d u c e d by the International Development
S t r a t e g y , which emphasizes development's s o c i a l a s p e c t s and f o c u s e s
more e x p l i c i t l y on the people who a r e i t s agents and b e n e f i c i a r i e s .
Ntunerous s t u d i e s and r e s e a r c h p r o j e c t s have continued to delve further
i n t o these q u e s t i o n s . I n the c o n t e x t o f these e f f o r t s , the N a i r o b i
Forward-Looking S t r a t e g i e s c o n s t i t u t e a p a r t i c u l a r l y notable milestone
(ECLAC, 1982).
When d i s c u s s i n g the p a r t i c i p a t i o n o f women and young p e o p l e as
s o c i a l a c t o r s i n L a t i n America and the Caribbean, the main f o c u s i s
u s u a l l y on t h e i r p o t e n t i a l f o r becoming s o c i a l a c t o r s through such
p a r t i c i p a t i o n . I n v e r y g e n e r a l terms, women's s o c i a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n
can be s a i d t o be s u b j e c t , i n the f i r s t i n s t a n c e , t o l i m i t a t i o n s
s i m i l a r t o those a f f e c t i n g men: the s t y l e o f development t h a t has
been adopted, t h e e x i s t e n c e o f a democratic s o c i e t a l model o r the
l a c k t h e r e o f , and the encouragement, discouragement o r r e p r e s s i o n
of p a r t i c i p a t i o n . A t the same l e v e l o f g e n e r a l i t y , however, o t h e r
f a c t o r s come i n t o p l a y i n the case o f women: the p r e v a i l i n g c u l t u r a l
model, the s o c i a l l y - a c c e p t e d r o l e o f women, and the s o c i e t y ' s degree
o f t r a d i t i o n a l i s m a l l o f which i s p r i m a r i l y expressed i n the country's
l e v e l o f development and degree o f m o d e r n i z a t i o n . W i t h i n t h i s framework, women u s u a l l y p a r t i c i p a t e l e s s than men do i n areas where
they share l a b o u r - r e l a t e d o r p o l i t i c a l g r i e v a n c e s w i t h men. Although
movements which i n c l u d e both sexes do e x i s t , they a r e u s u a l l y n o t
the ones t h a t e l i c i t the g r e a t e s t response from women.
In v e r y g e n e r a l terms, i t may be a s s e r t e d t h a t t r a d i t i o n a l
democratic models tend to f o s t e r a m o d e r n i z a t i o n o f women's r o l e s
r a t h e r than genuine p a r t i c i p a t i o n on t h e i r p a r t . T h e i r e n t r y i n t o
the l a b o u r market i s accepted, b u t the c e n t r a l element o f such
11
p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s seen as b e i n g t h a t they are working i n order to
b e n e f i t t h e i r household and f a m i l y . In t h i s model, t h e i r p a r t i c i p a t i o n
i s c o n f i n e d w i t h i n c l e a r l y - d r a w n boundaries and i s s u b j e c t to a
great deal of c o n t r o l .
In a u t h o r i t a r i a n models, the S t a t e ' s a t t i t u d e towards p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s n e g a t i v e . I t u s u a l l y promotes a woman-as-housewife model,
a l t h o u g h some women may occupy s e n i o r government p o s t s .
U r b a n i z a t i o n has had an impact on women's p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n the
r e g i o n , p a r t l y because i n the c i t i e s the family exercises less control
over i t s members and because other agents o f s o c i a l i z a t i o n are
p r e s e n t . R e l i g i o n has a l s o been a h i g h l y i n f l u e n t i a l f a c t o r i n the
r e g i o n as r e g a r d s p a r t i c i p a t i o n by women.
The i n c o r p o r a t i o n o f many s o c i a l a c t o r s as a c t i v e p a r t i c i p a n t s
i n L a t i n America has been a long, c o n f l i c t - r i d d e n p r o c e s s which i s
s t i l l not complete, and the i n c o r p o r a t i o n o f women has by no means
been among the e a s i e s t o f these p r o c e s s e s .
In a d d i t i o n to the l e g a l b a r r i e r s (women's s u f f r a g e i s q u i t e
r e c e n t ) , u n t i l the Second World War p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n by women
was seen as b e i n g u n a c c e p t a b l e , d e s p i t e the f a c t t h a t some women
h e l d p o s i t i o n s o f power. For t h a t matter, throughout h i s t o r y not
a l l women i n p o s i t i o n s o f power have been i n favour o f p a r t i c i p a t i o n
by women. I n 1871 Queen V i c t o r i a s t a t e d t h a t she would do everything
i n her power to put a stop to " t h i s nonsense" o f women's r i g h t s ,
which she saw as b e i n g an o f f e n s e against the whole idea of femininity
and demeanour. She m a i n t a i n e d t h a t women would become d i s a g r e e a b l e
and h e a r t l e s s i f they were a l l o w e d to " f o r s a k e t h e i r gender", and
she asked what would become o f the p r o t e c t i o n which men were supposed
to g i v e to the "weaker sex" (Strackey, 1941) . From the v e r y s t a r t
women's s t r u g g l e to p a r t i c i p a t e has not been embraced by a l l women,
nor has i t been f o r the sake of a l l . While some women have sought
p o l i t i c a l power on b e h a l f o f the groups to which they b e l o n g or
t h e i r own i n t e r e s t s , not a l l o f them have f u r t h e r e d the cause o f
p a r t i c i p a t i o n by the c i t i z e n r y or promoted s p e c i f i c women's demands
w i t h i n the framework o f b r o a d e r s o c i a l demands.
The i s s u e has not been an easy one to address, and i t s analysis
i s made even more d i f f i c u l t by the fragmentary and i m p r e c i s e n a t u r e
o f the a v a i l a b l e i n f o r m a t i o n . I t was not u n t i l the l a s t decade (and
the U n i t e d N a t i o n s Decade f o r Women has i n a r g u a b l y made an extremely
v a l u a b l e c o n t r i b u t i o n i n t h i s r e s p e c t ) t h a t more r i g o r o u s
analyses
began to be s y s t e m a t i z e d and a l a r g e number o f s t u d i e s and r e s e a r c h
papers s t a r t e d to be produced t h a t
c o n s t i t u t e d the b e g i n n i n g s o f a
body o f t h e o r e t i c a l and p r a c t i c a l knowledge c o n c e r n i n g p a r t i c i p a t i o n
by women. I t i s a c o n t r o v e r s i a l subject having many subjective aspects
and e m o t i o n a l o v e r t o n e s , and a t times i t i s t h e r e f o r e i m p o s s i b l e to
a s c e r t a i n i n whose name the s t u d i e s are w r i t t e n or how representative
are the v a r i o u s o p i n i o n s t h a t are expressed.
Be t h i s as i t may,
w i t h i n the context of the
democratization
p r o c e s s e s o f L a t i n America and the Caribbean, women have been involved
i n many s o c i a l movements, g r a s s - r o o t s o r g a n i z a t i o n s and co-operative
e f f o r t s and have brought p r e s s u r e
to bear i n r e s p e c t of
labour
12
g r i e v a n c e s and other demands. They have i n some way c o l l e c t i v i z e d
many p r i v a t e and i n d i v i d u a l experiences and have made progress towards
the o b j e c t i v e o f p a r t i c i p a t i n g i n t h e i r s o c i e t i e s as f u l l c i t i z e n s .
2. P o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n by women and s o c i a l
class
Women's p a r t i c i p a t i o n and the form i t takes a r e s t r o n g l y i n f l u e n c e d
by the c l a s s to which the women b e l o n g and t h e i r o r g a n i z a t i o n a l
o p p o r t u n i t i e s and c a p a b i l i t i e s . " I n s o f a r as most a s p e c t s of p a r t i c i p a t i o n a r e concerned, the s e l f - i d e n t i t y o f women as such p r o b a b l y
remains s u b o r d i n a t e t o t h e i r i d e n t i t y as members o f p r i v i l e g e d o r
u n d e r p r i v i l e g e d c l a s s e s " (Wolfe, 1975, pp. 11).
T h i s i d e a i s i n k e e p i n g w i t h the f a c t t h a t , i n a d d i t i o n t o h e r
i d e n t i f i c a t i o n w i t h a g i v e n c l a s s o r s o c i a l group, a woman's s t a t u s
i s a l s o d e f i n e d by h e r economic s i t u a t i o n , the powerfulness o f the
c l a s s to which she belongs, i t s average e d u c a t i o n a l l e v e l , c u l t u r a l
t r a d i t i o n s and the i d e o l o g y i t i s capable o f g e n e r a t i n g .
The i n d i c a t i o n s a r e t h a t u p p e r - c l a s s women tend to p a r t i c i p a t e
p o l i t i c a l l y by v o t i n g , see themselves as d e f e n d i n g t h e i r p r i v i l e g e s
and, i n c r i t i c a l s i t u a t i o n s where those p r i v i l e g e s a r e endangered,
t r y t o m o b i l i z e l a r g e r m i d d l e - c l a s s sectors, which are often receptive
to such e f f o r t s ( B a r b i e r i , 1986).
Middle-income urban women d i s p l a y a v a r i e t y of modes and degrees
o f p a r t i c i p a t i o n s i n c e they a r e a more heterogeneous group. T h e i r
p a r t i c i p a t i o n depends upon the access they have t o consumer goods
and t o e d u c a t i o n and, a t times, upon whether o r n o t they are members
of the labour f o r c e . T h e i r p o l i t i c a l options are g e n e r a l l y quite
l i m i t e d and t h e i r v o t e s a r e o f t e n manipulated. T y p i c a l e x c e p t i o n s
to the above i n c l u d e s o c i a l campaigns by t e a c h e r s , most o f whom a r e
female, and human r i g h t s movements, i n which e x t e r n a l guidance has
played a c r u c i a l r o l e .
Housewives o f the upper middle c l a s s u s u a l l y tend t o express
p o l i t i c a l views s i m i l a r to those o f t h e i r husbands and a r e o f t e n
opposed t o any form o f change. Those o f the lower middle c l a s s a r e
g e n e r a l l y more devoted adherents o f the i d e o l o g y o f consumption,
defend t h e s t a t u s quo and r e j e c t the i d e a o f the e q u a l i t y o f t h e
sexes, and t h e i r v o t e s a r e o f t e n easy t a r g e t s f o r m a n i p u l a t i o n .
Some s t u d i e s i n d i c a t e t h a t the women b e l o n g i n g
to the very
heterogeneous low-income s e c t o r s i n the r e g i o n m o b i l i z e i n response
to some types o f o b j e c t i v e s i t u a t i o n s which may have the e f f e c t o f
i n c r e a s i n g t h e i r awareness and, f r e q u e n t l y , r a d i c a l i z i n g them i n
the course o f s o c i a l s t r u g g l e s . Four main f a c t o r s appear t o come
i n t o p l a y i n these l a r g e l y spontaneous movements, which a r e o f t e n
sparked by a s p e c i f i c a c t o f r e p r e s s i o n : a) a g a t h e r i n g , whether i n
the workplace o r home, o f many women who have the same immediate
i n t e r e s t s ; b) some s p e c i f i c event which b o t h aggravates c e r t a i n
problems and prompts these women to r e g a r d them as c o l l e c t i v e problems; c) t h e e x i s t e n c e o f some type o f neighbourhood o r community
13
o r g a n i z a t i o n ; and d) the e x i s t e n c e of some sort of external mobilizing
f o r c e (a p o l i t i c a l p a r t y , trade union, e t c . ) U s u a l l y , once the emergency s i t u a t i o n has passed, the women's
p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n such movements e i t h e r d i m i n i s h e s or ceases a l t o gether. The main causes o f such d e m o b i l i z a t i o n a r e r e l a t e d t o the
women's m a t e r i a l l i v i n g c o n d i t i o n s as w e l l as to i d e o l o g i c a l factors
a s s o c i a t e d w i t h t h e i r r o l e w i t h i n the gender-based d i v i s i o n o f labour
(León and R o t h l i s b e r g e r , 1978).
The economic a c t i v i t y o f lower-income s e c t o r s i s p r o b a b l y one
o f the most i n f l u e n t i a l f a c t o r s i n d e t e r m i n i n g these women's opport u n i t i e s f o r o r g a n i z a t i o n and p a r t i c i p a t i o n . Since the market i s
the main r e s o u r c e - a l l o c a t i o n mechanism i n modern c l a s s - b a s e d s o c i e t i e s , women's disadvantageous p o s i t i o n vis-à-vis the market, even
i n comparison t o t h a t o f men i n the same c l a s s , i s one o f the major
obstacles
t o t h e i r p a r t i c i p a t i o n . A t y p i c a l example o f p o p u l a r
p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n L a t i n America i s the p r e s s u r e brought t o bear i n
o r d e r t o o b t a i n p r o p e r housing, and women have p l a y e d a l e a d i n g
r o l e i n l a n d t a k e - o v e r s i n the r e g i o n . Another common form o f part i c i p a t i o n by housewives i n lower-income sectors i s seen during labour
c r i s e s i n v o l v i n g t h e i r husbands, such as s t r i k e s , t r a d e - u n i o n conflicts,
e t c . I n such cases women o f t e n p a r t i c i p a t e a c t i v e l y i n
watchdog committees, conduct marches and demonstrations, and form
s u p p o r t committees. Women workers only seem to have more opportunities
f o r p a r t i c i p a t i o n than housewives. The impact o f the predominant
i d e o l o g y , t h e i r disadvantageous p o s i t i o n w i t h r e s p e c t t o the market,
the burden o f domestic work which l e a v e s them v e r y l i t t e time t o
p a r t i c i p a t e , and the r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s as head o f h o u s e h o l d which
they o f t e n must s h o u l d e r a l l m i l i t a t e a g a i n s t t h e i r m o b i l i z a t i o n .
I n extreme s i t u a t i o n s they become very active, but t h e i r p a r t i c i p a t i o n
i n these i n s t a n c e s e s s e n t i a l l y r e l a t e s to the g e n e r a l o b j e c t i v e s o f
the s e c t o r . I t would seem t h a t , i n order for the women i n lower-income
s e c t o r s t o p a r t i c i p a t e on a more continuous b a s i s , a more comprehens i v e and i n t e g r a t e d f o r w a r d - l o o k i n g p o l i t i c a l s t r a t e g y i s r e q u i r e d
t h a t would p e r m i t them t o v i s u a l i z e l o n g e r - t e r m o b j e c t i v e s .
P a r t i c i p a t i o n by lower-income women d i f f e r s according to whether
they l i v e i n urban o r r u r a l zones as w e l l . I n urban areas, women
workers g e n e r a l l y d e l e g a t e t h e i r u n i o n representation to men, whether
because o f t h e i n c o m p a t i b i l i t y o f t h e i r r o l e s as worker-housewifewife-mother, f e a r o f r e p r i s a l s by their employers, a desire to r e t r e a t
i n t o t h e i r p r i v a t e l i v e s or f e a r o f r i d i c u l e . They a r e more f e a r f u l
o f b e i n g unemployed o r o f b e i n g d i s m i s s e d than men are, and a r e
o f t e n used as s t r i k e - b r e a k e r s . They a r e a c t i v e i n the unions on an
ongoing b a s i s and occupy l e a d e r s h i p p o s i t i o n s o n l y i n c e r t a i n s m a l l
s e c t o r s . They become a c t i v e p a r t i c i p a n t s d u r i n g times o f c r i s i s ,
but t h e i r e f f o r t s i n such i n s t a n c e s a r e on b e h a l f o f the workers i n
g e n e r a l r a t h e r than s p e c i f i c women's demands. Recent s t u d i e s by the
I n t e r n a t i o n a l Labour O r g a n i s a t i o n (ILO) i n d i c a t e t h a t some changes
are t a k i n g p l a c e i n the u n i o n i z a t i o n o f women, which appears t o be
on the i n c r e a s e .
14
No p a r t i c i p a t i o n i s u s u a l l y seen among women domestic workers,
and domestic s e r v a n t s have v o i c e d v e r y few c o l l e c t i v e demands. They
have no o r g a n i z a t i o n s and share the problems o f other lower-income
working women.
The lower-income women who do not work outside the home generally
b e l o n g t o t r a d i t i o n a l w o r k i n g - s e c t o r f a m i l i e s (employment i n cons t r u c t i o n , i n d u s t r y , t r a n s p o r t , e x t r a c t i v e a c t i v i t i e s o f high-prodiict i v i t y e n t e r p r i s e s and i n e n t e r p r i s e s h a v i n g l a r g e c a p i t a l i n v e s t ments) . As n o t e d e a r l i e r , t h e i r p a r t i c i p a t i o n r e v o l v e s around t h e i r
neighbourhood o r t h e i r husband's work.
Lower-income r u r a l women, who c o n s t i t u t e perhaps the most
v u l n e r a b l e and disadvantaged s e c t o r , mainly p a r t i c i p a t e i n cases o f
group c o n f l i c t s , e s p e c i a l l y on b e h a l f o f the demands o f peasants
and farmworkers ( B a r b i e r i , 1986).
In sum, p a r t i c i p a t i o n by women i s i n f l u e n c e d by the group t o
which they b e l o n g , r e q u i r e s o u t s i d e t r a i n i n g and s t i m u l i , and i s
s e l f - r e i n f o r c i n g . Although no e x h a u s t i v e s t u d i e s have been done on
the s u b j e c t , i t would appear t h a t t h e i r f a t h e r s e x e r t a p o w e r f u l
i n f l u e n c e over these women's p o l i t i c a l e d u c a t i o n .
As mentioned above, the d i f f e r i n g m o t i v a t i o n s
f o r women's
p a r t i c i p a t i o n a r e l i n k e d t o the l i v i n g c o n d i t i o n s o f the groups t o
which they b e l o n g . Thus, women i n the lower-income s e c t o r s a r e
m o t i v a t e d by t h e i r d e s i r e t o improve t h e i r f a m i l y ' s o r community
group's s i t u a t i o n . T h e i r p a r t i c i p a t i o n must n e c e s s a r i l y take a
c o l l e c t i v e form and o f t e n serves as a s u r v i v a l s t r a t e g y . Women i n
middle-income groups a r e o f t e n m o b i l i z e d by more personal motivations
and by p o l i t i c a l o r l a b o u r - r e l a t e d f a c t o r s o r by a d e s i r e to redress
women's g r i e v a n c e s . Women i n upper-income s e c t o r s do n o t p a r t i c i p a t e
a g r e a t d e a l and i n s t e a d tend t o modernize t h e i r t r a d i t i o n a l r o l e s ,
w i t h t h e e x c e p t i o n o f those s m a l l groups t h a t e n t e r i n t o c o n f l i c t
w i t h t h e i r own s o c i a l c l a s s . Nonetheless, i n general the p a r t i c i p a t i o n
o f women i n o r g a n i z a t i o n s a l s o appears t o depend, perhaps p r i m a r i l y ,
on t h e c u l t u r a l v a l u e s which d e f i n e t h e i r r o l e and on t h e e x t e n t t o
which they l e a r n t o undertake p a r t i c i p a t o r y action. The l a t t e r element
i s e x t r e m e l y important f o r women, s i n c e they u s u a l l y do n o t l e a r n
v e r y much about p a r t i c i p a t i o n from t h e i r l i f e experiences, and t h e i r
involvement i n o r g a n i z a t i o n s t h e r e f o r e g i v e s them a new p e r c e p t i o n
o f t h e i r own p o t e n t i a l (ECLAC, 1986).
15
3. Women's p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n p o l i t i c s
"My i n t e r v i e w i s a l l about p o l i t i c s ,
but I don't understand p o l i t i c s a t
a l l . I don't know, i t s j u s t something
t h a t doesn't have much to do w i t h me.
I don't know, I thought that my interview would be c o m p l e t e l y
different
... . I thought t h a t our t a l k was
going to be, w e l l ,
a conversation
among women, and i t never o c c u r r e d to
me t h a t i t was going t o be about
politics
... I don't know a n y t h i n g
about p o l i t i c s "
(Pires
do R i o de
C a l d e i r a , 1987, p. 89).
The way i n which women r e l a t e to p o l i t i c s i s , even a t f i r s t g l a n c e ,
b o t h complex and ambivalent. Even though women have a more v i s i b l e
presence i n p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s than i n other forms o f p a r t i c i p a t i o n ,
t h e r e i s v e r y l i t t l e l i t e r a t u r e on the s u b j e c t . Of a l l the s t u d i e s
on women done i n r e c e n t decades, v e r y few d e a l w i t h t h e i r p a r t i c i pation i n p o l i t i c a l parties.
In the 1970s and e s p e c i a l l y i n the 1980s, however, more such
s t u d i e s have begun t o be produced. The f i r s t w r i t i n g s on women i n
p o l i t i c s have two main c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s : t h e i r focus i s h i s t o r i c a l
and most o f them a r e w r i t t e n by women who p l a y e d a l e a d i n g r o l e i n
the events i n q u e s t i o n .
A number o f books d e a l i n g w i t h women's involvement i n p o l i t i c s
are a b l e n d o f h i s t o r y and l i t e r a t u r e and are, i n f a c t , h i s t o r i c a l
n o v e l s about women. Others a r e a combination of h i s t o r y and sociology
and t h e i r o b j e c t i s to h e l p improve the s t a t u s o f women i n s o c i e t y .
T h i s s c h o o l o f thought tends t o view women's p o l i t i c a l b e h a v i o u r as
b e i n g c l o s e l y r e l a t e d t o t h e i r involvement i n p r o d u c t i o n p r o c e s s e s .
Another s c h o o l which arose e a r l y on has f o c u s e d on l e g a l
q u e s t i o n s and i n p a r t i c u l a r , e s p e c i a l l y i n the b e g i n n i n g , on the
s t r u g g l e t o w i n the v o t e . A v a l u a b l e c o n t r i b u t i o n has a l s o been
made i n t h i s a r e a by l a t e r s t u d i e s which p r o v i d e more academic
a n a l y s e s o f t h e f i g h t f o r u n i v e r s a l s u f f r a g e as an h i s t o r i c a l event
and as an important element i n women's c o l l e c t i v e memory.
In t h e 1960s - - a f t e r women's r i g h t to v o t e i n the r e g i o n had
become f i r m l y e s t a b l i s h e d - - the work b e i n g done on t h i s s u b j e c t
(what l i t t l e o f i t t h e r e was) moved on t o d i s c u s s t h e problem o f
the q u a n t i t a t i v e i n c o r p o r a t i o n o f women i n t o p o l i t i c s and t h e i r
participation
in political
parties
and as
parliamentary
representatives.
In the 1970s, d u r i n g the e a r l y days o f the "new" feminism,
such w r i t i n g s began to take a c r i t i c a l l o o k a t p o l i t i c s . They include
a n a l y s e s o f women's p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n e l e c t i o n s and t h e i r supposed
c o n s e r v a t i v i s m , i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s o f Marianism,
i n q u i r i e s i n t o the
16
i m p l i c a t i o n s o f e t h n i c o r i g i n and r a c i a l mixes, and r e s e a r c h on the
l i m i t a t i o n s p l a c e d on women by c u l t u r e and t r a d i t i o n .
As a r e s u l t o f p o l i t i c a l c o n d i t i o n s i n the r e g i o n , e s p e c i a l l y
the a l t e r n a t i n g p e r i o d s o f c i v i l i a n and m i l i t a r y governments, attent i o n then f o c u s e d on o t h e r s u b j e c t s , and a number o f books appeared
c o n c e r n i n g mass movements ( V i e z z e r , 1976 and Burgos, 1983) and
s p e c i f i c movements such as the "Mothers o f the P l a z a de Mayo" (Bousquet, 1983), as w e l l as o t h e r s based on p r o j e c t s or meetings dealing
w i t h p o p u l a r p a r t i c i p a t i o n by women (ECLAC, 1984 and J e l i n (comp.),
1987) and l i t e r a t u r e about the p a r t i c i p a t i o n of women i n revolutionary
movements ( R a n d a l l , 1977).
Most o f the l i t e r a t u r e on p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n by women
a n a l y s e s s p e c i f i c cases and d e a l s w i t h c r i s i s s i t u a t i o n s . Broaderbased, comparable d a t a which would g i v e a more d e t a i l e d p i c t u r e o f
women's involvement i n p a r t y p o l i t i c s a r e v i r t u a l l y n o n - e x i s t e n t . A
survey conducted i n 1987 by the Inter-American Commission o f Women
demonstrates t h a t women i n L a t i n America and the C a r i b b e a n have
o n l y r e c e n t l y a c h i e v e d f u l l c i t i z e n s h i p s t a t u s . Of the 30 c o u n t r i e s
i n the r e g i o n c o v e r e d by the survey, o n l y f o u r i n s t i t u t e d u n i v e r s a l
s u f f r a g e p r i o r t o the 1940s, 23 d i d so between 1942 and 1957, and
the r e m a i n i n g t h r e e c o u n t r i e s d i d so i n the 1960s.
Women's a c q u i s i t i o n o f f u l l l e g a l c a p a c i t y came even l a t e r
--and has n o t come y e t i n some c o u n t r i e s . ( I n some, t h e i r v o t e was
s t i l l o p t i o n a l u n t i l t h e l a t e 1960s.) A c c o r d i n g t o t h e survey, as
of 30 June 1987 the percentages o f women i n these c o u n t r i e s ' cong r e s s e s o r p a r l i a m e n t s ranged from 0% t o 13.3%.
Three o f the c o u n t r i e s f o r which i n f o r m a t i o n i s a v a i l a b l e
( A n t i g u a and Barbuda, S a i n t L u c i a and Uruguay) had no women i n t h e i r
n a t i o n a l l e g i s l a t i v e b o d i e s a t the time o f t h e i r l a t e s t e l e c t i o n s
(1982-1984) . A c c o r d i n g t o another source, i n 1984, vAien elections were
h e l d i n Uruguay, no women were even running f o r o f f i c e , even though
Uruguay had two women s e n a t o r s as e a r l y as 1942 (CIM, 1988a).
The t r e n d i s one o f i n c r e a s i n g p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n o t h e r count r i e s , b u t i n most cases t h i s p r o c e s s i s v e r y slow and, i n some,
has been i n t e r m i t t e n t . F o r example, i n Ecuador women h e l d o n l y f o u r
out o f t h e 75 c o n g r e s s i o n a l s e a t s i n 1984, j u s t one i n 1986 and
t h r e e i n 1987.
Other i n t e r e s t i n g cases i n c l u d e Costa R i c a , where women's
c o n g r e s s i o n a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n rose from 0% i n 1962 t o 12.3% i n 1986
(seven o u t o f 57 s e a t s ) ; Suriname, where i t i n c r e a s e d from 5.1% i n
1975 t o 13.3% i n 1985 ( f o u r out o f 30 seats); B r a z i l , where i t climbed
from 0.5% (two out o f 409 s e a t s ) i n 1962 t o 5.3% (26 out o f 487
s e a t s ) i n 1986; and Mexico, where i t went from 3.8% ( e i g h t o u t o f
210 s e a t s ) i n 1961 t o 10.8% (43 out o f 400 s e a t s ) i n 1985.
N o t a b l e decreases were seen i n Nicaragua, where the proportion
f e l l from 21.6% (11 out o f 51 s e a t s ) i n 1979 t o 13.5% (13 o u t o f 96
s e a t s ) i n 1984; i n S a i n t V i n c e n t and the Grenadines, where the decline
was from 10.5% (two out o f 19 s e a t s ) i n 1979 t o 5.3% (one o u t o f 19
s e a t s ) i n 1984; and E l Salvador, from 11.7% (seven out o f 60 s e a t s )
i n 1982 to 3.3% (two out o f 60 seats) i n 1985. In the other countries,
17
the v a r i a t i o n was l e s s marked, the percentage rose and then f e l l , or
women h e l d no c o n g r e s s i o n a l s e a t s u n t i l the b e g i n n i n g o f the 1970s.
The minimum age r e q u i r e d i n order to h o l d p u b l i c o f f i c e i s
the same f o r men and women i n a l l c o u n t r i e s and ranges from 18 years
( f o r p o s t s i n Colombia) up t o 40 years (Uruguay, Ecuador and, f o r
the Supreme Court and the C h i e f o f S t a t e , Guatemala) (CIM, 1988c).
As the above i n f o r m a t i o n i n d i c a t e s , p r e s e n t - d a y p o l i t i c a l
p a r t i c i p a t i o n by women i n l e a d e r s h i p p o s i t i o n s i s v e r y
limited,
although depending on the p a r t y i d e o l o g y and s t r u c t u r e , t h e r e may
be d i f f e r e n c e s i n the middle s t r a t a and a t the g r a s s - r o o t s l e v e l
which these f i g u r e s do n o t measure. Women a r e n o t u s u a l l y found
among the l e a d e r s o f p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s , on the stage d u r i n g p a r t y
assemblies, o r a t t h e rostrum d u r i n g p u b l i c a c t s , and there a r e few
women a t t h e m i n i s t e r i a l l e v e l .
P o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s ' a t t i t u d e s towards p a r t i c i p a t i o n by women
have v a r i e d depending upon the s i t u a t i o n , the d i f f e r e n t p a r t i e s '
power r e l a t i o n s and t h e i r i d e o l o g i e s . At the beginning of the century,
l i b e r a l p a r t i e s n o t a f f i l i a t e d w i t h the Church, r a d i c a l p a r t i e s and
the n o n - r e l i g i o u s democratic r i g h t i n g e n e r a l supported women's
s t r u g g l e t o o b t a i n c i t i z e n s h i p . Since t h a t time t h e r e have been
many "prominent women" i n the p a r t i e s on the l e f t , b u t few have
held leadership positions.
Many d i f f e r e n t types o f s i t u a t i o n s e x i s t i n the r e g i o n and
i t i s i m p o s s i b l e t o make v a l i d g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s . F o r example, i n
many cases women have been promoted to powerful p o s i t i o n s by p a r t i e s
which a r e extremely c o n s e r v a t i v e --both i n p o l i t i c a l terms and i n
r e l a t i o n t o t h e r o l e o f women-- as p a r t o f a p a r t y s t r a t e g y . I n
o t h e r i n s t a n c e s , the i s s u e has f i g u r e d i n the e l e c t i o n campaign b u t
i s n o t i n c o r p o r a t e d a t the programme l e v e l .
T h e i r speeches and programmes n o t w i t h s t a n d i n g ,
the f a c t i s
t h a t p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s o f the r i g h t , l e f t and c e n t r e have n o t made
room f o r women, n o r have women brought s u f f i c i e n t p r e s s u r e t o b e a r
to make them do so. Women have been accepted as h i s t o r i c a l h e r o i n e s
b u t n o t as r e a l p e o p l e w i t h an adequate t e c h n i c a l background and
s u f f i c i e n t p o l i t i c a l judgement to take p a r t i n d e c i s i o n - m a k i n g and
share i n t h e power e x e r c i s e d i n the world o f day-to-day p o l i t i c s .
Women's r e l a t i o n s h i p to the p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s i s an i s s u e
which i s o f t e n brought up d u r i n g e l e c t i o n campaigns, s i n c e women
w i e l d an enormous number o f v o t e s . A t t h i s p o i n t i n time, "The challenge - - f o r women as w e l l - - i n t h i s democratic t r a n s i t i o n i s t o
cease t o be c l i e n t s and t o become a c o n s t i t u e n c y " ( B i r g i n , 1986,
p. 40), and t h i s i s n o t an easy task. Nonetheless, as the v a r i o u s
women's o r g a n i z a t i o n s p r e s s f o r g r e a t e r p a r t i c i p a t i o n , the ongoing
t e n s i o n thus c r e a t e d i s - - d e s p i t e the c o n t r a d i c t i o n s and setbacks
marking t h i s p r o c e s s - - l e a d i n g to the f o r m a t i o n o f a new i d e n t i t y
f o r women. T h i s i s because the whole women's i s s u e i s a response
not o n l y t o t h e needs and o p p o r t u n i t i e s t h a t have been denied to
a l l c i t i z e n s by the system, b u t a l s o to the s p e c i f i c o p p r e s s i o n o f
women which has come t o be regarded as a c u l t u r a l form. The existence
18
o f women's movements i s a m a n i f e s t a t i o n o f women's e f f o r t s t o const r u c t new forms o f harmonious s o c i a l c o e x i s t e n c e ( M o l i n a , 1986).
A l t h o u g h women have been p l a y i n g an ongoing and v i s i b l e p a r t
i n the s t r u g g l e s and movements f o r democracy i n the c o u n t r i e s o f
the r e g i o n i n r e c e n t y e a r s , women's movements do n o t f e e l t h a t i t
w i l l be easy f o r women t o w i n a p o s i t i o n as a c t i v e p a r t i c i p a n t s i n
the i n s t i t u t i o n a l democratic s t r u c t u r e . " H i s t o r i c a l l y , e f f o r t s t o
a r t i c u l a t e the s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l spheres w i t h i n the n a t i o n a l
c o n t e x t have, i n the end, g i v e n way to s u b o r d i n a t i o n , c o n t r o l o r
e x c l u s i o n , a l l o f which i s an e x p r e s s i o n o f c u l t u r a l syntheses t h a t
- - i n the case o f women-- have concealed t h e i r s p e c i f i c o p p r e s s i o n
and have h e l p e d t o f u r t h e r d i s t a n c e women from p o l i t i c s . I n these
terms, the f o r m a t i o n o f a body o f law which does n o t e n t a i l a change
o f l e g i t i m a c y may r e s u l t i n a r e t u r n to a p o l i t i c a l s t a t u s quo which
i s by no means f a v o u r a b l e e i t h e r t o women o r t o the whole network
o f new t3rpes o f r e l a t i o n s h i p s which a r e a r i s i n g o u t o f the s o c i a l
sphere" (Molina, 1986, p. 4 4 ) .
I t i s up t o women t o move i n t o the spaces t h a t a r e opening
up. T h i s w i l l p r o b a b l y generate t e n s i o n , c o m p e t i t i o n and r i v a l r y i n
the course o f a p r o c e s s o f change and adjustment whose u l t i m a t e
outcome i s u n f o r e s e e a b l e .
A number o f case s t u d i e s o f p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n by women's
o r g a n i z a t i o n s i n v a r i o u s c o u n t r i e s o f the r e g i o n have been s e l e c t e d
i n o r d e r t o i l l u s t r a t e , a l b e i t only p a r t i a l l y , the wide range of forms
which p a r t i c i p a t i o n c a n take and the type o f i s s u e s which e l i c i t
the most f o r c e f u l response from women.
a)
Argentina:
a t t i t u d e s towards p o l i t i c s
"I don't understand
politics."
much
about
An i n t e r e s t i n g l o o k a t A r g e n t i n e women's view o f p o l i t i c s i s provided
by an e x p l o r a t o r y r e s e a r c h p r o j e c t conducted by E s t u d i o Prisma i n
March 1989 a t t h e r e q u e s t o f the M i n i s t r y o f Health and S o c i a l Action.
T h i s study f o c u s e d on a s e c t o r o f m i d d l e - c l a s s women having a secondary e d u c a t i o n a l l e v e l who r e s i d e i n the c o u n t r y ' s c a p i t a l .
T h i s study r e p o r t s t h a t a l t h o u g h women's f i r s t response when
asked about t h e s u b j e c t i s o f t e n "there i s a l o t about p o l i t i c s
t h a t I don't understand" o r " p o l i t i c s doesn't i n t e r e s t me", these
women a c t u a l l y do have an i n t e r e s t i n p o l i t i c s b u t take a c r i t i c a l
view o f i t which they express i n t h e i r r e j e c t i o n o f c o r r u p t i o n and
a demand f o r honesty.
For these women, p o l i t i c s i s a p a r t o f the " o u t s i d e w o r l d "
which i s formed by men. I n a d d i t i o n to a s s e r t i n g t h a t a g r e a t d e a l
o f c o r r u p t i o n e x i s t s i n p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s , they c r i t i c i z e p o l i t i c i a n s
f o r b e i n g p r i m a r i l y m o t i v a t e d by personal i n t e r e s t s , f o r t h e i r f a i l u r e
19
to f u l f i l the r o l e f o r which they were e l e c t e d and f o r an excess o f
r h e t o r i c unaccompanied by a c t i o n .
P o l i t i c a l c a n d i d a t e s are seen as f a t h e r f i g u r e s and t h e i r
t r u s t w o r t h i n e s s i s judged on the b a s i s of t h e i r achievements, s t y l e
and presence when " i t comes time to stand up and be counted". They
f e e l t h a t the laws need to be m o d i f i e d , t h a t the j u s t i c e system
s h o u l d be more f l e x i b l e and s h o u l d operate more s w i f t l y , and t h a t
young people s h o u l d be i n c l u d e d i n p o l i t i c s .
A l t h o u g h they are not i n t e r e s t e d i n s p e c i f i c problems a f f e c t i n g
women, they acknowledge the need to a s s e r t t h e i r equal r i g h t s , are
concerned w i t h l i g h t e n i n g the e x c e s s i v e burden s h o u l d e r e d by many
women c a l l e d upon to p l a y two d i f f e r e n t
r o l e s , do not want to be
d i s c r i m i n a t e d a g a i n s t i n employment, and see a need f o r day c a r e
c e n t r e s and n u r s e r y s c h o o l s . They do not f e e l t h a t they need to
f i g h t f o r these improvements because they b e l i e v e t h a t men can a l s o
pave the way f o r these changes.
They view women's p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n p o l i t i c s i n terms of t h e i r
i n c o r p o r a t i o n i n p u b l i c and i n s t i t u t i o n a l p o s t s . They b e l i e v e t h a t
women c o u l d p a r t i c i p a t e a t a l l l e v e l s and r e g a r d the M i n i s t r i e s o f
Economic A f f a i r s , H e a l t h and S o c i a l A c t i o n , E d u c a t i o n and J u s t i c e
and the m u n i c i p a l i t i e s as the most important areas.
b)
B o l i v i a : peasant women
"We
have
organized
ourselves
r e a l l y w e l l i n my p r o v i n c e . We
now know who we are, where we
are and what we want."
A d e s c r i p t i o n o f a meeting h e l d i n B o l i v i a i n 1988 (San G a b r i e l
F o u n d a t i o n and UNICEF, 1988) p r o v i d e s a l o o k a t one a s p e c t o f the
e f f o r t b e i n g made to e s t a b l i s h a r e l a t i o n s h i p between women's movements and p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n .
The f i r s t c o n c e p t u a l problem addressed a t t h i s g a t h e r i n g was
whether the women's movement i s a s o c i a l movement. The g e n e r a l view
a r i s i n g out o f the ensuing d i s c u s s i o n was t h a t the women's movement
i n B o l i v i a has not r e a l l y been s t r u c t u r e d as a s o c i a l movement,
a l t h o u g h women have p l a y e d a prominent p a r t throughout
Bolivian
h i s t o r y . G e n e r a l l y speaking, the main element h o l d i n g women's org a n i z a t i o n s t o g e t h e r i n B o l i v i a seems to be t h e i r c l a s s i d e n t i t y ,
and s p e c i a l emphasis i s p l a c e d on day-to-day i s s u e s (campaigns f o r
b e t t e r e d u c a t i o n , housing, h e a l t h services, e t c . ) . Most of the women's
o r g a n i z a t i o n s are not autonomous but are i n s t e a d under the u m b r e l l a
o f a union, p a r t y , the S t a t e or non-governmental o r g a n i z a t i o n s .
Most o f the f o r m a l i n s t i t u t i o n s do not i n c o r p o r a t e women's
i s s u e s , and power does not f i g u r e among the demands or o b j e c t i v e s
o f the women who p a r t i c i p a t e i n the women's s o c i a l s t r u g g l e . The
o r g a n i z a t i o n a l i n n o v a t i o n s o f the women's movement become d i l u t e d
20
and l o s e t h e i r s p e c i f i c i t y when they are a s s i m i l a t e d by mass movements .
Among the many women's organizations i n B o l i v i a , the "Bartolina
S i s a " Trade-Union F e d e r a t i o n o f Peasant Women i s an e s p e c i a l l y
i n t e r e s t i n g case. T h i s t r a d e - u n i o n o r g a n i z a t i o n , which now e x e r t s a
c e r t a i n amount o f p u b l i c i n f l u e n c e , p r i m a r i l y grew out o f mothers'
groups, the Departmental A s s o c i a t i o n o f Peasant Women o f Oruro
(ADEMCO) and the K a t a r i s t movement, and the p a r t i c i p a t o r y experience
o f i t s members c o n t r i b u t e d t o i t s c o n s o l i d a t i o n as an o r g a n i z a t i o n .
At the u r g i n g o f the Peasant C o n f e d e r a t i o n , which saw a need f o r
the o r g a n i z a t i o n o f trade unions by women, a f i r s t congress was
h e l d i n 1980, and i t was a t t h a t meeting t h a t the F e d e r a t i o n was
born. The e t h n i c c o n s c i o u s n e s s e x i s t i n g i n B o l i v i a p l a y e d a c e n t r a l
r o l e i n the f o u n d i n g o f t h i s o r g a n i z a t i o n . D e s p i t e i t s a c t i v e part i c i p a t i o n , however, the F e d e r a t i o n has n o t e x e r t e d a g r e a t d e a l o f
i n f l u e n c e w i t h i n the C o n f e d e r a t i o n
under normal c o n d i t i o n s . The
women o f the F e d e r a t i o n have accounted f o r t h i s i n the f o l l o w i n g
way "... the men always win out over us; a t the j o i n t meetings we
are a f r a i d to speak. But when the women h o l d t h e i r own meetings, we
have good d i s c u s s i o n s and a r e n o t a f r a i d to b r i n g up new i d e a s . We
u n d e r s t a n d each other more q u i c k l y , without h a v i n g t o use so many
words, and we a l s o t a l k about t h i n g s t h a t concern women which we
cannot t a l k about when men a r e t h e r e . But when we meet w i t h t h e
men, we keep q u i e t " ( M e j i a de Morales and o t h e r s , 1985).
c)
Ecuador: women's v o t e s
The a n a l y s i s o f the women's v o t e i n Q u i t o c a r r i e d o u t i n
1984 by the L a t i n American I n s t i t u t e f o r S o c i a l Research (ILDIS)
makes a v a l u a b l e c o n t r i b u t i o n t o the e f f o r t t h a t i s b e i n g made t o
compile more s o l i d l y based and p r e c i s e i n f o r m a t i o n about women's
political
b e h a v i o u r (ILDIS, 1984). While these r e s e a r c h e r s
warn
a g a i n s t u s i n g t h e i r d a t a as a b a s i s f o r g e n e r a l i z a t i o n s , the exacting
n a t u r e o f the procedure they employed i s i n i t s e l f i n t e r e s t i n g .
The same percentage o f women as men were found t o be i n the
p o l i t i c a l c e n t r e (48.87%) and these women c o n s t i t u t e d the l a r g e s t
group. Of those on e i t h e r s i d e o f c e n t r e , almost a t h i r d o f a l l
the women (32.04%) v o t e d f o r the r i g h t and o n l y a s m a l l p e r c e n t a g e
(9.98%) v o t e d f o r the l e f t . The p o l i t i c a l d i s c o u r s e and s t y l e o f
the r i g h t was c h a r a c t e r i z e d as h a v i n g "cornered" the women's i s s u e ,
e s p e c i a l l y i n s o f a r as i t r e l a t e s to the domestic sphere, whereas
the c e n t r e and the l e f t t a l k e d about s t r u c t u r a l changes w i t h o u t
e x p l a i n i n g how they t i e d i n w i t h d a i l y f a m i l y l i f e . While the r i g h t
spoke i n a way t h a t people c o u l d understand and that stressed women's
s e l f - w o r t h as p e o p l e , the l e f t ' s messages were couched i n ideologized
terms.
and
and
Young women were found to be mainly i n the p o l i t i c a l
centre
l e f t . Women workers and domestic s e r v a n t s tended to be c e n t r i s t
s t u d e n t s leaned more towards the l e f t .
21
At h i g h e r e d u c a t i o n a l l e v e l s women's e l e c t o r a l choices tended
more towards the c e n t r e and l e f t . Women were n o t found t o show any
g r e a t e r apathy than men i n the e l e c t i o n s .
As r e g a r d s t h e independence o f t h e i r v o t i n g c h o i c e s , the
study suggests t h a t a l a r g e p r o p o r t i o n o f m a r r i e d women v o t e d f o r
the same c a n d i d a t e as t h e i r husbands, and t h a t most o f those vAio d i d
not do so opted f o r a c a n d i d a t e f u r t h e r t o the r i g h t . I n most cases
young women's v o t e s were more t o the l e f t than those o f t h e i r fathers.
F i n a l l y , a c o n s i d e r a b l e number o f women c l a i m e d t h a t they d i d n o t
know f o r whom t h e i r f a t h e r s o r husbands had voted; t h i s may be
i n t e r p r e t e d as an i n d i c a t i o n o f the e x i s t e n c e o f o t h e r areas o f
s o c i a l i z a t i o n o u t s i d e the f a m i l y .
d)
E l S a l v a d o r : mothers' committees
"they were a l i v e when they were taken
away, and t h a t ' s how we want them
back: a l i v e " .
The s t o r y o f the Committee o f Mothers o f E l Salvador, which l a t e r
became known as the "Comadres" ( l i t e r a l l y ,
"co-mothers"),
i si n
some ways s i m i l a r t o t h a t o f the Mothers o f the P l a z a de Mayo i n
A r g e n t i n a . I n t h i s case, however, an important r o l e i n the formation
of t h e Committee as an o r g a n i z a t i o n was p l a y e d by Monseigneur Oscar
A r n u l f o Romero, who a d v i s e d these women (the mothers and wives o f
p r i s o n e r s and m i s s i n g persons) u n t i l h i s murder i n 1980. These women
have r e l a t e d t h e i r e x p e r i e n c e s i n i n t e r v i e w s and p u b l i c statements
"What happened on the day and a t the p r e c i s e moment when t h e i r sons,
daughters, b r o t h e r s o r s i s t e r s were taken away i s t o l d a g a i n and
a g a i n , each time w i t h the impact and i n t e n s i t y o f a f i r s t t e l l i n g :
j u s t l i k e p u l l i n g the t r i g g e r o f a gun, whether i n s e l f - d e f e n c e o r
as an a c t o f a g g r e s s i o n , the testimony o f such mothers i s always an
i n t e n s e l y p e r s o n a l a c t " ( A c o s t a and Mercado, 1988, p. 110). Most o f
the S a l v a d o r a n comadres a r e members o f g r a s s - r o o t s c h r i s t i a n comm u n i t i e s . Some a r e workers on p e d d l a r s and o t h e r s a r e housewives.
They c a l l themselves "mothers o f the people" and t h e i r s l o g a n , i n
response t o t h e c a l l o f Monseigneur Romero, i s "our c h i l d r e n : our
struggle". Their organization i s not structured into a hierarchy
and t h e i r a c t i v i t i e s c o n s i s t o f c o l l e c t i n g food f o r p r i s o n e r s ,
o p e r a t i n g f o o d stands, c a r i n g f o r war orphans, e s t a b l i s h i n g s m a l l
i n d u s t r i e s , and t a k i n g c a r e o f people who have been i n j u r e d o r
t o r t u r e d . S t a r t i n g from b a s i c r e l i g i o u s p r e c e p t s --to be a mother
i s t o be Mary-- they undertake what might be d e s c r i b e d as p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t i e s : t h e f o o d markets p r o v i d e o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r g i v i n g
and r e c e i v i n g i n f o r m a t i o n and f o r l i a i s o n , the women p r o v i d e p o l i t i c a l p r i s o n e r s w i t h a l i n k t o the o u t s i d e world, and they i d e n t i f y
and bury t h e dead.
These women a p p a r e n t l y a r e fewer than 1 000 i n number. They
go about t h e i r work i n f o r m a l l y , d i s t r i b u t i n g l e a f l e t s i n egg cartons
22
and appearing i n a l l s o r t s of p l a c e s : vacant l o t s , p u b l i c squares,
the market, the Church, embassies.
By t h e i r a c t i o n s , they c a l l the t r a d i t i o n a l forms of p o l i t i c a l
a c t i v i t y i n t o q u e s t i o n and communicate the i d e a t h a t other s o c i e t a l
i s s u e s --such as human r i g h t s - - are themselves a p o l i t i c a l programme
(ECIAC, 1986).
4.
P a r t i c i p a t i o n or s u r v i v a l s t r a t e g i e s ?
In r e c e n t y e a r s a l a r g e number of s o - c a l l e d " a l t e r n a t i v e forms" o f
p a r t i c i p a t i o n or o r g a n i z a t i o n have a r i s e n which have yet to be f u l l y
a n a l y s e d . I t i s not y e t known whether or not these new modes o f
p a r t i c i p a t i o n , i n a d d i t i o n to s e r v i n g immediate needs o f s u r v i v a l ,
w i l l prove to be p a r t o f a long-term p o l i t i c a l l e a r n i n g p r o c e s s ,
but they are mentioned here because most o f them i n c l u d e a c o n s i d e r a b l e number o f women. In g e n e r a l , these forms o f p a r t i c i p a t i o n
are used by w o r k i n g - c l a s s s e c t o r s , they are u s u a l l y e i t h e r i n i t i a t e d
or c o - o r d i n a t e d by an e x t e r n a l agent, and they are f r e q u e n t l y assoc i a t e d w i t h s u r v i v a l s t r a t e g i e s . Above and beyond these c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , however, i t would be o f i n t e r e s t to e x p l o r e t h e i r i m p l i c i t
c u l t u r a l p h i l o s o p h y i n order to see whether i t c o u l d be c a r r i e d over
i n t o a b r o a d e r sphere.
I n more s p e c i f i c terms, these o r g a n i z a t i o n s are made up o f
p e o p l e i n lower-income s e c t o r s who,
f a c e d w i t h some s e r i o u s s o r t
o f economic s i t u a t i o n , band together f o r s u r v i v a l . One type of p r o j e c t
undertaken by such o r g a n i z a t i o n s i s the c o n s t r u c t i o n o f h o u s i n g out
o f i n e x p e n s i v e m a t e r i a l s which are r e a d i l y a t hand, u s i n g e i t h e r
t r a d i t i o n a l techniques or techniques taught to them by an e x t e r n a l
agent. Other examples i n c l u d e h a n d i c r a f t , farm or s e m i - i n d u s t r i a l
co-operatives.
In a d d i t i o n to these c o n c r e t e a c t i o n programmes,
o t h e r programmes focus on a n o n - c o n v e n t i o n a l type o f p a r t i c i p a t o r y
p o p u l a r e d u c a t i o n d e a l i n g w i t h such v a r i e d s u b j e c t s as f a m i l y l i f e ,
improved communication between spouses, t r a i n i n g f o r unemployed
youths, h e l p i n g peasants to o r g a n i z e themselves, community-based
p r i m a r y h e a l t h c a r e , and p e r s o n a l development. In the p a s t decade
many o f these o r g a n i z a t i o n s have been formed by women and have
undertaken v a r i o u s types o f workshops, p e r s o n a l explorations, e f f o r t s
to improve l i v i n g c o n d i t i o n s i n the community, sex e d u c a t i o n , t e c h n i c a l t r a i n i n g , communal k i t c h e n s , e t c . A l t h o u g h i n some c o u n t r i e s
these o r g a n i z a t i o n s have r e c e i v e d State support,
i n g e n e r a l they
are more l i k e l y to be l i n k e d to non-governmental organizations working
i n these areas or to r e l i g i o u s i n s t i t u t i o n s , and t h e i r u s u a l l y quite
l i m i t e d r e s o u r c e s may come from v a r i o u s k i n d s o f agreements, from
developed c o u n t r i e s i n the form o f a i d , from church o r g a n i z a t i o n s ,
etc.
The debate about t h i s type of p a r t i c i p a t i o n has many d i f f e r e n t
a s p e c t s . F i r s t l y , the success o f s m a l l - s c a l e i n i t i a t i v e s of t h i s type
makes the i d e a of mounting them on a much l a r g e r s c a l e a tempting
one, but t h i s would appear to be i m p o s s i b l e w i t h o u t some s o r t of
23
comprehensive p o l i c y . Secondly, there i s some q u e s t i o n as to whether
or n o t i t would be p o s s i b l e to m a i n t a i n the degrees of commitment and
p a r t i c i p a t i o n a c h i e v e d by such community i n i t i a t i v e s i f they were
s h i f t e d t o a r e g i o n a l or n a t i o n a l l e v e l . T h i r d l y , i t i s g e n e r a l l y
agreed t h a t the type o f p a r t i c i p a t i o n a c h i e v e d a t the community
l e v e l has i t s l i m i t a t i o n s and would be d i f f i c u l t to t r a n s f e r to a
broader-scope s o c i a l e f f o r t . F i n a l l y , i t remains to be determined
whether, i n terms o f e f f i c i e n c y , i t would be b e t t e r f o r the S t a t e
o r f o r the s o c i e t y to take charge o f such i n i t i a t i v e s .
What i s c l e a r , however, i s t h a t these experiences are valuable
ones; they open up a whole range o f p o s s i b i l i t i e s f o r p e r s o n a l and
s o c i a l enrichment and growth, they give r i s e to new types of r e l a t i o n s h i p s and they suggest new methodologies f o r a c t i v i t i e s and functions
n o r m a l l y a s s o c i a t e d w i t h the S t a t e . They a l s o have the a t t r i b u t e s
o f i n t e g r a t i n g a r e g a r d f o r v a r i o u s dimensions o f d a i l y p r i v a t e
l i f e i n t o s o c i a l a f f a i r s , p a v i n g the way f o r c u l t u r a l change, and
i n c o r p o r a t i n g new i s s u e s , such as e c o l o g y and the environment.
U n l e s s a s u i t a b l e r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h the S t a t e i s established,
however, i t i s u n l i k e l y t h a t these types o f o r g a n i z a t i o n s can p l a y
a s i g n i f i c a n t r o l e i n c r e a t i n g t r u l y f o r c e f u l new s o c i a l a c t o r s ,
and a c e r t a i n amount o f " c u l t u r a l l e a d time" w i l l i n e v i t a b l y have
to pass b e f o r e they can generate g e n u i n e l y new forms of organization.
These i n i t i a t i v e s , many o f which have taken the form o f " m i n i a t u r e
democracies" may be d i l u t e d w i t h i n the framework o f a u t h o r i t a r i a n
systems, b u t they n o n e t h e l e s s c o n s t i t u t e an a l t e r n a t i v e w o r l d view
which a d i f f e r e n t type o f S t a t e might be capable o f i n t e g r a t i n g .
I t would appear to be more or l e s s g e n e r a l l y agreed t h a t i n
o r d e r f o r s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s to become t r u l y democratic, p a r t i c i p a t o r y e f f o r t s must have c o n t i n u i t y over time, must be a response
to a c t u a l needs f e l t by the p o p u l a t i o n and must p r o v i d e f l e x i b l e
and r e s p o n s i v e channels f o r such p a r t i c i p a t i o n . These a l t e r n a t i v e
e x p e r i e n c e s may
do more than merely c h a l l e n g i n g b u r e a u c r a t i c or
t e c h n o c r a t i c concepts; they may a l s o p o i n t the way to a q u a l i t a t i v e
change whereby the c u l t u r e t r u l y comes to be u n d e r s t o o d as a v a l i d
e x p r e s s i o n o f a s e t o f v a l u e s , knowledge and forms o f e x p r e s s i o n
developed by the d i f f e r e n t groups o f people w i t h i n a s o c i e t y .
F i n a l l y , i t i s o f the utmost importance to bear i n mind t h a t
a l l these e x p e r i e n c e s w i t h p a r t i c i p a t o r y e f f o r t s indicate that genuine
p a r t i c i p a t i o n o c c u r s o n l y when the people i n v o l v e d f e e l t h a t they
themselves have d e c i s i o n - m a k i n g power and c o n t r o l over the a c t i o n s
to be taken, s i n c e t h i s i s what, i n the f i n a l a n a l y s i s , m o t i v a t e s
them t o assxune r e s p o n s i b i l i t y f o r t h e i r own p a r t i c i p a t i o n .
24
5. L a t i n American feminism: p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n
or o t h e r forms o f p o l i t i c a l involvement?
"the h e r e s i e s o f t u r n i n g e v e r y t h i n g
u p s i d e down w i t h o u t remorse
as
we
stand up i n p l a i n view: the waves o f
r e c r i m i n a t i o n washed over us, l e a v i n g
us untouched, and we were h e r e , t h e r e
and ever5rwhere ... my d e t e r m i n a t i o n
and my hopes p i n n e d on a u t o p i a so
vaguely d e f i n e d t h a t I w i l l not even
attempt to d e s c r i b e i t , except to say
t h a t i t has a g r e a t d e a l to do w i t h
the i d e a o f u n i v e r s a l i t y and w i t h the
f r e s h a i r o f freedom . . . (Kirkwood,
1986, pp. 14-15).
The l i t e r a t u r e on feminism has grown s i g n i f i c a n t l y i n the p a s t few
decades. As a r u l e , i t s authors are f e m i n i s t s themselves and much
o f i t documents the e v o l u t i o n o f the movement. The f o l l o w i n g discuss i o n w i l l be c o n f i n e d to a review o f some v e r y g e n e r a l i d e a s about
how the f e m i n i s t movement i n L a t i n America and the Caribbean currently
r e l a t e s to p o l i t i c s and the movement's own f u t u r e endeavours.
L a t i n American feminism, and e s p e c i a l l y what i s u s u a l l y
r e f e r r e d to as "new" or s e c o n d - g e n e r a t i o n feminism ( i . e . , feminism
as i t reappeared i n the r e g i o n i n the l a t e 1960s and the 1970s) i s
not a m o n o l i t h i c b l o c , and the d i v i d i n g l i n e between women's movements
and f e m i n i s t movements i s not always clear (Barbieri, 1986). Organized
i n t o groups, networks or study centres, these feminists have p r i m a r i l y
been concerned w i t h the c r e a t i o n o f an awareness and the i d e n t i f i c a t i o n o f problem a r e a s .
A r i z p e says t h a t the women o f L a t i n America and the Caribbean
". . . have g i v e n feminism a d i s t i n c t i v e stamp. Unlike what has happened
i n i n d u s t r i a l i z e d c o u n t r i e s , we have not wanted to distance ourselves
from our community, from our spouses, from our c h i l d r e n , from our
extended f a m i l y , nor to l o s e the sense of community which i s so strong
i n the c u l t u r e o f our r e g i o n and which, i n the f i n a l a n a l y s i s , i s so
p r o f o u n d l y human. T h i s i s what must be the b a s i c premise o f a l l the
women's p o l i c i e s and women's p r o j e c t s i n our c o u n t r i e s . Indeed, the
women themselves w i l l make sure of t h i s " ( A r i z p e , 1988, p. 9 ) .
These d i f f e r e n c e s found i n L a t i n American feminism are due
to the s p e c i f i c c o n t e x t e x i s t i n g i n the r e g i o n , whose s o c i e t i e s are
marked by deep c l a s s and e t h n i c d i v i s i o n s . Thus, the L a t i n American
f e m i n i s t movement was i n i t i a l l y made up m a i n l y o f women from the
i n t e l l e c t u a l élite o f both the t r a d i t i o n a l and n o n - t r a d i t i o n a l l e f t
who p l a c e d a g r e a t d e a l of emphasis on r e s e a r c h e f f o r t s aimed a t
g a t h e r i n g i n f o r m a t i o n on the d a i l y l i v e s o f women i n the lower- and
middle-income s e c t o r s . Responding to what they have l e a r n e d i n the
course o f such r e s e a r c h --the u n c o n s c i o n a b l y the l o n g workdays o f
domestic workers, d i s c r i m i n a t i o n a g a i n s t women i n the f i e l d o f
25
employment, t h e abandonment and domestic v i o l e n c e s u f f e r e d by women
and many o t h e r such f a c t s - - L a t i n American f e m i n i s t s have f o r the
most p a r t moved towards s o c i a l i s t and m a r x i s t p o s i t i o n s , w h i l e a
m i n o r i t y have r a d i c a l o r l i b e r a l l e a n i n g s ( B a r b i e r i , 1986). Other
s t u d i e s have been done which a s s e r t t h a t , a l t h o u g h the movement
o r i g i n a l l y i d e n t i f i e d w i t h the p o s t u l a t e s o f the l e f t , i t has g r a d u a l l y d e v e l o p e d an independent p o s i t i o n i n b o t h o r g a n i z a t i o n a l and
i d e o l o g i c a l terms. "We had f o r m u l a t e d a f e m i n i s t p o s i t i o n w i t h o u t
r u n n i n g up a g a i n s t any major i n t e r n a l d i f f e r e n c e s o f o p i n i o n based
on an i n t u i t i v e u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f our s e p a r a t e i d e n t i t y . T h i s unders t a n d i n g i s an outgrowth o f the warmth we found i n our consciousnessr a i s i n g groups, o f o u r r e f l e c t i o n s upon our l o n g - s t a n d i n g oppression
and o f the i n d i v i d u a l and c o l l e c t i v e a c t i o n we have taken t o r i d
o u r s e l v e s o f i t " (Vargas, 1986, p. 60).
A number o f women authors f e e l t h a t the f e m i n i s t movement's
r e l a t i o n s h i p w i t h t h e p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s on the l e f t h a s , f o r the
most p a r t , been a d i f f i c u l t and h i g h l y c o n t r a d i c t o r y one. One o f
the reasons f o r t h i s i s undoubtedly the f a c t t h a t the o b j e c t i v e o f
most L a t i n American f e m i n i s t s i s n o t t o g a i n power b u t r a t h e r t o
change t h e way power i s e x e r c i s e d . I n t h i s r e s p e c t , L a t i n American
feminism r e g a r d s i t s e l f as a r e v o l u t i o n a r y movement, s i n c e i t incorp o r a t e s t h e concept o f the p a t r i a r c h y and many a s p e c t s o f d a i l y
p e r s o n a l l i f e i n t o t h e p o l i t i c a l sphere, b u t i t a l s o r a i s e s the
possibility
o f r e - w o r k i n g p o l i t i c s a l t o g e t h e r and o f p r o p o s i n g
a l t e r n a t i v e forms o f p o l i t i c a l theory and p r a x i s (Kirkwood, 1986).
Feminiism i s thus seen as h a v i n g c a l l e d i n t o q u e s t i o n t h e v e r y b a s i s
f o r t h e l e g i t i m a c y o f c o n s e n s u a l p o l i t i c a l systems, inasmuch as i t
has shown sexism t o be an ongoing c o n f l i c t w i t h i n s o c i e t y and has
broadened t h e scope o f the debate c o n c e r n i n g democracy, forms o f
p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y , and t h e e x e r c i s e o f power ( B a r b i e r i , 1986).
How i t s h o u l d r e l a t e t o power a s such i s one o f the "recurring
q u e s t i o n s which i s d i f f i c u l t f o r feminism to address and answer
--'feminism' b e i n g u n d e r s t o o d a s p o l i t i c a l a c t i v i t y undertaken by
women based on t h e i r own p e r s p e c t i v e a s women". One o f t h e reasons
t h i s i s so d i f f i c u l t i s because o f the absence of women i n the sphere
o f p u b l i c power and t h e i r presence i n the "other sphere" o f power,
i . e . , t h e p r i v a t e w o r l d . Another reason i s t h a t women have h i s t o r i c a l l y n o t had a c c e s s t o the ongoing e x e r c i s e o f power, i n o t h e r
words, " i d e a s and a c t i o n " (Kirkwood, 1986).
I t appears, however, t h a t new p o s i t i o n s on t h i s i s s u e a r e
c u r r e n t l y b e i n g f o r m u l a t e d w i t h i n the f e m i n i s t movement i t s e l f .
Thus, some r e p r e s e n t a t i v e s o f the movement seek t o f u r t h e r r e i n f o r c e
t h e i r p r e s e n c e : "The time has come f o r feminism t o m a i n t a i n a more
c l e a r l y d e f i n e d presence whereby i t w i l l be more than j u s t an appendage, and f e m i n i s t s w i l l do more than j u s t s i t on p a n e l s a t
i n t e r n a t i o n a l meetigs o f p o l i t i c a l s c i e n t i s t s i n L a t i n America vAiere
p o l i t i c a l thought i s debated. We are i n a p o s i t i o n to o f f e r a coherent
d i s c o u r s e and t o e n r i c h many p e o p l e ' s t h i n k i n g w i t h t h a t d i s c o u r s e ;
we a r e now i n a p o s i t i o n t o m a i n t a i n a s t r o n g e r presence i n a l l
26
s e c t o r s and w i t h i n the broader framework of c i v i l s o c i e t y " (Cordero,
1986, p. 88).
Other s c h o o l s o f thought, which perhaps h e r a l d the end o f
the movement's " u t o p i a n / r o m a n t i c " p e r i o d , a s s e r t t h a t " i t i s a t
the v e r y l e a s t a r e g r e t t a b l e waste of time to consider any a l t e r n a t i v e
form o f s o c i e t y i n which power, consubstantially with human r e l a t i o n s ,
would not have a p l a c e " (Mayte Gallegos, quoted i n Sojo, 1985, p. 69).
" I t i s a q u e s t i o n , then, o f s e e i n g power as a c a p a c i t y f o r freedom,
and ways must be found o f g a i n i n g access to i t , o f m a i n t a i n i n g i t
and s h a r i n g i t . People must f i g h t to ensure t h a t power i s e x e r c i s e d
l e g i t i m a t e l y and t r a n s p a r e n t l y and to ensure t h a t i t i s s h a r e d ...
Women must f i g h t to ensure t h a t power r e l a t i o n s between men
and
women w i l l be symmetrical ... We h o l d t h a t our p e r s o n a l l i v e s are
p a r t o f p o l i t i c s , but i t would be an e r r o r to t h i n k t h a t p o l i t i c a l
changes can be c o n s o l i d a t e d s o l e l y on the b a s i s of p e r s o n a l
and
i n d i v i d u a l changes. Since d a i l y l i f e i s a continuous process, i s o l a t e d
changes are u n l i k e l y to l e a d to s o c i a l t r a n s f o r m a t i o n s , s i n c e they
have a l i m i t e d impact on p e o p l e ' s d a i l y l i v e s and may be made use
o f f o r o t h e r purposes. The c o n s o l i d a t i o n o f changes i n p e o p l e ' s
day-to-day l i v e s i s p o s s i b l e p r o v i d e d t h a t the changes are t a k i n g
p l a c e w i t h i n spheres which have an i n f l u e n c e on d a i l y l i f e ; i n t h i s
sense, what can modify t h i s c o n t i n u i t y i s the p r o p o s a l o f s u i t a b l e
v a l u e s , norms and i n s t i t u t i o n s . P o l i t i c s as a b r e e d i n g ground f o r
s o c i a l i d e n t i t i e s i n v o l v e s going beyond mere i s o l a t e d " r e b e l l i o n s "
by i n d i v i d u a l s i n t h e i r d a i l y l i v e s . . . . In order f o r women to be l i b e r a t e d , i t i s e s s e n t i a l t h a t p e r s o n a l , i n d i v i d u a l changes be c a r r i e d
over i n t o the p u b l i c sphere ..." (Sojo, 1985, pp. 69, 70 and 74).
Thus, f e m i n i s t s are re-working and u p d a t i n g t h e i r p o s i t i o n s .
Perhaps what i s o c c u r r i n g , as suggested by A. Santa Cruz, i s that the
movement i s "seeking a measure of pragmatism; . . . the need to make
c e r t a i n c o n c e s s i o n s . . . n e g o t i a t i o n s with i n s t i t u t i o n s , with p o l i t i c a l
p a r t i e s ... to win p a r t i a l v i c t o r i e s ... to b r i n g about small changes"
(ISIS, 1986, p. 93). Perhaps, too, "our tendency to take r e f u g e i n
what we have a l r e a d y l e a r n e d , i n our s m a l l c o n s o l i d a t e d world, began
to sap our s t r e n g t h and undermine our w i l l to move i n t o new f i e l d s ,
to r e d i s c o v e r a g e - o l d p r a c t i c e s , to t r y out new s t r a t e g i e s , thereby
r u n n i n g the r i s k o f becoming i r r e l e v a n t i n terms o f the e x p e r i e n c e s
and p r a c t i c e s o f other women and o f i s o l a t i n g o u r s e l v e s from o t h e r
s o c i a l p r o c e s s e s " (Vargas, p. 61).
One o f the c o n t r i b u t i o n s of today's feminism --although i t
cannot c l a i m s o l e c r e d i t f o r the change-- i s a s h i f t i n focus as
r e g a r d s r e s e a r c h , i s s u e s and the way we look a t h i s t o r y . In a d d i t i o n
to e n r i c h i n g the t h i n k i n g on the s u b j e c t by interconnecting c l a s s and
gender i d e n t i t i e s , feminism i s i n c o r p o r a t i n g d a i l y l i f e and i t s
i n t e r p r e t a t i o n i n t o the g r e a t events of h i s t o r y . In some cases,
t h i s has i n v o l v e d a l e s s p r e c i s e use of data; i n o t h e r s , h i s t o r i c a l
d a t a are b e i n g r e v i t a l i z e d by the i n c o r p o r a t i o n of o r a l t r a d i t i o n ,
personal
accounts, s t o r i e s and legends. In many i n s t a n c e s ,
the
dynamics o f t h i s p r o c e s s a l s o g i v e r i s e to the c o l l e c t i v e generation
o f new
information.
27
Another o f feminism's c o n t r i b u t i o n s c o n s i s t s o f the l i n k a g e
of problems encountered i n p r i v a t e l i f e w i t h o r g a n i z e d a c t i o n on
b e h a l f o f more g e n e r a l s o c i a l and p o l i t i c a l demands, of the s e a r c h
f o r a s o c i e t y t h a t v a l u e s d i v e r g e n c e (Muñoz, 1987).
J u d g i n g from the statements of i t s spokepersons, the L a t i n
American feminism o f today encompasses v a r i o u s o p t i o n s , two o f the
most v i s i b l e o f which a r e : i t s c o n s o l i d a t i o n as an autonomous s o c i a l
movement, and the f o r g i n g o f t i e s w i t h p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s .
28
I I I . SOME FINAL OBSERVATIONS
" C u r i o u s l y enough, t h e r e i s no defence
a g a i n s t the e m a n c i p a t i o n o f women"
( N i e t z s c h e , 1886).
D e s p i t e the incomplete and fragmentary nature o f the i n f o r m a t i o n
on which t h i s d i s c u s s i o n i s based, i t seems safe to say that sweeping
and i r r e v e r s i b l e changes a r e t a k i n g place as regards the p a r t i c i p a t i o n
o f women i n the r e g i o n . These changes have t o do w i t h the e x t e n t o f
such p a r t i c i p a t i o n , t h e forms i t i s t a k i n g and the way i n which i t
i s p e r c e i v e d ( r e g a r d l e s s o f whether i t i s more o r l e s s a c c e p t e d ,
t o l e r a t e d o r r e p r e s s e d ) . Whether, as i n some cases, i t i s manipulated
or, as i n o t h e r s , i t i s f o s t e r e d , i t has l o s t the stigma and been
f r e e d o f t h e r i d i c u l e which surrounded i t s b i r t h .
The t r a d i t i o n a l s o r t s o f p o l i t i c a l o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r such
p a r t i c i p a t i o n have been q u i t e r i g i d l y d e f i n e d . A l t h o u g h l a t e l y there
has been g r e a t e r openness to women's p a r t i c i p a t i o n , t h i s new attitude
has m a i n l y been i n evidence w i t h r e s p e c t to e l e c t o r a l programmes o r
the d e s i g n o f g e n e r a l p l a n s , r a t h e r than to s p e c i f i c and c o n c r e t e
a c t i v i t i e s . Women have found broader o p p o r t u n i t i e s w i t h i n the sphere
o f s o c i a l movements, i n many o f which women and men have s h a r e d
moments o f b o l d n e s s , f e a r and apathy.
There i s g r e a t e r b r e a d t h and scope today i n t h i s sphere i n
g e n e r a l . The democracy which people a r e s t r u g g l i n g t o b u i l d i n t h e
r e g i o n today i n c o r p o r a t e s concepts o f equity, s o c i a l j u s t i c e , n a t i o n a l
s e l f - d e t e r m i n a t i o n and i n d i v i d u a l freedom. This implies p a r t i c i p a t i o n ,
genuine p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n terms o f a share o f power and i n
d e c i s i o n - m a k i n g . Without these elements, there i s no democracy.
I t i s d i f f i c u l t to p r e d i c t what d i r e c t i o n these t e n d e n c i e s
w i l l t a k e . A l t h o u g h democratic v a l u e s and p a r t i c i p a t i o n are espoused
the w o r l d over, today's s o c i e t i e s are becoming more and more complex
and a r e i n c r e a s i n g l y dominated by the models o f consumption t o u t e d
by the mass media. P a r t i c i p a t i o n i n such s o c i e t i e s i s becoming ever
more d i f f i c u l t , and n o t o n l y f o r women.
"The r e c e n t e x p e r i e n c e o f the r e g i o n p r o v i d e s no grounds f o r
optimism, as i s amply demonstrated by the d i f f i c u l t y the governments
have had i n a c h i e v i n g s o c i a l p a c t s t h a t w o u l d a l l o w them t o c a r r y
f o r w a r d t h e i r p o l i c i e s . T h i s i s d u e p r i m a r i l y to the b e h a v i o u r o f
s o c i a l f o r c e s . Indeed, the upper s t r a t a are becoming i n c r e a s i n g l y
i n t r a c t a b l e , have mounted a c l a s s i s t d e f e n c e o f t h e i r sectoral i n t e r -
29
e s t s , and d i s p l a y a l a c k o f n a t i o n a l s p i r i t ; the armed forces continue
to be guided by a c o n f l i c t - o r i e n t e d m e n t a l i t y which i s i n c r e a s i n g l y
i r r e l e v e n t t o the r e a l c h a l l e n g e s f a c i n g t h e i r s o c i e t i e s ; and the
middle and lower s t r a t a , b a t t e r e d by the c r i s i s , are s t r u g g l i n g
w i t h a l l t h e i r might j u s t t o keep from l o s i n g any f u r t h e r ground,
and o f t e n l a c k an o v e r a l l p i c t u r e and a sense o f n a t i o n a l respons i b i l i t y " (ECIAC, 1988a, p. 4 0 ) .
T h i s s i t u a t i o n i s exacerbated by the p o l i t i c a l i n s t a b i l i t y
o f the r e g i o n , i t s l a c k o f r e a l autonomy and the absence o f national
consensuses. Thus, w h i l e we have moved forward w i t h i n the realm o f
i d e a s , l i v i n g c o n d i t i o n s have d e t e r i o r a t e d , thereby h e i g h t e n i n g the
c o n t r a d i c t i o n s t h a t e x i s t i n the r e g i o n w h i l e , a t the same time,
demands have grown. F o r women i n g e n e r a l , the e x e r c i s e o f t h e i r
c i t i z e n s h i p i s no l o n g e r l i m i t e d to t h e i r r i g h t t o v o t e .
C o n t r o l over r e p r o d u c t i v e p r o c e s s e s ; longer l i f e expectancies,
which mean t h a t people a r e l i v i n g f o r a longer time a f t e r t h e i r
c h i l d - r e a r i n g y e a r s are over; changes i n the family; greater economic
independence; and the growing p e r m i s s i v e n e s s of complex and anonymous
s o c i e t i e s a r e a l l opening up new spheres, a no-man's-land, i n t o
which women a r e moving. Nonetheless, women's double workdays, the
l a c k o f support f o r them as they struggle to divide t h e i r time between
work and t h e i r f a m i l i e s , continue to be v e r y r e a l problems.
I n s p i t e o f a l l the problems, however, t h e r e a r e s i g n s o f a
new type o f awareness i n the r e g i o n . Perhaps the newest f e a t u r e o f
the women's o r g a n i z a t i o n s and movements of today i s not t h e i r demands
as such (many o f which i n f a c t r e f l e c t l o n g - s t a n d i n g grievances that
have s t i l l n o t been reddressed) but r a t h e r t h a t these demands have
become i n t e r c o n n e c t e d and have transcended the bounds o f p r i v a t e
l i f e t o become p u b l i c demands of s o c i e t y . I t i s t h i s type o f part i c i p a t i o n , the v o i c i n g o f demands t h a t have t h e i r o r i g i n i n women's
day-to-day e x i s t e n c e and the f a c t t h a t t h i s struggle has been c a r r i e d
i n t o the s t r e e t s , the c o n s i d e r a t i o n of i s s u e s r e l a t i n g t o domestic
v i o l e n c e on a p a r w i t h human r i g h t s i s s u e s , which i s c a u s i n g women
to become p o l i t i c a l l y educated.
I n t h i s area, perhaps more than i n o t h e r s , the United Nations
has p l a y e d a fundamental r o l e . The f i g h t f o r women's l e g a l and
p o l i t i c a l r i g h t s , a t the o u t s e t , and, l a t e r , f o r e q u a l i t y i n terms
o f p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n has been supported and o f t e n f u r t h e r e d
by the U n i t e d N a t i o n s . The N a i r o b i Forward-Looking S t r a t e g i e s stress
t h a t "Governments and p o l i t i c a l p a r t i e s s h o u l d i n t e n s i f y e f f o r t s t o
s t i m u l a t e and ensure e q u a l i t y of p a r t i c i p a t i o n by women i n a l l
n a t i o n a l and l o c a l l e g i s l a t i v e b o d i e s and to a c h i e v e e q u i t y i n the
appointment, e l e c t i o n and promotion of women to h i g h p o s t s i n execu t i v e , l e g i s l a t i v e and j u d i c i a r y branches i n these b o d i e s . A t the
l o c a l l e v e l , s t r a t e g i e s to ensure e q u a l i t y of women i n p o l i t i c a l
p a r t i c i p a t i o n s h o u l d be p r a g m a t i c , s h o u l d bear a c l o s e r e l a t i o n s h i p
to i s s u e s o f concern to women i n the l o c a l i t y and s h o u l d take i n t o
account the s u i t a b i l i t y of the proposed measures to l o c a l needs and
v a l u e s " ( U n i t e d N a t i o n s , 1985, paragraph 85).
3 0
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