Revista 05 - Pontificia Universidad Católica del Ecuador

W O L1C A
SUPLEK1ENT
A Ñ O II —
ENTIFICO
N° 5 N o v i e m b r e
PONTIFICIA UNIVERSIDAD
CATÓLICA DEL ECUADOR
O DITO
1974
CENTRO DE PUBLICACIONES DE LA
PONTIFICIA UNIVERSIDAD CATÓLICA DEL ECUADOR
REVISTA DE LA UNIVERSIDAD CATÓLICA
Comité de Publicaciones:
Marco Vinicio Rueda, Director, Prof. Juan Dávila
Trueba, Prof. José Laso Rivadeneira, Dr. Ewald
Utreras y Dr. Orlando Sandoval.
Consejo de Publicaciones: Ing. Rene Cordero, Ledo. José María Egas, Dr.
Ernesto Albán Gómez, Ora. Isabel Robalino, Dr.
Augusto del Pozo, Dr. Jaime Malo, P. Carlos Bravo
y Dra. Eugenia del Pino (faltan los nombres de los
representantes de las unidades académicas que
no han nombrado aún).
Administración:
Sr. John Sigüenza.
Oficinas:
Pontificia Universidad Católica del Ecuador
12 de Octubre y Carrión
Pabellón de Administración, Oficina N5 201
Dirección Postal:
Apartado 2184
Teléfonos:
529-240; 529-250; 529-260, Extensión 201.
Canjes:
Biblioteca de la P.U.C.E.
Apartado 2184 — Q uito, Ecuador
Quito — Ecuador ■— Sud América
La Revista aparece cinco veces al año:
Tres números generales (enero — marzo — junio)
Dos números técnicos especializados (mayo noviembre).
Los artículos firmados son de responsabilidad exclusiva de sus autores,
VALOR DEL NUMERO:
Universitarios (en el Almacén Universitario):
SUSCRIPCIONES:
Sólo para números generales:
Con los números técnicos:
(Universitarios: 60 y 100 respectivamente)
AL EXTERIOR (los 5 números):
25
20
sucres
sucres
70
110
sucres
sucres
7
dólares
SUSCRIPCIONES EN EL ALMACÉN UNIVERSITARIO
PORTADA: Lolo Echeverría
REVISTA
DE LA
UNIVERSIDAD CATÓLICA
Año II
N' 5
Noviembre
1974
PONTIFICIA UNIVERSIDAD CATÓLICA DEL ECUADOR
QUITO
EDITORIAL "DON SOSCO" — QUITO
INSTITUTO DE LENGUAS Y LINGÜISTICA
SUPLEMENTO CIENTÍFICO
DE LA
REVISTA DE LA UNIVERSIDAD
CATÓLICA
Quito — Ecuador
1974
REVISTA DE LA UNIVERSIDAD CATÓLICA
NUMERO DE ENERO DE 19T5
Entre otros artículos aparecerán los siguientes:
* La estructura académica de la Universidad
Dr. Hernán Malo González, S.I.
* Aspectos de la Integración Andina
Dr. Julio César Trujillo
* Petróleo y Desarrollo
Econ. Mauricio Dávalos
* El Bilingüismo: Perspectivas Ecuatorianas
Dr. Manuel Corrales
* Las Técnicas narrativas de "A la Costa"
Dr. Rafael Arias Miohelena
* Problemas familiares y personales del
adolescente ecuatoriano
Dr. Jaime Malo
K^oníemdo
Entrega
Ensayo de Análisis Morfológico del Verbo Español según los
Principios del Estructuralismo Lingüístico
P. Jacinto W. Vaca
Fonología y Escritura del Quichua Ecuatoriano
Consuelo Yánez Cossío
Notas sobre el Verbo Quichua: Morfología
Consuelo Yánez Cossío
The Principie of Inmediate Reinforcement and Language
Laboratory Practice
Gustavo A. Fierro, Ph. D
Reappraisal of "Cognates" in English and Spanish in Their
Relation to Language Learning
P. Jacinto W. Vaca
El Departamento de Francés del Instituto de Lenguas y
Lingüística
Alain Masjuan
AUTORES DE ARTÍCULOS
1.—Dr Jacinto W. Vaca, M.S., Director del Instituto de Lenguas y Lingüística de la PUCE, profesor de Introduction to General Linguistics, History of the English Language, Contrastive Analysis of English and Spanish y Language Testing.
2.—Or. Gustavo A. Fierro, Ph. D., Director del Departamento de Lingüística del I.L.L., Profesor de Psycholinguistics, History of Linguistics,
Contrastive Analysis, Teaching English as a Foreign Language, Language Testing y Técnicas de Investigación.
3.—Consuelo Yánez Cossío, M. A., Directora de los Departamentos de
Español e Investigaciones Lingüísticas del I.L.L., profesora de General Morphology and Syntax, English Morphology and Syntax, Transformational Grammar y Historical Linguistics.
4.—Alain Masjuan, Lie. en Letras y Lenguas Modernas, Director del
Departamento de Francés del I.L.L., profesor de Civilisation, Historie de la Langue Francaise, Lexicologie y Littérature.
(Lnirega
Al Instituto de Lenguas y Lingüística
le ha tocado el privilegio de ser el iniciador, con el presente número, de los "Suplementos Científicos" de la Revista de la
Universidad Católica del Ecuador.
Desde hace algún tiempo los profesores del ILL proyectábamos publicar una
revista en la que se incluyeran trabajos
especializados, fruto de la investigación de
profesores y alumnos; idea que, por diversos motivos, no pudo llevarse a la práctica.
Hemos acogido, pues, con verdadera satisfacción, la oportunidad que nos han brindado los directores de la Revista de la Universidad de realizar esta aspiración.
Nuestro propósito es el de presentar
estudios sobre diferentes aspectos relacionados con nuestros programas, especialmente en el campo de la Lingüística.
Puesto que estos programas se dictan en
7
varios idiomas, y porque esperamos que
nuestras publicaciones alcancen al mayor
público posible, los artículos serán escritos
en los diferentes idiomas utilizados en los
programas del ILL.
Esperamos que este material sea de
utüidad, no sólo para los profesores dedicados a la enseñanza de lenguas, sino
también para todas las personas interesadas en estos problemas.
Recibiremos con agrado los comentarios y sugerencias que los lectores se dignen enviar y estamos seguros que ellos servirán de valiosa ayuda y estímulo en nuestro trabajo.
P. JACINTO VACA
8
ENSAYO DE ANÁLISIS MORFOLÓGICO DEL VERBO
ESPAÑOL SEGÚN LOS PRINCIPIOS DEL
ESTRUCTURALISMO LINGÜÍSTICO
P. Jacinto W. Vaca
I.
INTRODUCCIÓN
El lenguaje humano es tan especial y tan propio del hombre que viene a ser, según una apreciación moderna, la diferencia específica que lo distingue de los demás seres vivos.
Si se debiera establecer la prioridad en importancia de
los descubrimientos realizados por el hombre, antes que el
fuego o la rueda y superior a todos los inventos modernos,
deberíamos colocar al lenguaje como su mayor adquisición,
ya que el lenguaje es el medio indispensable que ha hecho
posibles todos los inventos; en efecto, solo a través de un
medio tan perfecto de comunicación como es el lenguaje humano, es explicable la cooperación entre los hombres y la
preservación del acervo cultural de la humanidad.
El hombre, empero, ha usado siempre del lenguaje como
si le fuera connatural y en nada diferente de sus procesos respiratorio o circulatorio, por ejemplo, en los cuales jamás piensa.
9
No han faltado, sin embargo, en todas las épocas de la
historia humana, quienes se detuvieran a reflexionar sobre la
capacidad inimitable del hombre de comunicarse con sus congéneres por medio del más perfecto sistema de símbolos que
es el lenguaje articulado humano. Actualmente esta reflexión
se realiza con mayor intensidad e interés que en épocas anteriores, y lo que es más importante aún, se lleva a cabo en
un plano científico, mediante la aplicación de los principios
lingüísticos modernos.
En el presente estudio el autor se propone aplicar algunos de estos principios lingüísticos al análisis de las formas
verbales del Español.
Este artículo comprenderá las siguientes partes:
a) Presentación somera de algunos conceptos lingüístiticos que ayuden al lector no iniciado en el conocimiento de la Lingüística, en la comprensión del tópico
que se pretende analizar.
b) Análisis estructural del sistema de conjugación del
verbo español.
c) Indicación de algunas posibilidades de aplicación de
los resultados obtenidos, a la enseñanza del Español
a estudiantes que aprenden este idioma como segunda lengua.
Antes de entrar a discutir los aspectos morfológicos del
verbo español es preciso definir algunos términos:
1.—Lingüística: es el estudio científico del lenguaje humano.
2.—Lenguaje: es un sistema de sonidos articulados por
medio de los cuales se comunican los hablantes de
una comunidad lingüística.
Decimos que la Lingüística es el estudio científico del
lenguaje y que por tanto es una ciencia porque es un estudio
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fundamentado en la observación directa de hechos concretos
relativos al lenguaje, los cuales permiten llegar a conclusiones
objetivas y exactas, fácilmente verificables.
La capacidad del hombre de comunicarse con sus semejantes es un proceso intelectual cuya manifestación concreta
es un conjunto de sonidos articulados por medio de los llamados órganos del habla. Ya que es imposible aún someter
a experimentación y comprobar directamente cuanto se relaciona con nuestros procesos mentales, al tratar de la comunicación humana, la Lingüística hace su objeto de estudio el
conocimiento de sus manifestaciones concretas, es decir, del
sistema de sonidos que producidos por el hablante son portadores de un mensaje. Distinguimos pues, expresamente entre el pensamiento y su manifestación. Por consiguiente, en
el presente estudio, entendemos por lenguaje la codificación
por medio de sonidos, del mensaje que se quiere comunicar.
El lenguaje es en realidad un complejo sistema de sistemas estructurados en planos diferentes pero interrelacionados.
Los sonidos del lenguaje son el elemento acústico esencial para la transmisión del mensaje. Estos sonidos, de cuya
variedad no se percata el propio hablante, son realizaciones
concretas de unidades funcionales llamadas fonemas, y que
se definen como unidades mínimas funcionales de sonido. El
número de fonemas es limitado en cada lengua (desde lenguas que tienen apenas 15 fonemas en total, como el Javaiano,
a un máximo de 75, como al Abkhaz del Cáucaso. El Español
dispone de 25 fonemas). Las manifestaciones o realizaciones
concretas de un fonema son más numerosas y dependen del
contexto fonético en que se encuentran. Por ejemplo, en Español tenemos tres oclusivas sonoras: bilabial / b / , dental / d /
y velar / g / que tienen por lo menos dos realizaciones alofóni'cas características, según se encuentren en posición inicial
de sílaba o en posición intervocálica: [b] y fb]; [d] y [cT];
fe] y [g].
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Los fonemas con sus respectivos alófonos constituyen el
primer sistema del lenguaje: el sistema fonológico. Los fonemas son elementos básicos carentes de significación como
tales, pero que sirven para formar los morfemas o elementos
significativos.
El morfema se define como elemento mínimo con significado. Estos elementos, como hemos dicho, están constituídos por fonemas. A primera vista podríamos decir que a
cada morfema corresponde una imagen fonémica propia; sin
embargo, este no es siempre el caso. Muchas veces un morfema tiene realizaciones diferentes o olomorfos. Por ejemplo,
el morfema que indica diminutivo, en español, puede tener
tan variadas manifestaciones como las siguientes:
/-it-, -ill-, -cit-, -zuel-, -ñin-, etc./.
Así también la forma plural tiene varios alomorfos:
/ - s , - e s / como en /manos/
y /pan-es/.
En Español, como en otros idiomas, los morfemas se dividen en dos grupos principales: morfemas libres y morfemas
ligados. Como su nombre lo indica, un morfema libre es una
forma con mayor independencia en la estructura gramatical
del idioma. Los morfemas libres se pueden identificar con
aquellos que tienen valor léxico. Entre ellos se cuentan los
verbos, los sustantivos, los adjetivos, los adverbios. También
se consideran libres las preposiciones las conjunciones y pronombres. Este grupo de palabras puede tener valor léxico
pero su función principal es relacionar los elementos léxicos
entre sí dentro de las estructuras sintácticas.
El segundo grupo de morfemas o morfemas ligados son
aquellas formas con valor gramatical más que léxico que se
añaden en forma de sufijos (en Español, éstos son especialmente sufijos y prefijos pero es posible aceptar la presencia
de infijos). Los ejemplos siguientes ilustran estas formas:
12
Prefijo:
Sufijos:
Infijos:
re-aparecer, im-posible
libro-s, habl-ar
mes-it-a
Los morfemas ligados no pueden aparecer independientemente de los morfemas libres. Así, la forma plural irá siempre unida a un sustantivo o adjetivo o verbo.
Los morfemas ligados pueden serlo de inflexión o de derivación. Los morfemas de derivación varían el significado de
la palabra como en el caso de "presentar" y "re-presentar", y en
algunos casos cambian también la clase de la palabra a que
se unen. Así por ejemplo, el sustantivo "risa", por la añadidura de un morfema de derivación se transforma en el adjetivo "risueño".
Los morfemas de inflexión indican importantes relaciones
gramaticales y forman paradigmas característicos según sean
las palabras a las que van unidos. En Inglés, a la forma básica de un verbo como "walk", se le pueden añadir los morfemas que indican:
tercera persona singular: j-Z3! / - s ~ -z ~ - I z /
gerundio: |-In| / - I n /
participio: ¡-D2! / - t ~ - d ~ - I d /
pasado: j-D1! / - t ~ - d ~ - I d /
walk-s
walk-ing
walk-ed
walk-ed
En Español, los morfemas de inflexión son más numerosos pues son propios de cada persona y tiempo.
Los morfemas entran a formar parte de estructuras más
complejas que forman el sistema sintáctico. En estas estructuras cada morfema tiene una serie de relaciones con otros
morfemas en dos planos: el paradigmático (cada morfema libre o palabra forma parte de un conjunto de morfemas que
tienen la misma función en las estructuras sintácticas), y el
13
sintagmático (cada morfema tiene relaciones específicas con
los morfemas de toda la estructura sintáctica). En una frase
como la siguiente:
El hombre compra pan,
el morfema hombre es un miembro de un paradigma de formas que tienen la misma función en relación con los demás
elementos; por ejemplo, en esta frase se puede sustituir hombre con joven, chico, señor, etc. Por otro lado, el morfema
hombre está relacionado con el artículo que lo precede y con
cada palabra que lo sigue. Es por eso que al usar este sustantivo en singular, tanto el artículo como el verbo van también en singular.
En el presente estudio nos interesa analizar, en especial,
algunos aspectos morfológicos del verbo español. Si comparamos los paradigmas verbales del Inglés y del Español veremos que estos últimos son mucho más complejos que aquellos del Inglés y, por tanto, más difíciles de ser aprendidos
por estudiantes extranjeros.
Empero, como veremos a continuación, un análisis objetivo de las formas en Español puede revelar muchos elementos comunes que permitirán elaborar un esquema más simple.
Para efectos de la presentación que vamos a realizar sobre el verbo español es preciso tener en cuenta las siguientes
indicaciones:
1.—^Analizaremos las formas simples de los verbos en
los modos indicativo, subjuntivo y potencial, sin referencia al imperativo ni al infinitivo.
2.—Los símbolos que emplearemos son los siguientes:
/ / = alomorfo
~
= signo que indica posibilidad de un alomorfo u otro
I I = morfema
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(X) —► Y
=
cambio vocálico interno. La primera
e de "tener" se convierte en ie en al­
gunas formas verbales. Este cambio
se simbolizará así: (e) ­» ie
II.—ESTUDIO ESTRUCTURAL DE ALGUNAS FORMAS
VERBALES EN ESPAÑOL
Un análisis estructural de las formas verbales del Espa­
ñol, en base a un análisis morfológico de las mismas, nos reve­
lará un sistema sumamente complicado. Esto se puede notar
fácilmente si se piensa que en Español hay cinco modos (in­
dicativo, subjuntivo, potencial, imperativo e infinitivo) y que
algunos de estos modos tienen tres tiempos (presente, pasa­
do y futuro) y que para cada tiempo hay seis formas verbales
según la persona a la cual se refieren. Todo esto, teniendo en
cuenta solamente los tiempos simples a los cuales se deberían
agregar también los compuestos. Además, el Español cuenta
con numerosos verbos irregulares cuyas formas, por consi­
guiente, representan mayor complejidad estructural.
Sin embargo, si examinamos más detenidamente las for­
mas verbales veremos que es posible reducirlas a un esquema
más simple con el cual se puede facilitar su aprendizaje.
Son posibles dos interpretaciones. En primer lugar, si
seguimos aquella tradicional de que la raíz verbal es el infi­
nitivo sin la terminación (partir: part ­ir; comer: com ­er;
amar: am ­ a r ) y si consideramos, para efectos del presente
estudio, solamente la terminación verbal de la primera per­
sona del singular, obtendremos las siguientes inflexiones:
presente
1.—am­
2.—com­
3.—part­
­o
­o
­o
pretérito
­é
­í
­í
imperfecto
subjuntivo
presente
­aba (1)
­ía
­ía
­e
­a
­a
(1) La tilde en estas formas tiene valor prosódico mas bien que
ortográfico, aunque en algunos casos los dos pueden coincidir.
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1. —am2. —com3. —part-
futuro
condicional
pretérito
subjuntivo 1 subjuntivo 2
-aré
-eré
-iré
-aria
-aria
-aria
-ara
-iéra (1)
-iéra (2)
-ase
-iése
-iése
Como se puede observar, este análisis nos da como resultado 24 formas diferentes.
Una segunda interpretación nos da la posibilidad de distinguir dos formas fundamentales del verbo: una, la raíz
(part-, com-, am-) y otra, el infinitivo (partir, comer, amar)
con lo cual obtendríamos un esquema que agrupe en dos categorías todas las formas verbales anteriores, de acuerdo con
la forma fundamental que se emplee:
A.—Raíz verbal:
presente
1.—part2. —com3. —am-
pretérito
imperfecto
-o
-í
-í
-é
-ía
-ía
-aba
futuro
condicional
pretérito
subjuntivo 1 subjuntivo 2
-é
-é
-é
-ía
-ía
-ía
- a (i) -» ie -e (i) - » i e
- a (i) -> ie -e (e) -^ ie
-a
-e
-o
-0
B.—Infinitivo:
1.—partir2.—comer3.—amar-
subjuntivo
presente
-a
-a
-e
Por consiguiente, si analizamos comparativamente los esquemas de los tres verbas comprendidos en esta segunda interpretación, podemos simplificar aún más las formas redu(1) (e) —> ie (cambio de e en ie)
(2) (i) —> ie (cambio de i en ie)
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ciéndolas a un esquema común en el cual consideraremos como forma representativa, aquella común a las tres clases de
verbos cuando esto es posible; así, las terminaciones del presente son todas / - o / , las del futuro / - é / , las del condicional
/-ía/, etc. En los otros casos se advierte que los verbos terminados en / - a r / forman un esquema y aquellos terminados en
/ - i r / y / - e r / forman otro. En el pretérito la terminación para la primera persona es / é / para los verbos terminados en
/ - a r / , en /-i/ para los terminados en / - i r / y /-er/; en el
imperfecto, / - a b a / para los verbos en / - a r / , e / - í a / para los
verbos en / - i r / y / - e r / , etc. En estos casos se tomará como
representativa la forma correspondiente a los grupos / - i r / y
/-er/.
El esquema propuesto es el siguiente:
a)
Formas con la raíz verbal:
¡-Oj
/ - o / Morfema de la primera persona singular del
presente del indicativo con un solo alomorfo, (parto, como, amo).
¡-I|
/-i ~ - é / Morfema que indica primera
singular del pretérito del indicativo, con
lizaciones o alomorfos que pertenecen, el
a los verbos terminados en / - i r / y / - e r /
gundo a los verbos en / - a r / (partí, comí,
¡-A1!
/ - a ~ - e / Morfema que indica primera persona
del subjuntivo con dos aloformos: / - a / para los
verbos en / - i r / y / - e r / , y / - e / para los verbos terminados en / - a r / , (parta, coma, ame).
persona
dos reaprimero
y el seamé).
j-IA1} /ía ~ - a b a / Morfema que representa la primera
persona singular del imperfecto del indicativo con
dos alomorfos: / - í a / para los verbos terminados
en / - i r / y / - e r / , y / - e r - / , y / - a b a / para los terminados en / - a r / , (partía, comía, amaba).
17
b)
Formas con el infinitivo:
-Ei
/ - e / Morfema que corresponde a la primera persona singular del futuro del indicativo con un solo
alomorfo, (partiré, comeré, amaré).
-ÍA2! / - í a / Morfema que corresponde a la primera persona del singular del condicional (partiría, comería, amaría).
!-A2| / - a ~ - e / Morfema de la primera persona singular del pretérito del subjuntivo con dos alomorfos
correspondientes a dos esquemas paralelos para las
tres clases de verbos (partiera, comiera, amara,
y partiese, comiese, amase). (1)
Esta distinción permite el uso de dos representaciones
aparentemente iguales ¡-A1] |-A2| y [LA1! |-IA2|.
En el caso del verbo "comer", por ejemplo, tenemos lo
siguiente:
l-A1! = Presente del subjuntivo
l-A2] = Pretérito del subjuntivo
Si sabemos que la terminación del presente del subjuntivo va unida a la raíz, vemos que en el caso de la primera
persona es /-coma/, con el morfema ¡-A1]. En cambio, la forma |-A2| (pretérito del subjuntivo) va unida al infinitivo lo
que hipotéticamente da |com-| + |-A2| = *comera. El problema que se suscita a este nivel es precisamente el de la
forma ''comerá, en lugar de /comiera/ que es la empleada en
el pretérito del subjuntivo. Para solucionar este problema
bastaría indicar que en los casos de los verbos regulares terminados en / - i r / y / - e r / , tanto la i como la e se transforman
en ie en este tiempo.
(1)
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En este caso hay que tener en cuenta el cambio (i) _> ie, el (e)
_> ie y el de (r) _> s.
Se podría objetar que, si bien esta simplificación puede
ser significativa para el aprendizaje de las formas verbales
del Español, tendría que hacerse un análisis semejante con
todas las formas relativas a las demás personas. Aunque esto es verdad, creemos, sin embargo, que se puede considerar
la forma de la primera persona como forma tipo para identificar el tiempo. Para las demás personas podemos hacer
una nueva simplificación. Si analizamos las formas correspondientes a cada tiempo, llegaremos a la conclusión de que en todos los casos hay un elemento común en cada una de las
terminaciones relativas a las demás personas, con casos especiales que pueden también ser explicados adecuadamente.
En segundo lugar, se nota la presencia de un elemento vocálico que precede a estas terminaciones comunes, elemento
que podría considerarse como indicador de tiempo y modo
verbales.
Para efectos de esta presentación consideraremos la raíz
como Radical I, y el indefinido como Radical II. A continuación indicamos los diferentes esquemas:
Presente de indicativo — Radical I + [-01
/-ir/
/-er/
/-ar/
/-o/
/-es/
/-e/
/-o/
/-es/
/-e/
/-ís/
/-en/
/-éis/
/-en/
/-o/
/-as/
/-a/
/-amos/
/-ais/
/-an/
/-irnos/
/-éraos/
Elemento
modaltemporal
/-i-/
/-e-/
/-a-/
(i)
Inflexión de
persona
-/o/
/-s/
/-</•/
/-mos/
/-is/
/-n/
(1) JEsta representación indica que se debe escoger sólo uno de los
elementos vocálicos en cada caso.
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Pretérito de indicativo — Radical I + |-I|
/-ir/
/-er/
/-ar/
l-i/
/-íste /
/-ió/
/-irnos/
/-ísteis/
/-iéron/
/-í/
/-íste/
/-ió/
/-irnos/
/-ísteis/
/-iéron/
/-é/
/-áste/
/-ó/
/-amos/
/-ásteis/
/-áron/
/-í~-é/
/-ste/
/ - i - / i (i) ^ / - ó /
/-a-/|/
/-mos/
/-steis/
/-ron/
Imperfecto de indicativo — Radical I + |-IA|
/-ir/
/-er/
/-ar/
/-ía/
/-ías/
/-ía/
/-íamos/
/-íais/
/-ían/
/-ía/
/-ías/
/-ía/
/-íamos/
/-íais/
/-ían/
/-aba/
/-abas/
/-aba/
/-abamos/
/-ábais/
/-aban/
/ - ía - /
/-aba-/
/-«A/
/-s/
l-*l
/-mos/
/-is/
/-n/
Presente de subjuntivo — Radical I + ¡-A1]
/-ir/
/-er/
/-ar/
/-a/
/-as/
/-a/
/-amos/
/-ais/
/-an/
/-a/
/-as/
/-a/
/-amos/
/-ais/
/-an/
/-e/
/-es/
/-e/
/-ómos/
/-éis/
/-en/
(1)
20
/-a-/
/-e-/
/-a ~
/-s/
/-</>/
/-mos/
/-is/
/-n/
Esta línea indica que, en este caso, el elemento vocálico modo
temporal se omite y se emplea solamente la terminación personal.
Condicional — Radical II + i-IA2!
/-ir/
/-er/
/-ar/
/-ía/
/-ías/
/-ía/
/-íamos/
/-íais/
/-ían/
/-ía/
/-ías/
/-ía/
/-íamos/
/-íais/
/-ían/
/-ía/
/-ías/
/-ía/
/-íamos/
/-íais/
/-ían/
|/-ía-/l
/-'/'/
/-s/
/-$/
/-mos/
/-is/
/-n/
Futuro de indicativo — Radical II + |-E|
/-ir/
/-er/
/-ar/
/-é/
/-ás/
/-á/
/-émos/
/-éis/
/-án/
/-é/
/-ás/
/-á/
/-émos/
/-éis/
/-án/
M/
/-ás/
/-á/
/-émos/
/-éis/
/-án/
¡/-e-/ 1
|/-a-/l
Subjuntivo pretérito — Radical II + !-A2t / - r /-ir/
/-er/
/-ar/
/-a/
/-as/
/-a/
/-amos/
/-ais/
/-an/
/-a/
/-as/
/-a/
/-amos/
/-ais/
/-an/
/-a/
/-as/
/-a/
/-amos/
/-ais/
/-an/
I/-a-/1
/-«/•-/
/-s/
/-</.-/
/-mos/
/-is/
/-n/
-s-/
/-</>-/
/-s/
/-«#>-/
/-mos/
/-is/
/-n/
Como se puede observar, una vez analizadas las terminaciones relativas a las personas, todas éstas forman un esquema común que podríamos presentarlo de la siguiente
manera:
21
Primera
Segunda
Tercera
Primera
Segunda
Tercera
persona
persona
persona
persona
persona
persona
singular:
singular:
singular:
plural:
plural:
plural:
$ o vocal, según los casos
-s
$4> o vocal
-mos
-is
-n
El esquema general de las formas verbales, si tenemos
en cuenta aquellos casos en los que hay discrepancia, sería
el siguiente:
Formas comunes
Formas especiales
Imperfecto, Futuro, Condicional, Presente Pretérito Subjuntivo
Subjetivo Pret.
Presente
Primera persona singular:/-<#) /
Segunda persona singular: / - s /
Tercera persona singular: /-<£/
Primera persona plural: / - m o s /
Segunda persona plural: / - i s /
Tercera persona plural: / - n /
/-o/
/-í—é/
/-te/
/-ó/
/-a—e/
/-ste-/
'-vo-f
(i/e) - » ie
III.—LOS ELEMENTOS DE LAS FORMAS VERBALES
El estudio presentado nos permite establecer tres elementos en todas las formas verbales:
a)
b)
c)
el elemento básico del verbo que puede ser el radical I o radical II según los tiempos, y que tiene
valor léxico;
el elemento vocálico que hemos llamado modal-temporal, puesto que, por ser propio de cada tiempo y
modo, sirve para identificarlos;
las terminaciones que identifican la persona y que,
con pocas excepciones (especialmente el caso del
pretérito) son comunes a todos los tiempos.
A continuación prsentamos una tabla general de todos
estos elementos, en los tiempos que hemos estudiado.
22
RADICAL
Indicativo
-o(
- er
e
- ir i
a
- ar
Presente
l)
- s
- ^
J- mos
1 is
- n
( / am-
com-
part- / )
Indicativo Pretéri to
Ind
i cat
i vo Imperfecto
Subjuntivo Presente
é/-i(l)
- *
- *
-ste
- s
- s
- e r / - i r i - ó (2)
-er/-ir
ía
- ^
- ar
e
- <£
-ar
a J- mos
-ar
aba
- mos - e r / -i r
a
- mos
- stei s
- is
i-is
■í- ron (i )i e(3)
- n
- n
RADICAL
II
( / amar-
comer-
Indicativo Futuro
Condicional
er
ir
ar
I
s
ía
mos
is
n
- er
- ir
- ar
e
á
-
<f,
-
s
mos
is
n
parti r- / )
i
Subjunt vo Pasado
- <j>
- er
- ir
- ar
s
mos
is
n
(1) La posición de estas termi naci ones en la columna modal-temporal i ndi ca que estos casos se construyen
con omi si ón del elemento vocáli co-temporal.
—X
i
nd ca que la termi naci ón personal requi ere la exclusi ón del ele(2) En estos casos la línea
X—i
mentó vocáli co-temporal.
(3) En las formas relati vas a la tercera persona plur al del Pretéri to de Indi cati vo, la
de la termi naci ón
cambia a - i e- antes de tomar la desi nenci a respecti va.
Este estudio ha sido presentado a estudiantes de Español
como segunda Lengua. Les ha impresionado constatar que,
a pesar de las numerosas formas verbales del Español, es
posible establecer para este idioma un sistema más simple.
A estos mismos alumnos se les ha presentado unas tarjetas-guía, que les permite una rápida referencia en caso de
precisarla. Se ha elaborado una tajeta para cada tiempo. He
aquí el modelo:
INDICATIVO IMPERFECTO
Verbos en:
—
Radical I
-
-
er / ir
ía
9
- </>
mos
-ÍKQ-
-
ar
:
aoa
- is
- n
Los espacios de la tarjeta limitados por puntos van perforados; eso permite usar otra tarjeta con varios verbos para
practicar la conjugación en el tiempo indicado.
En el ejemplo presentado los dos espacios perforados se
usan para dos grupos de verbos: aquellos terminados en "er"
e "ir", y aquellos terminados en "ar". En cada caso el elemento temporal es distinto: "ía" para el primer grupo y "aba"
para el segundo. La forma "ía" la escribimos con tilde para indicar que en todas las formas del imperfecto llevan tanto el
acento prosódico como el ortográfico en esta sílaba. La forma
aba lleva un apostrofe sobre la letra a para indicar que esta
sílaba lleva siempre el acento prosódico, pero que no se usa
la tilde en este caso.
Es posible que quienes se aferran a la formulación tradicional se resistan a aceptar la presentación que acabamos de
hacer. Tampoco es nuestra intensión que lo hagan. Pero sí
creemos que este enfoque lingüístico pueda abrir el campo a
nueva investigaciones y ojalá también a nuevas aplicaciones
a la difícil tarea de la enseñanza del Castellano.
24
FONOLOGÍA Y ESCRITURA DEL QUICHUA
ECUATORIANO
Consuelo Yánez Cossío
FONOLOGÍA DEL QUICHUA
En el sistema fonológico del Quichua ecuatoriano se encuentran algunas variaciones de acuerdo con el habla regional.
Se h a n analizado hablas representativas de las provincias de
I m b a b u r a (Peguche), Chimborazo (Colta) y Lo ja ( S a r a g u r o )
por considerar que en estas regiones se encuentra concentrada la mayor parte de la población nativa quichua-hablante.
Sin tener, en ningún m o m e n t o , el carácter de exhaustivo, este
análisis p r e t e n d e reflejar lo que podría considerarse como la
n o r m a Quichua válida p a r a la comunicación con los hablantes de las diversas áreas del país.
El Quichua en el Ecuador, sobre todo en lo que al aspecto fonológico se refiere, constituye u n c a m p o muy amplio de
investigación. Aspectos que requieren todavía u n cuidadoso
análisis son los relacionados con los sonidos vocálicos y los
problemas generales de entonación (pausas, ritmo, niveles tonales e inflexiones terminales).
25
En las observaciones realizadas se ha encontrado que en
el norte del país existe una fuerte tendencia a la sonorización
de las consonantes oclusivas sordas, la misma que va disminuyendo a medida que se avanza hacia el sur. Se presentan,
sin embargo, localidades intermedias en las que este fenómeno
ya se ha establecido; en la comunidad de Sumbagua (Provincia del Cotopaxi), por ejemplo, un gran porcentaje de sonidos
oclusivos sordos se sonoriza en posición intervocálica, ad&
más de la sonorización que se registra en los casos que se
especifican más adelante y que son característicos de uno u
otro dialecto.
Del grupo de sonidos oclusivos y africados, unos parecen
haberse neutralizado dando un solo fonema, en un? c r^ piones,
mientras que en otras han cambiado de lugar o de manera de
articulación. Así, por ejemplo:
en Colta, 'Chimborazo:
en Saraguro, Loja:
en Peguche, Imbabura:
[k h iwa]
[kiwa]
[xiwa]
'yerba'
[k h ]
[k]
[x]
En estos casos específicos se nota que la "aspiración" que
acompaña al sonido oclusivo, bilabial, sordo, ha desaparecido
en la pronunciación de Saraguro, y que este mismo sonido ha
cambiado de manera de articulación (de oclusivo a fricativo),
en Imbabura.
Sonidos vocálicos: Dentro del sistema vocálico tripartito
se encuentran casos de palabras que en unos dialectos son
pronunciadas con un sonido dado, mientras que en otros estas mismas palabras son producidas con un sonido diferente,
como en los ejemplos siguientes:
en Galte, Chim.:
en San Juan, Chimb.:
26
[pitik] 'quien', [ñukunchik] 'nosotros'
[pitak]
[ñukanchik]
Por la variedad de alófonos vocálicos que se han encontrado en los diferentes estudios, se ha preferido tomar en
cuenta solamente los tres de mayor frecuencia en el sistema:
[i], [a] y [u], sonidos que corresponden a los tres fonemas Quichuas / i / , / a / y / u / respectivamente y que conforman el sistema fonémico de la lengua, en lo que a las vocales
se refiere.
El esquema que aparece a continuación comprende, pues,
un análisis más detallado del sistema consonantico.
Sistema consonantico (fonemas y principales alófonos):
/p/
— [b]
sonoro, bilabial, oclusivo: después de consonantes nasales, en algunas regiones
[pamba]
/pampa/
'campo'
[p]
sordo,- bilabial, oclusivo: en cualquier otra
posición en todos los dialectos
[papa]
/papa/
'papa'
Hay sectores en los que este sonido se produce también después de consonantes nasales
[pampa]
/pampa/
'campo'
/ p h / — [p h ] sordo, bilabial, oclusivo, aspirado: antes de
cualquier vocal, en unos dialectos
[p h uyu]
/p h uyu/
'nube'
[p]
sordo, bilabial, fricativo: antes de u, en algunos dialectos
Lpuyu]
/p h uyu/
'nube'
[b]
sonoro, bilabial, fricativo: en posición intervocálica en algunos dialectos
[ubiani]
/up h iani/
'bebo'
27
[f]
sordo, labio-dental, fricativo: antes de cualquier vocal en unos dialectos, y también antes de [i] y [a] en las regiones donde se
produce el alófono [p]
[fatiga]
/p h anka/
'hoja'
[ficani]
/p h icani/
'barro'
[fuyu]
/p h uyu/
'nube'
[p]
sordo, bilabial, oclusivo: en cualquier posición, en otros dialectos
[picani]
/p h icani/
'barro'
[puyu]
/p h uyu/
'nube'
[b]
sonoro, bilabial, fricativo: en posición intervocálica, en todos los dialectos analizados
[xa"ba]
/xaba/
'haba'
[b]
sonoro, bilabial, oclusivo: en cualquier otra
posición
[bizi]
/bizi/
'becerro'
[d]
sonoro, dental, oclusivo: después de consonantes nasales en unos dialectos
[tanda]
/tanta/
'pan'
ft]
sordo, dental, oclusivo: en cualquier otra
posición en todos los dialectos
[tayta]
/tayta/
'padre'
Se encuentran regiones en las que este sonido se produce también después de consonantes nasales
[inti]
/inti/
'sol'
[d]
sonoro, inter-dental, fricativo: en posición
intervocálica en todos los dialectos analizados
[lidu]
/lidu/
'tipo de hortaliza'
[d]
sonoro, dental, oclusivo: en cualquier otra
posición
[didu]
/didu/
'dedo'
[g]
sonoro, velar, oclusivo: antes de consonantes
vibrantes en todos los dialectos
[figrir^gi]
/íigringi/
'vas a ir'
Este alófono ocurre también después de
consonantes nasales, en algunos dialectos
[kai)ga]
/kanka/
'tú'
[-§•]
sonoro, velar, fricativo: antes de consonantes nasales
[micigmi]
/micikmi/
'pastor'
[x]
sordo, velar, fricativo: al final de palabra y
antes de consonantes sordas, en algunos
dialectos
[pitax]
/pitak/
'quién'
[tarpuxpika] /tarpukpita/ 'sembrando'
[k]
sordo, velar, oclusivo: en cualquier
posición
[kuna]
/kuna/
'dar'
otra
Este alófono ocurre también después de
consonantes nasales, en algunos dialectos
[karjka]
/kanka/
'tú'
[</>]
En algunos dialectos hay ausencia de sonido al final de palabra
[pita]
/pitak/
'quién'
[ñukanci]
/ñukanchik/
'nosotros'
[kh]
sordo, velar, oclusivo, aspirado: en algunos
dialectos
[khatuni]
/khatuni/
'vendo'
[x]
sordo, velar, fricativo: en otros dialectos
[xatuni]
/khatuni/
'vendo'
i
29
[g]
sonoro, velar, fricativo: en posición intervocálica, en todos los <'¡alectos analizados
[licuga]
/liéuga/
'lechuga'
[g] sonoro, velar, oclusivo:
i cualquier otra
posición
[gacu]
/gacu/
iv ..ido'
[z]
sonoro, alveo-palatal s i icativo: después de
consonantes nasales, . n algunos dialectos
[kanzu]
/kancu/
'tú?'
[c]
sordo, alveo-palatal, africado: en cualquier
otra posición, en todos los dialectos analizados
[caki]
/caki/
'pie'
Este alófono ocurre también en algunos dialectos después de consonantes nasales
[kancu]
/kanéu/
'tú?'
[ts]
sordo, alveolar, africado: en cualquier posición
[tsala]
/tsala/
'flaco'
[f]
sordo, labio-dental, fricativo:
posición
[fista]
/fista/
'fiesta'
[z]
sonoro, alveolar, sibilante: antes de consonantes sonoras
[kanéizniki]
/kancisniki/
'séptimo'
[s]
en cualquier
sordo, alveolar, sibilante: en cualquier otra
posición
[sisa]
/sisa/
'flor'
[z] sonoro, alveolar, sibilante: en cualquier posición
[bizi]
/bizi/
'becerro'
[x]
sordo, velar, fricativo: en cualquier posisición
[xatun]
/xatun/
'grande'
[z]
sonoro, alveo-palatal, fricativo: antes de consonantes sonoras
[mamapizmi]
/mamapismi/ 'mamá también es'
[s]
sordo, alveo-palatal, fricativo: en cualquier
otra posición
[sitaipa]
/sitaspa/
'tirando'
[m]
sonoro, bilabial, nasal: en cualquier posición
[mama]
/mama/
'mamá'
[kimsa]
/kimsa/
'tres'
[n]
sonoro, velar, nasal: antes de consonantes
velares
[kai}g¡]
/kanki/
'eres'
[m]
sonoro, bilabial, nasal: antes de consonantes
bilabiales
[ñampi]
/ñanpi/
'en el camino'
[n]
sonoro, alveolar, nasal: en cualquier otra
posición
[nanay]
/nanay/
'dolor'
[ñ]
sonoro, alveo-palatal, nasal: en cualquier
posición
[ñaña]
/ñaña/
'hermana de hermana'
[1]
sonoro, alveolar, lateral: en cualquier posición
[larka]
/larka/
'acequia'
31
/ l y / — [s]
sordo, alveo-palatal, fricativo: antes de consonantes sordas, en algunos dialectos
[kuski]
/kul y ki/
'dinero'
[1]
sonoro, alveolar, lateral: al final de sílaba
en algunos dialectos
[kulki]
/kuPki/
'dinero'
[z]
sonoro, alveo-palatal, fricativo: antes de consonantes- sordas, en algunos dialectos
[mizma]
/mi\yma/
'lana'
Este alófono ocurre también en posición
inicial, en otros dialectos
[zakta]
/l y akta/
'ciudad'
[l y ]
sonoro, alveo-palatal, lateral: en cualquier
posición en algunas regiones
[I y akta]
[ku] y ki]
[mil v ma]
'ciudad'
'dinero'
'lana'
/ r / — [r]
sonoro, alveolar, vibrante simple: en posición intervocálica y antes de consonante
[karu]
/karu/
'lejos'
[r]
sonoro, alveolar, vibrante múltiple :en cualquier otra posición, en algunos dialectos
[ruku]
/ruku/
'viejo'
[R]
sonoro, alveolar, fricativo: en cualquier otra
posición en algunos dialectos
[Ruku]
/ruku/
'viejo'
/ w / — [w]
32
/lyakta/
/kul y ki/
/mil y ma/
semi-consonante, bilabial: en cualquier posición
[wawa]
/wawa/
'niño'
/ y / — [y]
semi-consonante, alveo-palatal: en cualquier
posición
[yaykuna]
/yaykuna/
'entrar'
NOTA: La sonorización de las consonantes oclusivas sordas
no es predecible geográficamente. La sonorización o
el ensordecimiento se encuentran ya sea en localidades cercanas o lejanas unas de otras. Hay dialectos
en los cuales se sonorizan todos estos sonidos y otros
en los que se encuentra este fenómeno en una u otra
palabra, sin ser la sonorización de un término común
en todos los lugares.
SISTEMA DE ESCRITURA
El sistema de escritura que se ha empleado en los textos
de este método corresponde a la representación moríoíonémica de la lengua. Por morfofonémica se entiende la representación de los sonidos contrastantes del idioma en cuanto
aparecen en formas léxicas y compuestas, de modo que se
establece una correspondencia entre el sonido tal como es
producido (alófono), su interpretación contrastante (fonema)
y el símbolo gráfico (grafema).
Se han analizado los elementos léxicos del idioma para
establecer su estructura fonémica y estudiar luego las variaciones de acuerdo con su distribución o combinación con
otros elementos.
Un fenómeno encontrado con mucha frecuencia en el
Quichua es la asimilación, es decir, la modificación que sufre
un sonido al identificarse con una a más características de
aquel o aquellos que le preceden o siguen, como en el ejemplo siguiente:
33
las formas /kan/ 'tú' y /pay/ 'él, ella', al unirse con / - p a k /
'(posesivo)' tienen la siguiente pronunciación: [kambax] y
[paypak] respectivamente; además, la forma /kanpak/ es
pronunciada en algunos dialectos como [kampak].
Si se escribiera empleando la representación alofónica o
la pronunciación, se tendrían en los casos dados dos formas:
[kan] y [kam] 'tú' y [-pax] y [-bax] '(posesivo)', con la dificultad adicional de que el último elemento de la forma posesiva / k / podría ser escrito como es pronunciado en los
distintos dialectos: [-bax], [-bak], [-bag], [-ba], [-pax],
[-pak], [-pag] o [-pa], lo cual crearía, entre otros problemas,
un sentido de inseguridad entre las personas que aprenden el
idioma al no saber cómo transcribir el sonido que escuchan
o creen escuchar.
Otro caso de asimilación es el que ocurre siempre que
una consonante sorda precede al sonido [ r ] . En las formas
en que se produce este tipo de asimilación, la escritura corresponderá a su representación fonética. Así, por ejemplo:
la combinación fonética / k r / se pronuncia [gr]. Puesto que
en estos casos no hay variación de pronunciación en los dialectos estudiados, se mantendrá la representación gráfica de
"gr", como en "wagra" 'vaca', "awagrini" 'voy a tejer', "wambra"
'joven', etc.
Un caso más complejo es el cambio de lugar a manera
de articulación de ciertos sonidos por razones aún no bien
establecidas. (Hipotéticamente estos cambios corresponden a
variaciones de las formas originales del Quichua boliviano/
peruano). Muchas palabras son pronunciadas con variantes
de acuerdo con el área lingüística de que se trate; no se ha
encontrado una norma que regule estos cambios puesto que
en unos sectores del país unos sonidos se han desarrollado
en una dirección, mientras que en otros han dado sonidos
con características diferentes, como se puede ver en los ejemplos siguientes:
34
en el Cuzco, Perú: [kh]
en Colta, Chimborazo: [kh]
en Peguche, Imbabura: [x]
en Saraguro, Loja:
[k]
[k^uyay] 'amar' [ph] [phuyu]
[khuyay]
[ph] [phuyu]
[xuyay]
[f] [fuyu]
[kuyay]
[p] [puyu]
'bravo'
En el primer caso, la aspiración se ha mantenido en la
región de Colta; el sonido velar aspirado ha cambiado a velar fricativa, en Peguche; y en Saraguro ha desaparecido la
aspiración. En el segundo ejemplo, la bilabial aspirada también se ha mantenido en Colta; ha perdido la aspiración en
Saraguro; y en Peguche ha cambiado a la labio-dental fricativa. Cambios de este tipo son frecuentes en los distintos dialectos del Quichua ecuatoriano.
No habiéndose encontrado un sistema de escritura que
tenga en cuenta estos y otros cambios, en la bibliografía del
Quichua ecuatoriano, y que por lo tanto refleje las características propias de esta lengua, se ha convenido en emplear
un sistema fonémico con excepción de la mencionada combinación de una consonante sorda seguida de / r / . Con esta decisión se intenta resaltar la personalidad de la lengua, facilitar
la comprensión de los diferentes dialectos y proveer de un
sistema de escritura general a todos ellos.
De acuerdo a los análisis fonológicos realizados se dan
los símbolos gráficos (letras) que aparecen a continuación:
«p» — corresponde a los sonidos:
[b]
— después de consonantes nasales
[kambax] "kanpak" 'tú' (posesivo)
[p]
— en cualquier otra posición
[papa]
"papa"
'papá'
[pl y [b] alternan después de consonantes nasales, en diferentes dialectos:
[kampax] ~ [kambax] "kanpak" 'tú' (posesivo)
35
«p'»
«t»
— corresponde a los sonidos:
[p h ] — en algunos sectores
[p h uyu]
"p'uyu"
'nube'
— corresponde a:
[d] — después de consonantes nasales
[tanda]
"tanta"
'pan'
[t] — en cualquier otra posición
[tuta]
"tuta"
'noche'
[t] y [d] alternan en combinación con consonan­
tes nasales en distintos dialectos:
[tanta] ~ [tanda]
"tanta"
'pan'
«k» — corresponde a los siguientes sonidos:
[g]
— antes de consonantes sonoras
[micigmi]
"michikmi"
'pastor'
[x]
— al final de frase en algunos dialectos
[pitax] "pitak" 'quién' (interrogativo)
[</>] — al final de frase en otros dialectos ■
[pita]
"pitak" 'quién' (interrogativo)
[k]
— en cualquier otra posición
[kuna]
"kuna"
'dar'
[g]
— después de consonantes nasales
[karjga] "kanka" 'tú' (nominativo)
1) [k] y [g] alternan después de consonantes na­
sales en dialectos diferentes
[karjka]~ [kaqga] "kanka" 'tú' (nominativo)
2) También alternan [k], [x] y [<í>], al final de
palabra o de frase, en dialectos distintos
[pitak]'­[pitax] ~ [pita] "pitak" 'quién'
terrogativo)
36
(in­
«k'» — corresponde a:
[k h ] — en algunos sectores
[k h atuni]
«k'atuni»
[k] — en otras regiones
[katuni]
«k'atuni»
[x] — en otras regiones
[xatuni]
«k'atuni»
«g»
corresponde a:
[g]
— antes de [r]
[rigrin]
«rigrin»
'vendo'
'vendo'
'vendo'
'va a ir'
«ch» — corresponde a:
[z]
— después de nasales en unos dialectos
[kanzu] «kanchu» 'tú' (interrogativo)
[c]
— en cualquier otra posición
[curani] «churani» 'pongo'
[c] y [z] alternan antes de nasales en dialectos diferentes:
[awancu] ~ [awanzu] «awanchu» 'teje'
(interrogativo)
[s] — corresponde a:
[z]
— antes de consonantes nasales
[kancizniki] «kanchisniki» 'séptimo'
[s]
— en cualquier otra posición
[sisa] «sisa» 'flor'
[z]
— corresponde a:
[z]
— en cualquier posición
[zambu] «zampu» 'calabaza'
La [s] intervocálica de muchas palabras
tomadas del Español se pronuncia con
este sonido:
[miza] «miza» 'mesa'
37
«sh»
«j»
— corresponde a:
[z]
— antes de consonantes sonoras
[ñukapiz mama] «ñukapish mama»
'yo también, mamá'
[s]
— en cualquier otra posición
[samuspa] «shamushpa» 'viniendo'
— corresponde a:
[x]
— en cualquier posición
[xatun]
«jatun»
'grande'
«1» — corresponde a:
[1]
— en cualquier posición
[larka]
«larka»
'acequia'
«11» — corresponde a los siguientes sonidos:
[l y ]
[z]
[s]
[1]
— en cualquier posición, en algunos dialectos
[l y akta]
«llakta»
'ciudad'
— en posición inicial e intervocálica, en
otros dialectos
[zakta]
«llakta»
'ciudad'
[ayzu]
«ayllu»
'pariente'
— antes de consonantes sordas, en estos
dialectos
[asku]
«allku»
'perro'
— antes de consonantes sordas, en otros
dialectos
[alku]
«allku»
'perro'
«m» — corresponde a:
[m]
38
— en cualquier posición
[mama]
«mama»
'mamá'
«n» — corresponde a:
[T)J
— en posición final y antes de consonantes
no bilabiales
[kai)ga]
«kanka»
'tú' (nominativo)
[m]
— antes de consonantes bilabiales
[ñampi]
«ñanpi»
'en el camino'
[n]
— en cualquier posición
[nanay]
«nanay»
'dolor'
«ñ» — corresponde a:
[ñ]
— en cualquier posición
[ñaña] «ñaña» 'hermana de hermana'
«r» — corresponde a:
[f]
— en posición inicial, en unos dialectos
[runa]
«runa»
'hombre'
[R]
— en posición inicial en otros dialectos
[Runa]
«runa»
'hombre'
[r]
— en cualquier otra posición
[karu]
«karu»
'lejos'
[R] y [r] alternan de acuerdo con los dialectos
[Runa] ~ [runa] «runa» 'hombre
«w» — corresponde a:
[v]
— antes de [i], en algunos lugares
[vira]
«wira»
'grasa'
[w]
— al comienzo de sílaba
[wawa]
«wawa»
'niño'
[w] y [v] alternan en distintos dialectos
[wira] ~ [vira]
«wira»
'grasa'
39
I
«y»
—
corresponde a:
[y]
—
al comienzo y final de sílaba
[yaykuna]
«yaykuna»
'entrar'
«i»
—
corresponde a / i / con todas sus variantes
[kaspi]
«kaspi»
'palo"
«a»
—
corresponde a / a / con todas sus variantes
[kara]
«kara»
'piel, corteza'
«u»
—
corresponde a / u / con todas sus variantes
[urna]
«urna»
'cabeza'
Para un reducido númercj de palabras españolas establecidas ya en la lengua Quichua se dan los siguientes signos:
«b»
«d»
«g»
—
—
—
corresponde a:
[t)]
—
en posición intervocálica
[xába]
«jaba»
'haba'
[b]
—
en cualquier otra posición
[bizi]
«bizi»
'becerro'
corresponde a:
[d"]
—
en posición intervocálica
[ladupi]
«ladupi»
'en X lado'
[d]
—
en cualquier otra posición
[didu]
«didu»
'dedo'
corresponde a:
[g]
— en posición intervocálica
[ p a g a r a n a ] «pagarana» 'pagar'
[g]
«f»
40
—
—
en cualquier otra posición
[guyu]
«Guyu»
'Gregorio'
corresponde a:
[f ]
— en cualquier posición
[fista]
«fishta»
'fiesta'
NOTAS SOBRE EL VERBO QUICHUA: MORFOLOGÍA
Consuelo Yánez Cossío
1—INTRODUCCIÓN
Este trabajo contiene
quichua desde el punto de
nificado de los infijos que
ficar la semántica de la
verbal".
un análisis preliminar del verbo
vista de su composición y del sigpueden ser empleados para modiforma mínima denominada "raíz
Los dialectos analizados (Imbabura, Chimborazo y Loja)
presentan casos similares de formación verbal con excepción
de las formas reflexiva y recíproca, cuyo uso se confunde en
algunos sectores, como se explicará más adelante.
El verbo quichua, en lo que a su estructura se refiere,
presenta una extraordinaria regularidad. No se encuentran,
por lo tanto, casos de variación morfofonémica ni en la composición interna de la raíz ni en las terminaciones verbales como sucede con el español, el inglés o el francés, por ejemplo.
En estas lenguas se dan frecuentes y variados tipos de modificación interna de acuerdo con el tiempo, modo y/o las personas verbales, como también cambios en las inflexiones personales:
41
en
en
en
en
español:
inglés:
francés:
quichua:
voy
fui
iré
ido
go
went
aliáis
rirkani
irais
risha
gone
alié
rishka
vais
rini
Para determinar la raíz verbal quichua basta comparar
algunas formas y aislar el elemento común a todas ellas. Así:
ri
ri
ri
ri
—
—
—
—
ni
nchik
rkani
sha
'voy'
'vamos'
'fui'
'iré'
Tomando arbitrariamente la primera persona del singular como forma básica, se obtiene la raíz separando la terminación |-ni| del resto de la forma, siempre que el análisis determine, en comparación con otras formas, una expresión semánticamente irreductible. Este método es válido para cualquier verbo de la lengua:
ri — ni
awa — ni
miku — ni
kallpa — ni
'voy'
'tejo'
'como'
'corro'
Los pronombres que sirven de referencia para establecer
las terminaciones verbales de persona son los siguientes:
ñuka
kan
kikin
pay
42
'yo'
'tú'
'usted'
'él, ella'
ñukanchik
kankuna
kikinkuna
paykuna
'nosotros, nosotras'
'vosotros, vosotras'
'ustedes'
'ellos, ellas'
Las formas KIKIN y KIKINKUNA (diferentes de "kikin"
= 'mismo, propio'), están restringidas, entre los hablantes
nativos, a sus relaciones con personas de su misma raza por
quienes sienten respeto o con quienes no tienen confianza
para un trato más familiar. Los pronombres KAN y KIKIN,
por un lado, y KANKUNA y KIKINKUNA, por otro, emplean
idéntica forma verbal:
kan/kikin kanki
kankuna/kikinkuna kankichik
tú eres, usted es'
'vosotros sois, ustedes son'
Las personas verbales quichuas están marcadas también
en las terminaciones verbales por medio de morfemas que,
de acuerdo con la estructura gramatical, aparecen como sufijos o como infijos:
Ñukaka wasimanmi rini,
Ñukaka wasiman rinimi.
'Ye (sí) a la casa voy'.
'Yo a la casa (sí) voy.
donde el morfema de afirmación |-mi| aparece o no después
del verbo, de acuerdo la idea que se quiera especificar.
Con el objeto de determinar los morfemas personales del
verbo, el análisis que se presenta a continuación considerará
las formas verbales aisladamente, esto es, sin otra relación
que la de persona-verbo.
43
2 —MORFEMAS PERSONALES
En la lengua quichua, los morfemas personales verbales
aparecen en tres paradigmas: presente, futuro e imperativo:
raíz
riririririri-
persona
-ni
-nki
-n
-nchik
-nkichik
-n/-nkuna
voy'
vas, va (usted)'
va (él, ella)'
vamos'
vais, van (ustedes)'
van (ellos, ellas)'
riririririri-
-sha
-nki
-nka
-shun/-shunchik
-nkichik
-nka/-nkakuna
iré'
irás, irá (usted)'
irá (él, ella)'
iremos'
iréis, irán (ustedes)'
irán (ellos, ellas)'
-i
-ichik
-shun
ve, vaya (usted)'
id, vayan (ustedes)'
vamos'
ivo r i riri-
El afijo ¡-kuna|, morfema de plural, es opcional en algunos dialectos en la tercera persona del plural, siendo entonces, la tercera persona del singular idéntica a la tercera del
plural:
nn
rinka
44
va, van
'irá, irán'
En el presente y en el futuro las terminaciones coinciden
en la segunda persona plural, respectivamente:
rinki
rinkichik
'vas, irás — va, irá (usted)'
'vais, iréis — van, irán (ustedes)'
Si la raíz verbal termina en el sonido / i / , el morfema imperativo de la segunda persona del plural y del singular se
neutraliza con tal sonido, puesto que la combinación / i i / no se
da en la lengua:
ri
richik
've, vaya (usted)'
'id, vayan (ustedes)'
El morfema de futuro correspondiente a la primera persona plural -shunchik, contiene el elemento |-shun{ que
es similar al imperativo de 'nosotros' en el que Yo es un factor incluido. La terminación |-chik¡ de la primera persona
plural del futuro suele ser omitida en algunos dialectos dándose entonces, aisladamente, una forma con dos interpretaciones; el futuro, en el contexto gramatical, requiere sin embargo la presencia del morfema I-mi1] (afirmativo):
elemento aislado:
rishun
'iremos, vamos (imp.)'
contexto sintáctico:
Rishun!
Rishunmi.
'vamos!'
'(sí) iremos.'
Los morfemas de la serie del llamado presente /-ni, -nki,
-nchik, -nkichik/, se emplean también con el morfema |-nka-|
que significa pasado, con excepción de las terceras personas.
Decimos entonces, que la tercera persona del verbo tiene una
variante o alomorfo que es «^ (cero) que ocurre en el pasado
(y en otros casos que se indicarán), solamente con tal persona, en singular y en plural:
riri-
ririri-
ri-
-rka-rka-rka-rka-rka-rka-
-ni
-nki
-t
-nchik
-nkichik
-*
'fui'
'fuiste, fue (usted)'
'fue (él, ella)'
'fuimos'
'fuisteis, fueron (Uds.)'
'fueron (ellos, ellas)'
Una vez analizados los morfemas personales, se pasará a
una discusión de los infijos verbales que se emplean para ampliar, modificar o especificar la acción o estado del verbo;
estos morfemas serán llamados en adelante "especificadores
verbales".
3.—ESPECIFICADORES VERBALES
Se entiende por "especificador verbal" todo morfema que
de una u otra manera da una característica particular a la
acción o estado del verbo. Del análisis de estos infijos verbales (10, en este estudio) se desprenden diversas categorías
correspondientes a las nociones de "aspecto", "modo" y "voz",
en la teoría gramatical tradicional, las mismas que corresponden a los conceptos de forma de realización de una acción,
relación de los participantes en la acción o estado del verbo,
y actitud de la persona o personas del verbo frente a la realización del evento.
En la manera cómo se realiza la acción se consideran aspectos relativos a su iniciación, terminación, continuidad, etc.
La relación de participantes encierra los conceptos de reflexividad y reciprocidad de la acción del verbo; y en la actitud
46
de la persona o personas del verbo, se incluyen contenidos
relativos a causa, permiso, deseo, etc. Ninguno de los morfemas incluidos en este grupo hace referencia al concepto temporal, puesto que el tiempo es expresado por un morfema
adicional.
La agrupación de los conceptos anteriores bajo la denominación única de "especificadores verbales" se debe a que
todos ellos participan de las mismas caractersticas estructurales:
1) todos los especificadores verbales pueden ser intercalados
entre la raíz y el morfema |-rka-| (pasado);
2)
todos los especificadores pueden ser intercalados entre la
raíz y la terminación de persona (/ni, -nki, -sha,/ etc.)
3)
todos los especificadores pueden ser intercalados entre la
raíz y los morfemas neutros (infinitivo, participios, etc.),
como se explicará más adelante.
Los morfemas especificadores, de acuerdo con lo expuesto, son los siguientes:
-ri-naku-chi-pa-naya-ku-ra-shka-gri-mu-
reflexivo
recíproco
causativo
permisivo
desiderativo
continuativo
repetitivo
perfectivo
incoactivo
cesativo
j-rl-l expresa que el sujeto y el objeto de la acción del
verbo tiene el mismo referente, es decir que el actor y el
agente son idénticos, noción conocida como reflexiva. Esta
forma está restringida a un grupo de verbos transitivos en los
47
que el sujeto y el objeto del verbo son idénticos. En el dialecto de Imbabura este morfema suele omitirse:
armaarma-
-ri-
-ni
-ni
'me baño'
'me baño' (Imbabura)
|-naku-| se emplea solamente con las personas plurales
de la conjugación del verbo puesto que toda acción recíproca
requiere de la presencia de más de un hablante. Ocurre con
un grupo de verbos transitivos cuya semántica permite acción
recíproca. En la provincia de Imbabura este concepto se expresa con la forma |-riri-|:
rikuriku-
-naku-riri-
-nchik
-nchik
'nos miramos mutuamente'
'nos miramos mutuamente'
(Imbabura)
|-chi-| indica que la persona o personas interesadas en
un evento, hacen que otra u otras personas realicen esa acción del verbo. La indicación de la persona de la forma verbal proporciona datos sobre la o las que inducen a la ejecución, y no sobre la o las que la realizan:
miku-
-chi-
-ni
'hago comer' (alimento)
El verdadero ejecutor de la acción de "comer" es expresado estructuralmente con un objeto directo (|-ta|):
ñukaka payta mikuchini
'le hago comer a él'
|-pa-| es un morfema de respeto que indica el permiso
que se toma el hablante para la realización del evento. Este
morfema puede ser empleado con cualquier verbo de la lengua:
yuya48
^pa-
-ni
'me permito pensar'
¡-naya-] indica deseo de que se realice la acción del verbo a causa de una necesidad no controlable. Este morfema
ocurre únicamente en construcciones como:
ñukataka miku-
-naya-
-n
'me da gana de comer'
en la que el verbo toma la terminación de tercera persona, y
"yo" es un objeto directo.
El morfema |-naya-| ocurre en la conjugación del verbo,
con todas las personas cuando éstas funcionan como sujeto.
En este caso se requiere la presencia simultánea del causativo
!-chi-|:
miku-
-naya-
-chi-
-ni
'tengo deseo de comer'
j-ku-j indica que la acción del verbo ocurre sin interrupción a partir de su comienzo. Como en todos los especificadores, el tiempo es expresado por un morfema adicional. En
los verbos con característica de "puntualidad" (aquellos que
permiten repetición) esta especificación se refiere a un acto
individual (una sola vez):
miku-
-ku-
-ni
'estoy comiendo'
Los verbos "no puntuales" (aquellos que no permiten repetición) emplean también este morfema como presente conceptual cuando no hay otro morfema de tiempo (pasado o
futuro):
kausa-
-ku-
-ni
'estoy viviendo, vivo'
|-ra-| como su alomorfo |-ria-¡, en la provincia de Imbabura, corresponde a la idea de repetición de la acción del
verbo. Se lo emplea con los verbos puntuales y muy ocasionalmente con los no puntuales:
49
rikuriku-
-ra-ria-
-ni
-ni
'mirar repetidamente'
idem.
,-shka-i expresa que la acción o estado del verbo, con
iniciación en el pasado, ha transcurrido durante un lapso de
tiempo y ha sido ya completada:
yuya-
-shka-
-ni
'he pensado'
Los morfemas |-gri-| y |-mu-|, que también pertenecen a
la categoría de especificadores, tienen diversas interpretaciones en las gramáticas tradicionales las mismas que corresponden a lo siguiente:
|-gri-|
futuro próximo y/o movimiento hacia (ir a, encaminarse a)
|-mu-¡ pasado reciente y/o movimiento de (venir de, regresar de)
Sin embargo, de acuerdo con las investigaciones realizadas con hablantes nativos tenemos:
[-gri-j morfema que indica incoacción o estar a punto
de comenzar la acción del verbo. Este morfema suele emplearse también en sustitución del futuro regular pero solo
cuando no hay otro morfema de tiempo en la expresión verbal:
50
miku-
- g r i - -ni
'voy a comer' (estoy a punto de
comer)
miku-
- g r i - -sha
'iré a comer' (estaré a punto de
comer)
miku-
-gri- -rka-
-ni
'iba, fui a comer' (estuve
a punto de comer)
La combinación de ¡-gri-| y de ¡-mu-j en una misma expresión dan formas como las siguientes:
miku- - g r i - - m u - -ni
miku- - m u - - g r i - -ni
'voy a venir de comer'
'voy a comer mientras vengo'
La combinación de los morfemas especificadores en series de dos, tres o más, permite expresar con enorme variedad
contenidos que en otras lenguas, el español, por ejemplo, requieren construcciones muy complejas. El orden de aparición
de tales morfemas cambia de acuerdo con el contenido semántico que el hablante quiera comunicar dentro del marco temporal seleccionado.
Además de los morfemas aquí analizados, la lengua quichua tiene otras formas que se utilizan para verbalizar adjetivos y nombres. Ejemplos de tales morfemas son:
|-ya^l
|-nchi-|
i
yanayani
ñawinchini
'ennegrezco'
'encaro'
(yana 'negro')
(ñawi 'cara')
A continuación se tratará el tiempo verbal quichua desde el punto de vista conceptual y gramatical.
4.—TIEMPO VERBAL
Tradicionalmente se considera que el verbo quichua tiene los siguientes tiempos: presente, pasado y futuro. De
acuerdo con esta interpretación, tanto el presente como el futuro expresan simultáneamente tiempo y persona en cada uno
de los morfemas de su respectiva serie:
51
Presente
-ni
-nki
-n
-nchik
-nkichik
-n/-nkuna
Persona
Ira.
2da.
3ra.
Ira.
2da.
3ra.
persona
persona
persona
persona
persona
persona
Futuro
singular
singular
singular
plural
plural
plural
-sha
-nki
-nka
-shun/-shunchik
-nkichik
-nka/-nkakuna
El pasado, por su parte, se expresa por medio del infijo
|-rka-| que requiere obligatoriamente la especificación de
persona manifestada con los morfemas personales de la serie del llamado presente. Esta interpretación parece contener una contradicción de tipo semántico puesto que, a nuestro entender, el presente y el pasado no son mutuamente
compatibles:
Pasado
Presente
-rka-rka-rka-rka-rka-rka-
-ni
-nki
-</>
-nchik
-nkichik
-<#>/-kuna
Ira. persona
2da. persona
3ra. persona
Ira. persona
2da. persona
3ra. persona
singular
singular
singular
plural
plural
plural
Surge entonces, el interrogante sobre la verdadera significación del llamado presente. Si el pasado y el presente como
conceptos temporales no pueden combinarse en una misma
expresión, podría interpretarse la serie de morfemas personales del presente como formas neutras en lo que a tiempo se
refiere, donde el tiempo presente sería una forma no marcada y los morfemas en cuestión solamente corresponderían a
la especificación de persona. Esta interpretación se apoyaría
también en el hecho de que formas como RINI 'voy', RINKICHIK 'vais', etc. ocurren con expresiones tales como TUKUI
52
PUNLLA 'todos ios días', y otras similares que corresponden
a la manifestación de una "realidad" experimentada y comprendida entre lo pasado y lo actual sin ninguna referencia
al futuro. Los adverbios de pasado y futuro, excluyen, igualmente, la presencia de este llamado presente. Efectivamente,
no son gramaticales expresiones como:
*kaynaka
*kayaka
('ayer') mikuni ('como')
('mañana') mikuni ('como')
Sin embargo, la denominación de "presente" podría mantenerse desde un punto de vista terminológico con la explicación de que se trata de un presente "gramatical" y no de un
presente conceptual. La morfología del verbo en el área de
tiempo y persona se resumiría de la siguiente manera:
Presente Persona
-</>-
-4-$-<#>-«#>-
-<#>-
-ni
-nki
-n
-nchik
-nkichik
-n/-nkuna
Pasado
Persona
Futuro
-rka-rka-rka-rka-rka-rka-
-ni
-nki
-sha
-nki
-nka
-shun/-shunchik
-nkichik
-nka/-nkakuna
-*
-nchik
-nkichik
-<#)/-kuna
Una vez analizados los diferentes morfemas verbales se
indicará a continuación la composición general de una expresión verbal.
5.—COMPOSICIÓN VERBAL
Con excepción de las formas del futuro que excluyen la
presencia del morfema de pasado l-rka-| y los morfemas |-ri-i
y |-naku-¡ que se excluyen mutuamente y tienen restricciones
53
,-
de tipo semántico, todos los infijos especificadores pueden
emplearse, teóricamente, en una misma expresión verbal. Por
razones de limitación de la capacidad de retención o memoria,
suelen emplearse hasta un máximo de cuatro especificadores;
la expresión verbal, además de los cuatro morfemas, contiene la raíz verbal, la terminación de persona (excepto en el
futuro) y uno o más afijos no propiamente verbales como
en el ejemplo siguiente:
yuya
ku
gri
pa
shka
nchik + -pish
mi
mos estado yendo a venir permitiéndonos pensar'
si
he-
El orden de los infijos especificadores, en el contexto verbal aislado puede variar produciendo cambios importantes
en el significado total de la expresión. De los elementos que
intervienen en la composición del verbo hay tres que tienen
una posición invariable: la raíz que siempre va al principio,
el morfema de persona que invariablemente aparece al final
y el morfema de pasado cuya posición obligatoria es inmediatamente antes del morfema de persona. Los morfemas especificadores se colocan pues, inmediatamente después de la
raíz:
raíz
(especificador-es) (pasado)
mikumikumikumiku-
-idú-shka-chi- -shka-
-rka-rka-rka-rka-
persona
-ni
-ni
-ni
-ni
'comí'
'hice comer'
'había comido'
'había hecho comer'
La fórmula básica de la composición verbal, en estructuras de eventos únicos, podría reducirse a lo siguiente:
R
54
+
(Esp.)
(Pas.)
Fut.
Imp.
+
Per.
donde:
R
Esp.
Pas.
Per.
Fut.
Imp.
=
=
=
=
=
=
raíz
especificador (-es)
pasado
persona
futuro
imperativo
siendo:
1)
R, elemento obligatorio
2)
(Esp.), elemento opcional
3)
(Pas.), elemento opcional cuya presencia excluye a
Fut. y a Imp.
4)
Per., Elemento obligatorio precedido o no de (Pas.)
y en ausencia de Fut. y de Imp.
5)
Fut., Elemento obligatorio en ausencia de
|(Pas.) + Per.|, y de Imp.
6)
Imp., elemento obligatorio en ausencia de
|(Pas.) + Per.| y de Fut.
El paso siguiente es el análisis de los morfemas verbales
considerados atemporales-apersonales, que completan el cuadro morfológico del verbo quichua.
6—MORFEMAS ATEMPORALES-APERSONALES
Tradicionalmente se consideran sufijos verbales a todos
los morfemas que van ligados a una raíz verbal. Sin embargo,
al referirse a los morfemas atemporales-apersonales, es necesario tomar en cuenta su función estructural. Para efectos del
55
presente estudio se considerará verbo a toda forma que semánticamente exprese evento o realización de una acción, a
diferencia de aquellas formas que expresen entidad:
evento:
mikuni
kallpani
'como'
'corro'
entidad:
mikuna
'comida'
kallpana
'carrera'
Los sufijos que serán analizados son:
-na
-y
-shka
-kpi
-shpa
-chun
-man
El morfema ¡-naj aparece frecuentemente, en los textos
y gramáticas del quichua ecuatoriano, tratado como un indicador de infinitivo, aunque también se lo considera un nominalizador. El morfema |-y|, por su parte, es considerado también un nominalizador aunque cada uno expresa una idea
diferente:
mikunata munanimi
mikuita munanimi
'quiero la comida'
'quiero comer'
Las formas |-na| e ¡-y|, en las estructuras dadas, funcionan como nombres en el papel de objeto directo indicado por
el morfema |-ta|. Siendo |-na| un nominalizador de entidades
y el morfema |-y| un nominalizador de eventos, estos elementos estructuralmente son nombres y no verbos. El concepto
56
de "infinitivo" atribuido al morfema |-na| no tiene justificación en el sistema quichua puesto que semánticamente está
desprovisto de la idea de acción. El morfema i-y|, en cambio,
podría acercarse más a la concepción de infinitivo por ser
la expresión de un evento. En caso de considerar necesario
mantener el término "infinitivo", es el morfema |-y| el que
debe llevar tal denominación siempre y cuando aparezca fuera de un contexto gramatical complejo.
mikui
'comer' (infinitivo)
mikuita munanimi
'quiero comer'
(nombre)
En combinación con el verbo KAY 'ser, estar', el morfema
|-nai| expresa obligatoriedad en la realización de la acción del
verbo:
miku-
-na-
-mi
kani
'debo comer'
|-na|, en consecuencia, es un morfema de obligación que
puede ser clasificado entre los participios por aparecer junto
al verbo KAY, y siempre que se defina un participio como
una forma que requiere la presencia del verbo KAY 'ser, estar'.
El morfema |-shka| corresponde al denominado participio
pasado español denominación que debe modificarse a la de
"participio pasivo" por aparecer en estructuras pasivas y no
como un perfectivo. La interpretación de este morfema como
un perfectivo se debe probablemente a la superposición de la
gramática española en la lengua quichua. El perfectivo quichua, como ya se explicó anteriormente, se da en esta lengua
como un especificador. La forma |-shka| funciona también
como adjetivo cuando aparece con el verbo KAY en su interpretación española de 'estar':
rimashkami
rimashkanimi
rimashka kani
'está hablado'
'he hablado'
'soy hablado'
(adjetivo)
(perfectivo)
(pasivo)
57
Los morfemas |-kpi| y l-shpa| aparecen en distribución
complementaria en los contextos sintácticos de eventos múltiples cuando tales eventos se realizan sucesiva o simultáneamente. Estas formas se asemejan al participio presente español (-ndo) aunque también corresponden a expresiones como "al (-|-verbo en infinitivo), 'si' (+subjuntivo), etc.
El morfema |-kpi| ocurre cuando el sujeto del primer
evento es diferente de aquel del segundo, {-shpaj, por el contrario, ocurre cuando los dos eventos tienen el mismo referente como en estos ejemplos:
-kpi|
Inti llukshikpika, Mañuka pampaman rinmi. 'Cuando sale (al salir, si sale, saliendo, etc.) el sol, Manuel
va al campo.
|-shpa|
Mañu Uukshishpaka, (Mañu) allkuta karkun. Cuando sale 'al salir, si sale, saliendo, etc.) Manuel, (Manuel) echa el perro'.
En las estructuras con |-shpa| el sujeto del segundo evento es omitido, excepto en casos de énfasis.
El tiempo verbal del primer evento, en estos casos, es
neutro o no especificado, no existiendo, por lo mismo, concordancia con el tiempo del segundo. El tiempo del primer evento de las estructuras españolas no se traduce en quichua; lo
que es relevante para la comunicación es el tiempo del segundo evento. A estos morfemas se les denominará potenciales,
puesto que la acción del segundo evento ocurre solo en función de la primera.
El morfema |-chun{ corresponde al denominado subjuntivo en el que tampoco hay especificación de tiempo ni de
persona. Para la expresión del subjuntivo se requieren dos
eventos (por lo menos); el tiempo y la persona se manifiestan solamente en el verbo principal, mientras que el evento
58
subjuntivo toma únicamente la terminación |-chun| que es
común a todas las personas. Las personas correspondientes
deben ser explicitadas con el respectivo nombre o pronombre:
Ñukaka Juanchu parlachun munarkanimi.
'yo quise que Juan hablara'.
Ñukaka Juanchu parlachun munanimi.
'Yo quiero que Juan hable'.
Ñukaka Juanchu parlachun munashami.
'Yo querré que Juan hable'.
Un caso especial constituye el condicional que requiere
la indicación de persona. El morfema condicional |-man|
aparece después del morfema de persona, con excepción de
la primera persona singular en la que no se encuentra la forma ¡-ni| sino el elemento |-i| (por definirse). El morfema
|-man|, al igual que todos los demás incluidos en esta sección,
es atemporal-apersonal.
Los morfemas analizados se presentan en el esquema que
sigue, junto con la correspondiente interpretación.
7—ESQUEMA MORFOLÓGICO DEL VERBO
7.1.—Morfemas personales + / - temporales:
Neutro
-ni
-nki
-n
-nchik
-nkichik
-n/-nkuna
Futuro
-sha
-nki
-nka
-shun (chik)
-nkichik
-nka (kuna)
Imperativo Persona
Ira. persona
2da. persona
-y/*
3ra. persona
-shun
Ira. persona
-ichik
2da. persona
3ra. persona
singular
singular
singular
plural
plural
plural
59
7.2. —Especificadores verbales:
ri■naku■chinayaku-ra■shka-gri-
reflexivo
recíproco
causativo
permisivo
desiderativo
continuativo
repetitivo
perfectivo
incoactivo
cesativo
■pa■mu-
7.3. —Morfemas temp orales:
Presente:
<t>
Pasado:
|-rka-|
(no marcado)
7.4.—Composición verbal:
raíz + (esp ecificador-es)
+
(pasado) + p ersona
futuro
imperativo
7.5. —Morfemas atemp orales-ap ersonales
-na
-y
-shka
-kpi
-shpa
-chun
-man
60
participio de obligación
infinitivo
participio p asivo
potencial (distintos referentes)
potencial (idénticos referentes)
subjuntivo
condicional
BIBLIOGRAFÍA:
1.—Cook, Walter A., Introduction to Tagmenic Analysis, Holt, Rinehart
and Winston, Inc. N. Y, 1969
2.—Nida, Eugene A., Morphology, The University of Michigan Press,
Ann Arbor, 1965
3.—Paris, Julio, Gramática de la Lengua Quichua, Ed. Santo Domingo,
Quito, 1961
4.—Leonardi, José, Lengua Quichua, Editora Fénix, Quito, 1966
Informantes:
Amado Ruiz, Alberto Andrango, Benigno Cáceres, Pedro Bahua.
61
THE PRINCIPLE OF IMMEDIATE REINFORCEMENT
AND LANGUAGE LABORATORY PRACTICE
By Gustavo A. Fierro, Ph. D.
The purpose of this study is to relate the concept of
immediate reinforcement as presented by Skinner in his book
Science and Human Behavior to its practical applications in
the language laboratory. Although at the present time there
are several conflicting views on the way human learning takes
place, the Skinnerian tenets on habit formation have been
followed here since apparently they form the background
for most language laboratory teaching.
THE THEORETICAL BACKGROUND
Robert Lado, in his book Language Teaching: A Scientific
Approach, lists a set of seventeen "principles of language
teaching" and the fourteenth principle says, "Immediate Reinforcement: let the student know immediately when his
response has been successful." 1 The author supports this
principle with experiments on animals performed by Skinner.
Skinner himself derives his concept of reinforcement from
63
Pavlov, modifying his views. In Science and Human Behavior
he describes how reinforcement takes place:
The consequence of behavior may "feed back"
into the organism. When they do so, they
may change the probability that the behavior
which produced them will occur again. 2
In another part of his book. Skinner restates the need of
reinforcement: "The organism must be stimulated by the
consequences of its behavior if conditioning is to take place."
This stamping in of behavior when followed by certain consequences is what Thorndike called the law of effect.
SOME KEY CONCEPTS
From the point of view of TEFL and foreign language
methodology there are several aspects of Skinnerian psychology of immediate interest. The following concepts are clearly
related to language laboratory practice: immediacy of the
reinforcement, suitable reinforcement for verbal behavior,
intermittent reinforcement, intermediate reinforcers and behavior extintion. This study will briefly describe what is
meant by these terms in Skinnerian terminology, and how
these concepts can influence actual choices in regard to
language laboratory teaching.
1. We have noticed that Lado uses the word immediate in
his principle 14. In relation to reinforcement in the language
laboratory this is a crucial term and, as we will see, it
influences many practical decisions. Why should reinforcement not be mediate? According to Skinner, because "the
reinforcement which develops skill must be immediate.
Otherwise, the precision of the differential effect is lost. In
64
many practical areas skilled behavior is encouraged by
arranging a quick report of accomplishment." We should
notice that the author is speaking here about skill development
which is precisely what learning another language involves.
2. As to the final reinforcement of adequate verbal behavior,
Skinner says that it is the generation of "suitable behavior in
the average listener." In the case of a foreign language, the
learner's verbal behavior should come to correspond more
and more closely to the standards of the speech community
that uses this language.
3. However, before this advanced-stage reinforcemet can be
fully applied, there is the possibility of reinforcing second
language oral behavior by means of intermediate reinforcers:
"Although it is characteristic of human behavior that primary
reinforcers may be effective after long delay, this is presumably
only because intervening events become conditioned reinforcers." In our field, a student could never learn a foreign
language if the only reinforcement for his efforts were the
hope of communicating some day freely with native speakers;
the teacher, the textbook, the classroom physical arrangement,
the grading system, the language laboratory, everything
should provide him with sufficient "intermediate" reinforcers." In TEFL and foreign language teaching, as in many
other fields, "it is often important to fill in a series of events
between an act and an ultimate primary reinforcement in
order to control behavior for practical purposes."
4. Another Skinnerian concept of great practical relevance
is that of intermittent reinforcement. Usually the naive
teacher believes that the effectiveness of correction and
reward is in a simple, direct relationship to the amount of time
allotted for such reinforcing activities. With experimental
data Skinner proves that the effect of intermittent reinforce65
ment may be much greater than tho same number of
reinforcements given for consecutive responses. Taking this
information into account could help us make a much better
use of the limited time available for reinforcement in the
language laboratory.
5. Finally, Skinner reminds us of an unfortunate fact of
life reflected in second language verbal behavior, i.e. the
extinction of skills: "in general, when we engage in behavior
which no longer 'pays off we find ourselves less inclined to
behave in that way again." This extinction of skills, however,
does not take place uniformly for all non-reinforced behaviors
and depends heavily on the kind and amount of previous
behavior: "If only a few responses have been reinforced,
extinction occurs quickly. A long history of reinforcement
is followed by protratted responding." This should give us,
TEFL and foreign language teachers, a clue on how to avoid
those cases of students who have "learned" and forgotten a
foreign language several times in their lives.
PRACTICAL IMPLICATIONS
The question of reinforcement in language laboratory
practice is twofold. In the first place, this kind of practice
can be thought of as "reinforcing" what has been taught in
class. We can also speak of the "reinforcement" of the correct
responses produced by the student in the language lab. We
will briefly discuss these two types of reinforcement.
1. Most authors agree that the language laboratory is not
the place to learn a language. Rivers 3 would restrict the
work in any laboratory session to practice of what has been
taught in a previous class. As she points out, the student
who is forced to practice actively what he has not been
66
taught will find the session exasperating, disappointing and
frustrating. Many teachers, however, still assign tapes
covering new material for laboratory practice.
2. More interesting than this "external" type of reinforcement, is the "internal" reiforcement of correct responses
produced in the laboratory. Here the reinforcement can come
from several souces: (a) the voice of the teacher, "cutting
in" to point out a hit or a miss, (b) the tape, which can give
a correct response after the student has tried to produce it,
(c) the student himself, who can hear his own voice and
compare it with the correct rendition given by the tape.
These three types of reinforcement can be applied in different
degrees to the teaching of structure, pronunciation or
vocabulary, and can be supplied in different combinations,
according to the sophistication of the machinery employed.
The simplest way to break down the technical possibilities
for supplying reinforcement is to consider the different types
of language laboratory in use at present. Roughly they can
be of the following kinds: (a) Audio-passive, (b) Audio-active,
and (c) Audio- active-compare laboratories. Let's see what
type of reinforcement is possible with each kind of laboratory.
(a)
Audio-passive laboratories
In this type of laboratory the student merely listens. In
this sense, there are authors who would consider even a record
player or a tape recorder a laboratory. For acoustic reasons,
however, the minimum laboratory facility we can have is a
sound source coupled to a series of headphone sets, so that
the students can hear the signal clearly.
Even with such an elementary installation it would be
possible for the students to repeat what they are hearing
through their headsets. This proves unsatisfactory, however:
67
Speaking without monitoring oneself while hearing through a
pair of close-fitting headphones gives a strange sensation because one hears nearly entirely through bone conduction. In
other words, the air conduction is missing, and this cannot be
helped without losing the clearness of signal (and feeling of
privacy) provided by the use of the headphones. One solution,
which has proved quite satisfactory, is to substitute electronic
conduction for air conduction of the student's own voice.
This is achieved by attaching a microphone to each student
position and amplifying the signal picked up by this
microphone into the student's headphones. This is what is
called an "Audio-active" type of laboratory.
(b)
Audio-active laboratories
Audio-active laboratories are also called "listen-respond"
or "activated microphone" laboratories. In this type of
laboratories the student has some sort of reinforcement
because he can compare what he has heard on the tape with
the electronic amplification of his own voice. Many persons
believe that the listen-respond technique is good because
"you hear yourself as others hear you," but this is obviously
not so due to a series of sound changing factors in the system.
The popularity achieved by audio-active laboratories can be
explained, rather, by the fact that psychologically they are
more pleasant than Audio-passive laboratories and still they
are not as expensive as Audio - active - compare laboratories,
which we will discuss next.
In all three kinds of laboratories there is the possibility
of having the teacher reinforce the correct responses of the
students by telling them, from the console, if their renditions
are accurate. The additional cost in electronic installations
is little and worthwhile, since it lets the student know that
somebody in the laboratory cares about his performance and
68
recognizes his efforts. It must be remembered, nevertheless,
that reinforcement by the teacher can be applied only v^ry
occasionally if the laboratory class has (as it is normally
the case) a large number of students.
(c)
Audio-active-compare laboratories
With the Audio-active-compare type of lab, we can add
an additional kind of reinforcement to the student's correct
responses: he can listen to his own voice through delayed
feedback, and compare it, as often as he may want to, with
the correct utterance given by the model on the tape. This
is the type of laboratory we have here at Universidad Católica.
There is a certain amount of controversy in regard to the
value of this type of equipment. Given the high cost of Audioactive-compare laboratories, it is of practical importance to
find the answers to questions raised by their operation.
In the first place, there are authors who question the
ability of the student to notice his own mistakes: "Monitoring
oneself has no pedagogical value. Experiments with hundreds
of students cleary show that monitoring does not make it
easier for them to locate their errors." 4 More specifically,
River says, "Students unmonitored in the laboratory may
well be reinforcing their f a u l t s . . . they can continue to
accent wrong syllables and slur others while still being
convinced that they are repeating what was said on the
tape." 5
There is no unanimity in this condemnation, however,
and we find authors who regard the possibility of selfcorrection very highly. Guénot, for one, is a strong advocate
of the necessity of delayed feedback:
69
Une fois que l'oreille est sufisament éduquée
pour distinguer le correct de I'incorrect, il
est inutile de pouvoir comparer apres coup
le modele et l'imitation qu'on en a faite. Cette
comparaison doit etre différée a un moment ou
I'image sonore du moment de limitation s'est
effacée du cerveau. 6
and he insists, "En effet, tant que Ton répete, le controle
des organes articulatoires ne laisse pas toujours au cerveau 1^
loísir de proceder a une écoute critique simultanee."
Taking a smilar position, Holton states:
. . .just as the student can review his written
notes, so can he now review this audio-memo
pad individually. He is offered a "delayed
comparison" that permits him to gain objectivity
about his own efforts. 7
Whoever has had the opportunity of observing students
work in the language lab will find the preceding quotation a
little too optimistic. There is, however, some statistical data
favoring Audio-active-compare laboratories. Thus, the Bureau
of Audio-Visual Instruction of the Board of Education of the
City of New York concluded, after four years of research, that
"the recording-playback group achieved greater gains than
any o t h e r . . . The recording-playback group made striking
gains: it ranks firts or second in thirteen of the fourteen variables rated."
Also on an optimistic note, Mathieu compared the activity
of a student hearing again the model and his version of the
utterances with that of a "football player who fumbles the
b a l l . . . given a movie of his fumbling action he will have a
chance to analyze it and 'learn his lesson.' He learns from
his mistakes."
70
One of the recognized authorities in the field. Stack,
also believes in the possibility of reinforcement by delayed
feedback:
The greatest advantage is obtained by using
the Audio-active-compare library (type of
laboratory). Self-pacing and self-correction
are desirable: the Audio-active-^compare
library permits this, whereas the audioactive library does not. 8 (Emphasis added.)
Although there is no question about the desirability of
self-correction, one wishes that more research be done to test
the effectiveness of such self-correction. Perhaps more evident
is the advantage pointed out by Holton:
Student motivation, however, is probably the
most important single advantage of the recorder
type of laboratory. Homo sapiens is inquisitive.
He wants to know. The student has made an
effort in the laboratory... and he would like
to see the results. 9
From a practical point of view, some sort of compromise
between the defendants of Audio-active and Audio-activecompare laboratories must be worked out. Thus, instead of
having all the students record every time, everything they
say, the teacher could devise a schedule whereby the students
would take turns for recording their renditions. These
practices cum recording would be a minority of the total
number or practice periods. Money can be saved thereby
since a laboratory would consist of Audio-active units in
most of the positions plus a few Audio-active-compare units.
71
A FURTHER REFINEMENT
A further refinement of the Audio-active-compare type of
laboratory has to do with the principles of immediate and
intermittent reinforcement mentioned in the first part of
this paper.
Some authors consider that if the student has to wait
until the end of the recording period to hear his rendition of
an utterance, the immediacy of the reinforcement is lost. For
this reason some laboratories (such as the one found at
Georgetown University) have now an additional tape recorder
rigged with an endless loop tape in each student position.
This second tape recorder allows the student to stop the
main tape recorder any time he chooses and listen to his
rendition of the last utterance he heard. Immediacy of
reinforcement is thus achieved, and there is an added advantage
if Skinner is right: since the student is not going to be inclined
to stop the machine after each utterance, the reinforcement he
receives is bound to be intermittent. According to Skinner,
intermittent reinforcement is considerably more effective than
continuous reinforcement over the same period of time.
Furthermore, the student will likely choose for immediate
playback those utterances that tend to give him more trouble,
and, therefore, with this type of laboratory we will have the
felicitous combination of immediate • intermittent and selective
reinforcement. Again, a great deal of additional research is
needed to assure that this theoretically sound arrangement is
indeed effective in actual practice.
CONCLUSIONS
Whatever the ultimate theoretical value of the Skinnerian
ideas about human learning, they seem to provide a good
framework for the setting up of mechanized teaching
72
facilities such as foreign language laboratories. We do not
need to accept that "language itself is all mechanical skill:
skill made habit, manipulative... a motor rather than an
intellectual accomplishment" 10 in order to apply successfully certain Skinnerian principles to the formation of those
habits we are interested in developing in our TEFL and other
foreign language students.
FOOTNOTES
1.
Robert Lado, Language Teaching, p . 55.
2.
B. F. Skinner, Science and Human Behaivior, p . 59 and
following.
3.
Wilga Rivers, Teaching Forcing Language Skills, p . 320.
4.
Femand Marty, Language Laboratory Learning, p. 214.
5.
Rivers, op. cit., p . 345.
6.
G. Guénot, (ed.) Langues et Linguistique Appliquée,
p . 68.
7.
Holton et al., Sound Language Teaching, p . 8.
8.
E. Stack, The Languajge Laboratory
9.
Holton et al., loc. cit.
10.
F. Rand Morton, The Language Laboratory, p. 8.
73
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Adam, J. B. and Shawcross, A. J. The Language Laboratory, Londres:
Pitman. 1963. viii + 72 pp.
Guenot, G. (ed.) Laboratories de Langues et Linguistique Appliquée
Dans 1'Enseignement Superieur de 1'Anglais (se. tirage) Paris:
SABRI. 1966. iii + 98 pp.
Hayes, Alfred S., Language Laboratory Facilities: Technical Guide
for the Selection, Purchase, Use, and Maintenance. Washington:
U. S. Government Press. 1963. vii + 119 pp.
, Step-by Step Procedures for Language Laboratory Planning:
Some suggestions for schools and colleges. New York: MLA.
1960. 16 pp.
Hooking, Elton, "The Laboratory in Perspective: Teachers, Strategies,
Outcomes". Modern Language Journal. LII, 404-10.
Holton, J. S.; King, P. E.; Mathieu, G. and K. S. Pond, Soukid
Language Teaching: The State of the Art Today. New York:
xi + 249 pp.
lodice, Don R., Guidelines to Language Teaching in Classroom and
Laboratory. Washington: ETL. 1961. 60 pp.
Keller, Fred S., Learning: Reinforcement Theory. (2nd. ed.) New York:
Random House. 1969. viii + &2 pp.
Lado, Robert., Language Teaching: A Scientific
xiv + 239 pp.
Locke, William N., Advice for the Lab-Lorn
BuMetim. Vol. IV, N» 1, 1958. 11 pp.
Approach.
1964.
(Reprint.) Bay State
Mallery, David, The New Dimension in Foreign Language Teaching: A
Message to the School Head about the Language Laboratory. Boston: NationaJ Council of Independent Schools. 1961. 33 pp.
74
Marty, Fernand L., Language Laboratory Learning. Wellesley: AudioVisual Publications. 1960. 256 pp.
, Methods and Equipment for the Language Laboratory.
Middleburg: Audio-Visual Publications!. 1956. 84 pp.
Mathieu, G., Advances in the Teaching of Modern Languages. Volume II
London: Pergamon Press. 1966. ix - 214 pp.
Morton, F. Rand. The Language Laboratory as a Teaching Machine.
Ann Arbor: University of Michigan. 1964. 87 pp.
Nostrand, Howard Lee et al. (Ed.), Research on Language Teaching:
An annotated International Bibliography Seattle: University of
Washington. 1962. xix + 280 pp.
Poulter, Virgil L., "Computer-Assisted Laboratory Testing". Modem
Language Journal, LIII 5614.
Rivers, Wilga, Teaching Foreign Language Skills.
University of Chicago Press. 1968. xi + 403 pp.
Chicago:
The
Sknner, B. F., Science and Human Behavior. New York: The Free
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Stack, Edward M. The Language Laboratory and Modem Language
Teaching. Revised Edition. New York: Oxford University Press.
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U. S. Department of Health, Education and Welfare. Publication
OE - 27013. Hutchinson, Joseph C , Modem Foreign Languages
in High School: The Language Laboratory. Washington. 1961
v + 85 pp.
75
REAPRAISAL OF "COGNATES" IN ENGLISH AND SPANISH
IN THEIR RELATION TO LANGUAGE LEARNING
P. Jacinto W. Vaca
INTRODUCTION
In the past much emphasis has been put upon the
importance of cognate words in language teaching, expecially
when the languages in question (for example, English and
Spanish) have a large number of these related words due
to common origin.
j
The assumption seems to have been that there is always
a close correspondence between cognates in the two languages,
and that they can provide the students with some sort of
a "magic key" to be able to communicate with other people
in the target language with ease from the earliest stage of
the learning process.
It remains a fact that there is some overlapping in the
vocabularies of the two languages; therefore, there are many
words with similar phonetic shape that have areas of
meaning in common. Nevertheless, it is also true that it is
almost impossible to have a perfect correspondence in
meaning, and worse still, in usage between cognates of
different languages.
77
On the contrary, cognates, as other vocabulary items,
usually develop different semantic, morphologic and syntactic
patterns in each language as much as they invariably differ
in phonetic shape, and very often, in writing.
It would seem more appropiate, therefore, to mistrust
any premature oversimplification as regards cognates for
vocabulary presentation in language teaching. This would
seem particularly true after the elementary phase of the
learning process; namely, after the students have acquired
the mastery of the fundamentals of the structure and the
sound system of the target language, when they are ready to
express themselves more freely in the language they are
trying to learn. The criterion, in other words, would seem
to be to make use of cognates with due consideration of the
differences in meaning and the inevitable restrictions in each
language. Only thus can the students be aware of the
pitfall that cognate usage may actually represent for them.
The purpose of this study is to consider cognates under
a different perspective from what has usually been the case.
The author wants to emphasize the need for caution in the
handling of cognates based on the fact that there are many
differences between cognates of different languages concealed
by a deceiving similarity of form. He believes that a fresh
look at congate correlations between English and Spanish,
even though inconclusive, will shed some new light on the
problem of their accurate use by students of either language.
The main body of this work will be divided into two
parts:
(1) A general analysis of cognates in English and
Spanish. This first part will establish some principles as
regards word correspondence in two different languages with
special attention to cognates. The main aspect emphasized
will be that of prevailing differentiation rather than of
78
perfect correspondence based on modern linguistic theory.
Then the convenience of a threefold cognate classification
will be shown as more accurate and conducive to a better
understanding of their implications: (a) "true cognates
(those that have a very close correspondece in meaning); (b)
"deceptive cognates" (those that have some areas of meaning
in common but differ in other areas of meaning); (c) "false
cognates" (those words, that is, that have a similar form but
whose meaning is different). Each of these types will then
be considered separately though not exhaustively. The
attention will be centered on "meaning" rather than on "form."
(2) An actual listing of cognates will be presented
following the criteria established in the first part. It is
hoped that this material, even though incomplete (a full
account of cognates in English and Spanish would be beyond
the scope of this survey) will lend itself in some way to
future analysis and will be of some avail both to the student
and the teacher of either language.
BASIC REMARKS
It has been asserted many times that the learning process
of a second language by an adult will be handicapped by the
unavoidable interference caused by the structure of his
native language. This is true at the phonological, morphological
and syntactic levels and only the unwary could deny this
fact- While this is also true of the vocabulary items, manj»
people still believe that the mastery of the vocabulary of a
second language does not go beyond the memorization of new
forms which are counterparts of those of the native language,
the meaning being roughly the same.
In the past, vocabulary was taught mostly by
translation: either a list of words with their
79
translation at the beginning of the lesson or the
translation of the material containing new words
or glossaries at the end. The error in this was
to confuse translation with language use, and to
assume that putting across the meaning was the
whole of teaching vocabulary. (1)
This assumption has been denounced by modem linguists
on the basis of a closer observation of the facts. "For the
foreign speaker of a language who learns this language as an
adult," says Fries, "the words as stimuli probably never
function with anything like the same fullness and freedom
as they do for a native." (2)
We can see the reason behind Fries's assertion if we
analyze what Belyayev has to say about words as "stimuli."
He considers the word as a visual-auditory-motor complex
which is its material port or "base." Apart from this "sensory
base" a word has an "ideal" or "comprehensive" aspect: its
"semantics." This second element is, in turn, to be considered
as made up of two elements: a "meaning" and a "sense."
"By meaning," says Belyayev, "we usually understand the
way in which a word can be related to the object or
phenomenon which it denotes, whereas sense is conditioned
by the direct link of the word with the concept corresponding
to it as a generalized reflection of reality." (3)
(1) Robert Lado. Language Teaching. A Scientific Approach (New
York: McGraw-Hill, 1964) p . 120.
(2) Charles C. Fries. Teaching and Learning English as a Foreign
Language (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1945) p. 43.
(3) B. V. Balyayev. The Psychology of Teaching Foreign Languages.
trans, by R. F. Hingley (New York: The MacMillan Company,
1964) p . 145.
80
The structure of the word is, as Belyayev understands
it, a unit made up of a sensory base (something of the kind
of the "image acoustique" of De Saussure) and a semantic
aspect (which would probably correspond to the "concept" in
De Saussure's terminology) plus the interrelationship of a
word with the concept expressed by it and with the objiect
or phenomenon denoted by it (perhaps what De Saussure
calls "value").
Native speakers of a language le a m to grasp every "word"
in its entirety. On the contrary, foreigners trying to learn
another language as adults succeed in grasping only the base
part of the word plus its meaning, but they fail to fully
grasp its sense. Unfortunately, as Belyayev points out,
language teachers fail in this respect:
A common and serious defect of language teaching consists in revealing to pupils, in addition to
the visual-auditory-motor structure of a word, only
its meaning. In other words, the teacher does not
try to bring home a word's sematics in its full
range, i.e., including the sense of a word as well
as its meaning. The sense of a word is usually
completely ignored, although it should receive the
chief emphasis in learning a foreign word. (4)
Perhaps the reason for this attitude is the belief that
words of diverse languages are simply "different sets for
the same things," as Fries points out.
Many people assume not only that language
consists solely of the words that can be recorded
(4) B. V. Balyayev. The Psychology of Teaching Foreign Languages.
Trans, by R. F. Hingley (New York: The MacMillan Company,
1964) p . 146.
81
and defined in a dictionary but also that each of
these words has an exact equivalent in every other
language. . . . As a mateer of fact practically no
words of one language, except highly technical words,
ever cover the same areas of meaning and use as those
of another language. (5)
Lado goes even further in estabilishing the fact that the
converse of the popular view is the truth:
It is also important to know that although certain
meanings of a word in one language are sometimes
translatable into a word in another language there
are few if any words in two languages that are the
same in all their meanings. (6)
Fries confirms this point:
In general, we must always take for granted that
there is never a complete one-for-one correspondence
between the words, especially the commonly used words,
of one language and those of another. The small
two-language dictionaries thus give a very false
impression of the total relation of the words of the
languages they represent, and often betray the unwary
student who approaches a new language by way of word
for word translation, (op. cit., p . 40) See also
Lado's Language Teaching, p. 16.
(5) Charles C. Fries. Teaching and Learning English as a Foreign
Language. (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1945) p. 39.
(6) Robert Lado. Linguistics Across Cultm-es. Applied Linguistics
for Language Teachers. (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan
Press, 1966) p. 84.
82
Here again lies the reason for the shortcomings that an
adult finds in trying to learn another language. The lack
of "fullness and freedom" in the use of the lexicon of a
second language, to which Fries refers above, is explained by
Martin as a result "not only from a restricted stock of
lexical items but, perhaps more importantly, from an inadequate control of the various ways in which the lexical items
are used by native speakers."
Martin uses the term "range" to designate this variety
of uses which compose the lexical item's integration into the
structure of a language and he states:
In the contrastive study of lexical items belonging to two languages, it is necessary to determine
the ranges which each item exhibits in its respective
language, since it is precisely these ranges which will
be found to differ and which will therefore form
the basis of the contrasts. (7)
The above principles apply to vocabulary items in general.
The present discussion deals with a very specific section of
vocabulary which has been designated as "cognate words" or
simply "cognates" and which has sometimes been taken too
much for granted as an easy area of vocabulary study because
of their similarity in form and meaning in diferent languages.
Lado says:
It has been demostrated that the chief source of
both ease and difficulty in learning the phonology and
grammar of a second language is their similarity to
and difference from the first language. The same is
(7) Robert P. Stockwell, Donald Bowen, and John Martin. The
Grammatical Structure of English and Spanish. (Chicago: The
University of Chicago Press, 1965) p. 265.
83
true in learning the vocabulary of a second language
although the evidence for this statement is based on
less formal observations. (8)
While this essertion is quite valid. Lado seems to
hesitate to extend it to vocabulary items of two different
languages. The reason is, as he points out, that they have
received less attention in language studies in the past.
Similarity between vocabularies can be quite deceiving
especially when the items in question are the so called
"cognates."
Modem linguistics has shifted the importance in the
study of foreign languages from the vocabulary to the
structure of the language itself. Obviously the language cannot
be equated with its vocabulary as has been done in the
past. (9) Nevertheless, we have to consider vocabulary
study as an integral part of language study once we have
set it in its proper perpective.
The problem of learning the vocabulary of a second
language may very well vary in degree of difficulty. Lado
points this out when he says:
Teaching vocabulary varies for (1) easy words
which resemble those of the first language in form,
meaning, and distribution; (2) words of normal
difficulty which have a form that does not resemble
that of the first language, and (3) special problems,
wihch are particularly difficult to master. (10)
(8) Robert Lado. Language Teaching. A Scientific Aproach. (New
York: McGraw-Mill, 1964) p. 119.
(9) Loc. cit.
(10) Ibid., p. 120.
84
Lado explains this further in regard to the "easy words"
which he considers those that are similar in meaning and
those that are similar in "primary" meaning and different in
connotation. (11) Obviously he is talking about "cognates"
which he defines precisely as vocabulary items that are
similar in form and in meaning.
On closer inspection, nevertheless, we will find that
"cognates" cannot be dealt with too lightly. Johnston says
in regard to this:
The effective use of cognates in teaching has
been discussed until statements regarding their value,
in theory, become truisms among teachers of language.
In practice, the student's association of related
words is too often taken for granted, either by
omission of systematic word study or by over estimation of the student's interest. (12)
What Fries says about vocabulary items in general can
be more appropriately applied to the study of vocabulary
in a target language and is especially pertinent in regard to
"cognates."
In the mastery of one's native language, the
growing control of lexical meanings has been a much
more conscious process than the control of syntactical,
or morphological, or intonational meanings. (13)
(11) Robert Lado. Linguistics Across Cultures. Applied linguistics
for Language Teachers. (Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press, 1966) p . 82.
(12) Marjorie C. Johnston.
"SpanislnEnglish Cognates of High
Frequency," Moder Language Journal, 25 (1941) 405^417, p. 405.
(13) Charles C. Fries. Teaching and Learning English as a Foreign
Language. (Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press,
1945) p. 38.
85
Many authors have dealt with congnates in English
and Spanish in the past. Nevertheless, they have been more
concerned with cognate form rather than meaning. In general
they have provided complete information about sound changes
and about orthographic differences. As a result of this,
previous classifications of cognates were based on the similarity to and difference from the items in the other language
as regards their spelling. Thus, for example, H. Keniston
classifies cognates into four types:
(1) Exact Cognates, in which the forms are identical
in Spanish and in English;
(2) Approximate Cognates, in which the forms differ
in a regular pattern of relationship (several categories are
established under this heading);
(3) Remote Cognates, which
differs so widely from that of
relationship between them is not
but requires study to be identified.
cites examples like the following:
English
(per) Cent
foli (age)
Spanish
ciento
hoja
are those whose form
another word that the
immediately recognizable
Among these, the author
From Latin
centum
foliam
(4) Deceptive Cognates, words, that is, that are apparently
cognates in form, but which have a wholly different meaning
in English, for example:
English
actual
care
Spanish
actual
cara
Espinosa distinguishes between what he calls cognates
with identical forms and those that have similar forms only.
86
On the basis of orthographic identity, D. L. Bolinger deals
with whant he calls "identical" cognates. M. E. Nunn and H.
A. Van Scoy use the term "true" to refer to cognates that
have a close correspondence in orthography and in meaning
and the term "deceptive" to those whose meaning differs
despite the apparent similarity of form. W. K. Jones and S.
Scatori deal with this last group in particular.
It is true that there is a great difference between the
cognates belonging to the two types mentioned above. There
is nevertheless, some inaccuracy in the classification of
cognates into only two groups. Cognates, in fact, as other
vocabulary items corresponding to different languages, can
fit more than two types. Besides those which have complete
coincidence or identity of meaning (true cognates) and those
which can be termed mutually exclusive (false cognates), there
is a third possibility, that of those cognates which have
partial coincidence or intersection in meaning (deceptive
cognates).
If we represent cognates belonging to two different
languages by circles A an B, the above classification could be
represented as follows:
I
II
HI
Fig. 1
Number I represents a "perfect" correspondence in
meaning. We use the word in quotation marks to indicate
that the correspondence is, relative to the other types, to
be considered perfect. Actually, as it was asserted above, there
87
can never be such a correspondence. Number II indicates
partial coincidence and Number III mutual exclusiveness;
that is, the two items do not have any area of oneaning in
common.
COGNATES DEFINED
"Cognates" are commonly undertood to be those words
that because of common origin have similar phonetic shape
and similar meaning. Lado defines "cognates" as "words
that are similar in form and in meaning." (14) In the
footnote that he adds to this definition, he gives this
explanation: " cognates' here are words that are similar in
form and meaning regardless of origin. The usual meaning of
the term is 'related in origin.'" (15)
"For us," Lado continues, "even if two words are
not related in origin they will be called cognates if
they are similar in form and meaning. Similarly, if
two words have the same origin but are now so different that speakers of the two languages do not identify
them as similar, they will not be considered cognates
for our purposes." (16)
Even though Lado overpasses the condition of common
origin as an indispensable condition for the definition of
cognates, we have to admit that the great majority of these
words fall into this classification and should be given due
consideration. Lado himself points this out when he writes:
(14) Robert Lado. Linguistic Across Cultures. Applied Linguistics
for Language Teachers. (Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan
Press, 1966) p . 82.
(15) Loc. dt.
(16) Loc. cit.
88
English and Spanish have thousands of words
that are reasonably similar in form and in meaning:
hotel, hospital, calendar are obvious examples.
Some of these cognates survived in Spanish as it
evolved from Latin and were borrowed into English
from Latin and French. Some go back earlier to
forms presumably found in Indo-European, the common
ancestor of English and Spanish, which belong to
what is known as the Indo-European family of
languages. (17)
Johnston also emphasizes this fact:
Within the limits of the 3,000 word range, (Thorndike's A Teacher's Word Book Lists) one third of
the words in each language are related through
Latin. Fifty more words are cognate through other
sources, chiefly Germanic. This means that the
English-speaking student of Spanish and the
Spanish-speaking student of English have an advantageous start in vocabulary of over 1,000 known
words. (18)
Nunn and Van Scoy seem to consider "cognates" on the
basis of origin. From a practical point of view, nevertheless,
they decide to consider as cognates only those words that
are "similar in spelling and meaning." (19)
(17) Robert Lado. Linguistics Across Cultures. Applied Linguistics
for Language Teachers. (Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan
Press, 1966) p. 82. (See also Espinosa's "Palabras españolas e
inglesas," Híspanla, 5 (1952) p. 219.
(18) Marjorie C. Johnston. "Spanish-iEnglish Cognates of High
Frequency," Modem Language Journal, 25 (1941) p. 405.
(19) Marshall E. Nunn and Herbert A. Van Scoy. Glossary of Related
Spanish-English Words. (Alabama: University of Alabama Press,
1969) p . 1.
89
Their study of "related words" is particularly pertinent
as far as the common origin of these words is concerned:
Spanish as it developed from Vulgar Latin was affected
by the invasion of Spain by the Germanic tribes, and
by the long Arabic rule of the Iberian peninsula. The
English language had its origin in the dialects of the
Teutonic tribes, with the imposition of a considerable
Latin element through the French language as a result
of the Norman Conquest. From the time that Spanish
and English can be considered as more or less
standardized the influences affecting them have been
similar: borrowing from Latin and Greek during the
Renaissance, importation of words during the period
of discovery and colonization, borrowing from French
during the ascendency of the French culture, and the
creation or borrowing of words to meet vocabulary
needs resulting from tremendous advances and progress
in civilization. (20)
Historical liguistics in its application of the comparative
method has special interest in cognates which point to a
previous form belonging to the common ancestor.
Hockett is interested in this aspect of cognates when he
writes:
Whenever we compare two forms of speech —two
dialects of a single language, two related languages,
or even any two languages chosen at random— we encounter some words which are similar in sound and in
meaning. This double similarity may be due to (a)
(20) Marshall E. Nunn and Herbert A. Van Scoy. Glossary of Related
Spanish-English Words. (Alabama: University of Alabama Press,
1969) p. 11.
90
accident (German nass "wet"; Zuni nas '"wet"), (b)
borrowing, from one form of speech into the other
or into both from some third (German and English
rouge, both from French), or (c) direct inheritance
in both forms of speech from an earlier form of
speech whinch was the common ancestor of the two.
In the third case, we call the words cognates. (21)
From what precedes it is clear that common origin
is an important fact in the discussion of cognates even
though from the practical point of view, and especially if
we consider the teaching situation, we can extend the scope
of the term "cognate" to other cases which are not recognized
as such by historical linguistics. Hockett, for example, would
not recongize as "cognates" words like the Latin verb habere
(to have) with the Germanic form that appear as have in
English and haben in German precisely because of their
different origin, but it is obvious that in a teaching situation
they do not differ in their implications from other cognates
that have a common origin. (22)
The term "cognate" has been also used for other purposes
that go beyond the scope of this study. Nevertheless, it would
not be out place to mention them in passing here. Bolinger
considers as "cognates" forms belonging to the same
language that are written in the same way and have different
stress patterns; for example, limpound/imlpound; icombine/
comlbine; Ipervert/perlvert. (23)
There is also the case of the so called "cognate objects".
Some verbs are basically intransitive but they can become
(21)
Charles F. Hockett. A Course in Modem Linguistics. (New
York: The MaoMillan Company, 1966) p . 486.
(22) Ibid., p. 505.
(23) Dwight L. Bolinger. Forms of English, Accent, Morpheme, Order.
(Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 1965) p . 109.
91
transitive by taking a pseudo-object sometimes called "cognate
accusative" or "cognate object." The verb sleep, for example,
which is intransitive becomes transitive in "Mary is sleeping
a peaceful sleep." The noun sleep is called a cognate object
because it is cognate with the verb, coming from the verb
root. (24)
We have emphasized the fact that many of the "cognates"
have a common origin beacause this is generally the case
and because this is the original meaning of the word "cognate."
Nevertheless, this does not mean that we have to reject other
words as "cognates" for lack of this condition. We cannot
agree more with Lado in this respect. While recognizing
that the majority of cognates trace their ancestry to a
common origin, the main criterion for their recognition as
cognates is their similarity in phonetic shape and in meaning.
We agree entirely with what Anthony says in this regard:
"A cognate word is frequently described as one
having a related form and meaning in two or more
languages which have a common ancestor. Such
definition is of use to the linguist whose interest lies
in tracing and finding relationships of languages in
the remote or not-so-remote past, and cognates have
played an important part in the reconstruction of
languages for which written records do not exist. But
for the pedagogical linguist, whose responsibility it is
to teach a foreign language, this definition is not
sufficiently broad. He must not center his attention
on the history of a language, but on the language as
it is spoken now. For him any word that has sufficient
correlation in meaning and form in the two languages
with which he is concerned is a valid cognate. At
(24) See Stockwell and Bowen. the Grammatical Structure of
English and Spanish, p. 185.
92
least from this point of view, the relationship between
Spanish juzgado and English hoosegow, the Spanish
interviú and English interview are as useful as the
older relationships which exist between mother and
madre, father and padre and the like. That is to say,
relationships of words that have been borrowed fairly
recently are as useful as words which have formed
part of the languages since their earliest times. In fact,
pedagogically speaking, recently borrowed words are
often more useful than older cognates beacause time
has not yet had the chance to change them so much
lexically and formally. The utility of a cognate depends
on its recognizability, and its recognizability often
depends upon the length of time it has been a part
of the language. (25)
On the other hand, words that have a common origin
and a similar meaning but whose phonetic shape has been
so altered as to be irrecognizable as related, have to be
excluded from a cognate list for teaching purposes. This
is the case, for example, of Latin iactare from which derive
Spanish echar and English (e)ject; Latin pater from which
derive Spanish padre and English father.
Similarity in spelling usually accompanies similarity
in phonetic shape in the case of cognates. (26) Nevertheless,
similarity in spelling can be a source of confusion because
the element of similarity of meaning might be lacking and
the result is sets of "false" cognates. Consider, for example,
English chair and French chair or English delight and top
and Spanish delito and topo; or again English tender and
Spanish tender.
(25) Edward M. Anthony. "The Teaching of Cognates," Language
Learning. 4 (1952-53) 79«2 p . 79.
(26) Of. W. E . Bull's Spanish for Teachers, Applied Linguistics
New York: The Ronald Press Co., 1965) pp. 58 and 75.
93
To summarize what has been said so far, at least from
the point of view of language teaching, "cognates" are words
that belong to two different languages, have similar phonetic
shape and some area of meaning in common mainly through
common origin, but also due to borrowing or even accident.
COGNATE TYPES
In the discussion of cognates a threefold
division
appears to be necessary for a closer study of their implications. There are certain cognates that seem to correspond
more closely not only in phonetic shape but also in meaning
and even in the corresponding grammatical restrictions in
each language. Such cognates can be classified as "true"
cognates. A second group of cognates is made up of those
that, in this study, will be called "deceptive cognates," a
term already used by some authors but with a different
connotation than the one given here. (27) These are cognates
that have some area of meaning in common but differ in
other areas of meaning. Finally, there is a third group of
words that can be called "false cognates." They differ in
meaning and their similarity in form is their only feature
in common.
It is obvious that the first group of cognates, that is
called "true cognates," does not represent a source of
difficulty. At the other end of the scale are the "false
cognates." These are "sure traps" for the student of either
language because they will associate the meaning of their
own words to the forms of the other language and employ
them in contexts that are completely alien to the target
language. The third group represents the most subtle problem
for the students. In many cases the assumption that they
(27) Cf. Robert Lado's Linguistics Across Cultures. (Ann Arbor:
The University of Michigan Press, 1966) p. 83.
94
are equivalent in the two languages — especially through
inaccurate information given in many common "pocket
dictionaries" — will make the students believe that they can
be used in any situation in which the corresponding terms
are used in the native language.
True Cognates
The first group, then, is made up of those words that
fit the description of "true cognates." (28) They have a
more precise correspondence in meaning. The list of these
cognates is quite extensive as it can be easily noticed in
works like Bolinger's. Is was pointed out that these cognates
are to be considered "easy" to learn in difficulty scale of
vocabulary learning. Nevertheless, in relation to other kinds
of vocabulary items, a simplistic view of the difficulty can
be deceiving even in this case. To prove this assertion it
would be enough to analyze any of these "true cognates."
We would find that their "correspondece" is never exact.
Let us examine, for example, the second word in Bolinger's
list: aborigénes. This word, it is true, means "the earliest, or
the first inhabitants of a country," both in English and
Spanish. But while in Spanish it is used more often to refer to
the earliest inhabitants of a country in opposition to the
"conquistadores" irrespective of their culture and civilization,
in English, it has the connotation of primitive and uncivilized
and this connotation takes precedence to that of being the
earliest. (29) In addition to these facts, it is also relevant to
notice that the English word in the form given above is only
(28) D. L. Bolinger uses the term "identical cognates" but it does
not refer to identity in meaning but in writing, (cf. "1464
Identical Cognates in English and Spanish," Hispania, 31
1948) pp. 271^279.
(29) This assertion can be ascertained by looking at the synonyms
of this word (Cf- Webster's Dictionary of Synonyms).
95
a noun while in Spanish it can be both a noun and an adjetive. This, plus the fact that English has a second form
for the adjective, namely, "aboriginal" may very well cause
English-speaking students to think that they can use a
similar form —*aboriginal— in Spanish, a form that does
not exist in that language.
If we apply to the word "aborigine" the type of analysis
that focuses the attention on the associative relation with
other words, or associative field, as Lehmann calls it, (30)
we can determine the divergence between English and
Spanish cognates in question.
If we represent the Spanish word by the bigger circle
and the corresponding associative meanings in English by the
adjoining smaller circles, we would have the following picture:
Fig. 2
As we can see, the Spanish word corresponds both to
adjectives and nouns in English. On the contrary, the English
word has a different correspondence according to the form
it takes as a noun or as an adjective. If we represent the
English noun and adjective by the bigger circles and the
(30) Winfred P. 'Lehmann. Historical Linguistics: An Introduction.
New York: Holt, Rinehart, and Winston 1966) p . 198.
96
corresponding nouns and adjectives in Spanish by the smaller
circles, this would be the result:
False Cognates
"False Cognates" lie at the opposite extreme of "True
Cognates" in the scale of difficulty. Miller has this word of
warning in regard to these words:
While the beginning student is confronted by a
large number of readily recognizable Spanish words,
he soon discovers that a number of Spanish words
are not what they seem. The number of such cognates
has never been accurately determined although lists
of them have appeared.
The author refers to the experiment she performed with
high school students and adds:
In addition to already listed deceptive cognates
this experiment revealed a number of new ones such
as "auto" for autor, "best" for bestia, "curse" for curso,
"facial" for fácil, "iron" for ironía. (31)
(31) Minnie M. Miller and Geraldine Farr.
"Student Recognition
97
It is w o r t h noticing at this point that w h a t Miller calls
"deceptive cognates" corresponds to "false cognates" in this
discussion.
Lado, referring to this type of cognates says:
These w o r d s that are similar in form b u t different
in meaning constitute a special group very high on the
scale of difficulty. We will label t h e m difficult. They
are not adequately sampled on frequency criteria
alone because their similarity in form to w o r d s in the
native language raises their frequency in s t u d e n t usage
above that n o r m a l for the language. In other words,
they are m o r e i m p o r t a n t than their frequency rating
might indicate. They are sure-fire traps. (32)
The difficulty works b o t h ways; that is, the same
problem has to be met by English-speaking students when
learning S p a n i s h . The a u t h o r of this study conducted an
offhand experiment with some American college students w h o
had taken Spanish for a period between four and five y e a r s .
Some of them were aware of the problem involved and avoided
a few m i s t r a n s l a t i o n s . All of them, nevertheless, m a d e the
wrong translation at some point or a n o t h e r . Here are some
of the sentences used and how they were translated either
by all or at least some of the s t u d e n t s :
of Some Spanish iBnglish Cognates." Modem Language Journal.
24. (1939) p. 219. (Cf. also W. K. Jone's article: "Deceptive
Doubles: Twin Words — With a Diference," Modem Language
Journal. 20 (1935 15-18) p. 16 and R. Lado's Linguistics Across
Cultures, p. 85. D. L. Bolinger talks about words that he considers as "freaks whidh are ultimately cognates, such as once."
("1464 identical Cognates in Engilish and Spanish") Hispania, 31
(1948) p. 271.
(32) Robert Lado. Linguistics Across Cultures. Applied Linguistics for
Language Teachers. (Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan
Press, 1966) p. 84.
98
E / The actual facts are never completely disclosed to
the people.
S/ *Los datos actuales nunca se revelan completamente
a la gente.
E/ Her refusal put him in a state of unbearable agony.
S/ *Su rechazo lo puso en un estado de agonía horrible.
E/ He regretted the incident and offered his apology.
S/ *E1 lamentó el incidente y ofreció su apología.
E / He found her complexion too much on the dark side
for his liking.
S/ *El encontró su complexión demasiado oscura para
su gusto.
It is precisely this danger of using a word for a meaning
it does not convey on the basis of phonetic similarity that
makes "false cognates" so dangerous. It is said that two
Venezuelan girls were invited for dinner by an American
family while they were visiting the United States. The two
girls thought it appropriate to show their appreciation and
brought along a box of beautiful roses. Wen the hostess
looked at the attached card she was surprised at the text.
It read: "with our deepest sympathy." Obviously the guests
wanted to express their "simpatía," something that is perfectly
appropiate in Spanish.
Jones refers to the list published by Scatori of nearly
a hundred Spanish forms that resemble an English word
sufficiently to confuse students and adds:
His list made necessary a mental house-cleaning for
one teacher who previously had been advising his students to make a logical guess at the meaning of unfamiliar words, whether English or Spanish. Occasionally my students, trying to follow that part of the
counsel, would achive disastrous results by forgetting
the rest of it; namely, to check these guesses by
99
the context and then, if in doubt, to consult a
dictionary. One boy, reading about a poor beggar who
pleaded: "Una limosna, por Dios!" electrified the class
by translating dramatically: "For God's sake give me
a limousine." 33Because of their dangerous similarity, there cannot be
other ways of handling "false cognates" than by listing them
and presenting them to the students in the contexts in which
they can be used and with the meaning they really have.
Deceptive Cognates
We now come to discuss the last category of cognates;
namely, those that are here called "deceptive cognates."
They are less apparent but equally as dangerous as false
cognates. Before we talk about them specifically it would
be useful to talk about what is called the "primary meaning" of words as these cognates are said to overlap in this
area but differ in other areas of meaning, which, even though
secondary, are nonetheless very important.
"Primary meanings" are often identified with what is
the etymological meaning, and, therefore, do not conform
with the actual usage of words which, as modern linguists
have it, should be the only criterion in this matter. Thus
Fries, for example, has this to say about the "primary meaning" of words:
An examination of the various meanings of the
words will reveal that some meanings are historically
earlier than others. Sometimes it is these historically earlier meanings that are regarded as the basic
meanings because other meanings derive from them.
(33) Willis K. Jones. "Deceptive Doubles: Twin Words — With a
Difference," Modem Language Journal, 20 (19361) p. 15.
100
The history of the various meanings of the words of
our vocabulary is interesting and often provides an
understanding of the relation between the various
meanings, but is does not funish a sound basis for
determining any real or basic meaning for a word in
present-day English. (34)
And in another passage he appropiately states:
Those who accept the assumption of a "real" or
basic meaning for each word seek to establish the
"true" meanings of words and have turned "the"
dictionary and other products of "authority," away
from the only source of real knowledge and enlightenment — the actual usage of the people who use the
language. (35)
As a result of these ideas about words it is easy to
understand why there is the tendency to list words with just
one translation in another language as if this one translation
were the "natural" one to expect. What is overlooked is the
fact that these "true" meanings, no matter on what basis they
are considered to be or even happen to be the same, are
possibly the only points of contact between the semantic fields
of the words involved. We often forget that words change in
meaning in the course of time and that what we call the primary
meaning of a word might be obsolete and that other meanings might have superceded it. The new meaning or meanings
become the most common. This truth is obviously not
realized by many people among whom are to be counted those
foreign language teachers who consider their task accom(34) Charles C. Fries. Teaching and Learning English as a Foreign
Language. (Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press, 1945)
p . 42.
(35) Loc. cit.
101
plished when they have given lists of "cognates" without
further explanations.
In order to see this problem in better perspective, let
us examine the word "realize" just employed in this discussion
with a meaning that is becoming more and more the "primary
meaning" even though it is listed as secondary in some
dictionaries. In Webster's dictionary, for example, we would
find that its "primary" meaning corresponds to that of its
Spanish cognate "realizar. "
The word "realize" as it is consigned in the dictionary
is supposed to have these meanings:
1. To make real: to convert from the imaginary or
fictitious into the actual; to bring into concrete existence;
to accomplish; as, to realize a scheme or project.
"The iron men, who, under Edward III, had realized
the fabled Paladins of Charlemagne and Arthur."
(Ld. Lytton).
2. To cause to seem real; to impress upon the mind as
actual; — often with to; as, to realize ancient history.
"It realizes to us, in a way which nothing else
can, the littleness of human intelligence."
(H. Spencer).
3.
To convert into actual money; as, to realize assets.
4. To acquire as an actual possession, to obtain as the
result of plans and efforts; to gain; as, to realize large profits.
Also, of property, to bring by sale or investment; as, the land
sold realized a fair price.
"Knighthood was not beyond the reach of any man
who could by diligent thrift realize a good estate."
(Macaulay).
102
5. To conceive vividly as real; to apprehend clearly;
as, he realized his danger; — formerly often disapproved
as an Americanism.
" S c o t t . . . evidently failed to realize how far
is Clara Mowbray to all his other heroines."
(Swinburne).
6.
superior
To experience. (Obs. U. S . ) .
If we examine the above connotations of "realize" we
will find that numbers 1 through 4 are given as the principal
meanings. Number 6 is considered obsolete. Number 5 is
considered as recently accepted. Yet it is obvious that out
of all these different meanings, the one that is now common
and the most used is precisely number 5. The other meanings,
even though present in the language, have moved to a
secondary place. This is clear to anybody who follows with
some attention the use of this word in radio or television
broadcasts, in newspapers and in current magazines and
books.
Here are some examples to corroborate our assertion:
"The U . S . presence (in Vietnam) has provided proof that
communism is not necessarily the wave of Asia's future.
This realization was a vital factor in the recent anticommunist victory in Indonesia." (from the article
"Asia after Vietnam," by R. Nixon in the Reader's Digest,
March, 1968 p . 88).
"Exhiliration is that feeling you get after a great idea
hits you, and just before you realize what's wrong with
i t . " (from "Quotable Quotes," Rearder's Digest, March,
1968).
"Each of us is diminished today. Most of us allowed
Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., to carry the heavy load of
103
America's conscience for us. Too many of us did not
realize in time how heavy his burden w a s . " (from "The
Sun," Baltimore, April 9, 1968, in letters to the Editor).
"He would never be any different and now Scarlett
realized the truth and accepted it without emotion that
until he died Gerald would always be waiting for Ellen,
always listening for her." (from Gone with the Wind
by Margaret Mitchell, p . 436).
"Scarlett's visit to the Fontaines had heartened her more
that she realized" (from Gone with the Wind by
Margaret Mitchell, p . 452).
"He didn't realize how soon it would be until his eyes,
like Frank's would no longer be bothered by that mark."
(from The Sin Mark by Margaret Page Hood, p . 66).
If this is the case, then it is clear that "realize" even:
though retaining some of the areas of meaning in common
with "realizar" (Number 1, in particular, which at some
time was the common or "natural" one) because of the
different connotation with which the word is more often
used in English, can no longer be considered as a true cognate
with "realizar" and these two words have to be considered
as "deceptive cognates." Any listing of these words simply
as "cognates" without further qualifications would not only
be inaccurate but also dangerous. In a cognate study we
should, therefore, mark "realize" and "realizar" as deceptive
cognates and then provide the necessary examples to illustrate
the areas of divergence. This could be done by using a
diagram like the ones used above or by providing the list of
possible expressions and those that are not permissible in
either language.
Let us illustrate this last form. If we use the symbol ^
to stand for "deceptive," the symbol: to represent "in the
contex," and = to mean "it is equivalent," then:
104
realize
realize
^
=
realizar
realizar
: to
from
into
concrete existence; to accomplish.
make real; to convert
the imaginary or fictitious
the actual; to bring into
For example:
E/ His trip to Europe was the realization of his childhood
dreams.
S/ Su viaje a Europa fué la realización de sus sueños
de niño.
If we use the symbol # to signify "it is a false cognate
of" then we have the following:
realize
#
realizar
E / realize = S/ darse cuenta de
S/ realizar = E / make real
For example
E/ She never realized how much she loved him.
S/ *Ella nunca realizó cuanto lo amaba.
S/ El realizó lo que nadie antes que él ni siquiera se había propuesto empezar.
E/ *He realized what nobody before him had even dared
attempt.
In connection with the previous observations, let us
further see what some authors have to say in this regard.
Anthony, after quoting Fries who says that "practically no
words, ever cover the same areas of meaning and use as those
of another language," adds:
Individual words in a language have many meanings.
If an English word could be assumed to have, say, ten
meanings and an equivalent Spanish word also ten
105
meanings, it is extremely doubtful that all would
coincide exactly. Some such word pairs coincide in a
few meanings, vary in many — some coincide in many
and very in a few. Then too, there is the factor of
frequency of one meaning to be considered. Spanish
suceder is cognate to English succeed, but observe
the following sentences:
English
Meaning 1
He succeeded in his work.
Spanish
Tuvo éxito en su trabajo.
Meaning 2
Truman succeeded Roosevelt. Truman sucedió a Roosevelt.
Spanish
Meaning 1
¿Qué sucedió?
English
What happened?
Meaning 2
Truman sucedió a Roosevelt. Truman succeded Roosevelt.
This somewhat simplified example will illustrate the
problem. Spanish suceder usually means happen, it sometimes
means succeed (follow), it never means succeed (have success).
English succeed usually means (have success), sometimes
means (follow), rarely, if ever, means happen. (36)
Fries very aptly points out:
The only true and correct meanings of words
therefore are the situations in which they are used.
(36) Edward M. Anthony. "The Teaching of Cognates," Language
Learning, 4 (1952-53) 79-82, p. 80.
106
A "word" consists of a sound, or a combination of
sounds, that has conventionalized in a culture or a
linguistic community, that is commonly used in certain
situations, and that stimulates certain responses in a
hearer belonging to the same community. The
dictionary maker, and anyone who wishes to determine
the meaning of a word in a scientific way, will observe
and record as many instances of its use as he can. The
record will necessarily contain all the essential features
of the contexts (the situations) in which the word
occurs. (37)
No matter what the meaning of a word is supposed to
have according to the dictionary, therefore, we have to know
precisely how the meaning is determined by each instance in
which that word can occur in each language. As a result of
this, usage may determine the use of one word in preference
to another even though there might be several possible
choices. In realing with cognates, this fact plays a most
important role, as the native speakers of a language may have
preference for one word to other possible synonyms. To give
only one possible translation of a word on the basis of
cognate relationship is equivalent to distorting the rendition
in the other language. We have insisted very strongly on the
fact that different languages represent different psychological
associations for their own native speakers and that foreign
students of these languages will never be able to manipulate
these networks of relations with the same ease as the native
speakers. This is the natural result of the fact that any item
in language, as Saussure pointed out so accurately, is part of
a structured whole and that its value will ultimately depend
(37) Charles C- Fries. Teaching and Learning English as a Foreign
Language. (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1945) p. 43.
107
on the range of its association with other items in their
paradigmatic (form class relationships) and systagmatic
(gramatical relationships) dependencies.
Corollaries
At this point of our discussion, it would be of interest to
deal with the actual teaching procedures in the case of
cognates. As was pointed out above, the common practice is
to assume that cognates are particularly valuable in vocabulary
teaching. While we have accepted this with the necessary
reservations discussed above, there still remains the need to
answer several important questions. Important as they are,
nevertheless, it is not the purpose of this paper to answer
all of them and they are going to be listed in the hope that
they will receive attention in the future. What cognates
should be used for each stage of language study? Is it necessary
to distinguish the different purpose of cognate vocabulary
study; for example, vocabulary for recognition or vocabulary
for production? Do these purposes work both ways for
English and Spanish speakers alike? What procedures should
we use in the presentation of cognates? Should we stress the
pronunciation or writing patterns as paramount in cognate
learning or should we rather attach more importance to
semantic considerations? What type of materials should we
use in cognate teaching?
Johnston very aptly remarks that cognate relationships
are a means of effecting more economical learning of
vocabulary, that that knowledge makes for more rapid progress
in reading the foreign language and even enriches the
vocabulary and increases the understanding of word meanings
in the vernacular. She then launches on the task of superimposing the most frequently used words in English and
Spanish to find out the "overlapping" portion and thus
providing a "nucleus" with which to begin the study of the
108
foreign language. (38) It is interesting to note how this
author has fallen for the deceptive similarities of cognates.
She gives us these pairs, for example, without any further
qualifications as though they were to be considered on the
same basis as the rest:
actual
agradable
apariencia
asistir
atender
colegio
contestar
designar
desplegar
durar
esforzarse
largo
lazo
libro
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
actual
agreeable
appearance
assist
attend
college
contest
design
display
endure
force
large
lace
library
mayor
moda/o
obligar
pariente
pena
rato
recordar
rudo
simpatía
soportar
titular
ventura
vestido
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
mayor
mode
oblige
parent
pain
rate
record
rude
sympathy
support
title
venture
vest
As can be seen, the meaning of the words in these pairs
is completely different or it is only partly similar. But this
is not all. The author presents as "cognates" words that are
not only different in meaning but whose phonetic similarity
is almost absent. The following are examples of this:
afición
agradar
agudo
aliviar
/
/
/
/
affection
agree
eager
relieve
apreciar
apretar
apuntar
arreglar
/
/
/
/
praise
press
appoint
rule
(38) Marjorie C. Johnston, "Spanish-English Cognates of High
Frequency," Modern Language Journal, 25 (1941) pp. 405-417.
109
arriba
asunto
bajo
boda
bola
borracho
brazo
buey
burla
callar
cara
catedral
cerco
clamar
coger
colgar
conocimiento
copla
cosecha
creer
dar
dominó
engañar
facción
fallecer
fuego
funesto
incendio
ingenio
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
arrive
assume
base
vow
boil
sober (!)
brake
beef
burreau
conceal
cheer
chair
search
claim
collect
couch
acquaintance
couple
collection
grant
render
danger
gun
fashion
fail
fuel
funeral
candle
engine
inundar
juego
junta
madera
mancha
menudo
mirar
misión
nacido
necio
partida
pastor
pelo
poco
pleito
queja
quitar
regalo
remontar
repartir
resignarse
retrato
ribera
romper
suerte
talle
ñempo
vacío
vaso
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
surround
joke
joint
matter
mail
minute
mirror
message
native
nice
parcel
pasture
Pile
poor
plead
quarrel
quit
realm
mount
parcel
resign
trace
river
route
sort
tailor
temple
vacant
vessel
Examining the above examples of "cognates" one cannot
but be surprised to see how our associations can become
uncontrolled if we are not careful enough. If a writer who
is supposed to have knowledge about this matter can so easily
110
be led astray, there is no telling how much more easily a
student can be misled if a proper presentation of cognates
is not made at the early stages of the learning process.
A simple listing of cognates, even though necessary, can
be of little value for teaching purposes without further
clarifications. A proper presentation, we believe, has to start
v/ith a more accurate classification of cognate words following
the principles discussed above. It would be of the greatest
importance to include not only the "primary" meanings
represented by the "cognate" of each language in question,
but also, some of the "secondary" meanigs as well. To be
sure, such a presentation should be made by using the
proper "contexts" as has been pointed out by Lado. Finally,
as an additional help, it would be of value to point out some
of the possible wrong assimilations that the students would
be liable to make in the target language.
Fries has emphasized the fact that words have a variety
of meanings that far exceed our belief even after our attention
has been called to the facts. (39) "The second of the
assumptions underlying the popular views of the words of
a language is that a word (i. e., a vocabulary entry in a
dictionary) is a single meaning unit." (40)
Nevertheless, out of the different meanings of a word,
there is always one that is considered as the most important
one. This meaning is usually called "primary" meaning.
In determining the primary meaning of cognates the
criterion to be used is actual usage of these words by the
native speakers of the language at the present time.
(39) Charles Fries. Teaching and Learning English as a Foreign
Language. (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, (1945) p. 41
(40) Loc. cit.
Ill
As one examines the various meanings of words,
he finds, first of all, that some meanings are more
frequent than others. Very often it is the most
frequent meaning of a word that comes to be regarded
as the basic meaning. The determination of the most
frequent meanings of the "words" in the English
vocabulary has certainly more practical value than
the setting up of so-called real or true meanings on
the basis of authority or a priori reasoning. (41)
In a teaching situation, the students have to be provided
not only with the "primary" meanings of the vocabulary items
studied, but also with their actual use in particular contexts.
We have to remind ourselves again and again that the
difference in vocabulary between two languages is not only
one of form but of range of meaning | and distribution.
This type of presentation will lessen the danger that
the learner of a new language encounters even as regards
its vocabulary:
There is every reason to believe that the same
kind of distortion that we can observe in the sounds
of the speech of a nonnative speaker also occurs in
the meanings he is trying to convey. In both cases
he is substituting the units and patterns of his native
language and culture. In the case of sound, the
untrained person who listens to him hears specific
distortions. In the case of meanings intended by the
speaker, they are not directly observable by the listener.
Is is only when a word form is used in an "unusual"
way that our attention is drawn to possible meaning
(41) Charles Fries. Teaching and Learning English as a Foreign
Language. (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press,; (1945) p. 41.
112
differences. Similarly, when the nonnative speaker
of a language listens to the language as spoken by
natives, the meanings that he grasps are not those
that the native speakers attempt to convey, but those
of the system to the language of the listener. (42)
Furthermore, if the learner of the new language is going
to avoid these "distortions," he has to become aware of the
"restrictions" that the target language imposes upon its
various vocabulary items.
The distribution of words is important to us
because at any given moment in the history of a
language the speakers of that language carry with
them the habits of the restrictions in distribution,
also because different languages have different
restrictions. There are grammatical restrictions so that
in English, for example, water may be a noun as in
a glass of water, a verb as in water the garden, a noun
adjunct,as in water meter, but not an adjective without
some previous adjustement in form, e. g., watery
substance. In other languages the restrictions may be
greater; for example in Spanish, agua "water" may
only be a noun unless its form is changed. (43)
The above applies to "words" in general and to "cognates"
in particular. This is true not only of the obvious cases of
"false" cognates, but also of "deceptive" and even of the
apparently innocuous "true" cognates. In the lists of cognates
that follow this discussion, the word "color," for example,
(42) Robert Lado. Linguistics Across Cultures. Applied Linguistics
for Language Teachers. (Ann Arbor: The University of Chicago
Press, 1966) p . 85.
(43) Loc. cit.
113
is considered as a true cognate. Nevertheless, it is differently
used in English and Spanish:
E/
S/
E/
S/
E/
S/
E/
S/
E/
S/
E/
S/
E/
S/
E/
S/
E/
S/
E/
S/
color
color
colored badge
escarapela
political affiliation (*political color)
color politico
colors (flag of a country)
0
color (vivid, picturesque quality)
colorido
color (paint with colors)
colorear
color (blush)
colorearse (subírsele a uno el color a la cara), ponerse hecho una grana.
color a story (to alter esp. by distortion)
exagerar, usar tonos muy subidos
show one's colors (reveal one's true self)
0
with flying colors (with great success)
0
The presentation of cognates would include these steps:
(1) type of "cognate," (true, false, deceptive); (2) meaning
restrictions in each language; (3) practical examples to
illustrate their meaning, grammatical restrictions and
distribution in each language.
The scope of the present study is limited to making a
more rigorous selection of "cognates" as to meaning correspondence according to the threefold division established
above. The following limitations apply: (1) When several
forms of a word are cognates, only one (usually the one
114
corresponding to the noun) has been selected. (2) Geographical
names, proper names, names of national origin, the months,
the days of the week, etc., have been omitted. (3) Except for
a few, technical terms have not been listed. (4) Even though
the author has consulted previous works, the lists provided were made according to his best judgment. The list
of deceptive cognates is of his own making. (5) These lists
are more indicative rather than exhaustive of the types of
cognates existing in English and Spanish. In this presentation,
"true cognates" are omitted as they are considered less
revelant for the purpose of the present study. Their list has
been prepared and can be provided to those interested in
having it should they decide to request it. Deceptive cognates
of each language are given the primary meaning in the
other language with the sign (5^) between them. The other
possible meaning or meanings are then given after the sign
(&). Finally "false cognates" are listed in pairs with the
sing ( # ) in between. The true meaning is then given after the
sign ( = ).
TABLE I
DECEPTIVE COGNATES
(words in two different languages that have
similar phonetic shape and one area of meaning in common; they differ in other area or
areas of meaning)
Spanish
acre
adagio
?£
&
English
acre
acrid
5*
&
adagio (mus.)
adage
115
Spanish
English
admirar
7¿
&
admire
surprise, cause
wonder
andante
^
&
andante (mus.)
errant
anuncio
jí
&
announcement
forecast, sign,
omen, advertisement
arco
;■£
&
arch
bow, hoop
ardor
jt
&
ardour
heat, burning sensation
arena
T¿&
arena
sand
arresto
5>í
&
arrest
boldness, enterprise
asegurar
^
&
assure
secure, insure,
fasten, make secure
augurio
?í
&
augur
felicitation,
good with
auto
9*
&
auto
judicial decree,
(pl.) documents,
papers (of lawsuit)
banco
?*
&
bank
bench, shoal (of fish)
116
English
Spanish
banda
barra
blanco
bomba
bravo
breve
brillante
café
cálculo
cámara
canapé
&
band
gang, party, side
&
bar
cheering group
&
&
5¿
&
blank
white, target,
empty space,
interval
bomb
pump, globe
bravo
excellent, fine,
fierce, wild,
angry
&
breve
short, brief,
papal letter
&
brilliant
diamond
&
cafe
coffee
&
calculation
calculus
&
camera
chamber
&
canape
couch, sofa
5^
117
English
Spanish
canto
&
cant
song, chant,
end, edge, comer
&
canton
(mil.) billet,
billeting area
cantón
cañón
&
cannon
canyon, tube, quill
&
carbon
coal, charcoal
&
cargo
debit, employment,
office, post, duty
&
caries
blight
■Pi
carbón
cargo
■ffi*
caries
carnal
&
carnal
(of kinship) full
(as of brother),
first (as of cousin)
carrera
^
&
career
race, street
cartel
9*
&
cartel
placard, poster
&
carton
cardboard
cartón
central
&
118
central
head office,
telephone exchange
Spanish
English
clase
5¿
&
class
class-room
coma
^
&
coma
comma
&
conductor
driver
&
confine
horizon
conductor
confín
conquistador
&
control
&
conveniencia
&
cordón
5^
&
corona
corral
corrector
costal
conquistador
(more restricted)
conqueror
control
check up point
convenience
conformity, congruity,
suitability, advisability
cordon
string
&
corona
crown
&
corral
yard, courtyard
&
corrector
proof-reader
&
costal
sack
9¿
119
Spanish
English
cuarto
5¿
&
quarter
room
charlatán
?Í
&
charlatan
loquacious person,
prattler
chicle
^
&
chicle (gum)
chewing gum
china
5¿
&
china
pebble
deducible
5*
&
deducible
deductable
demanda
5^
&
demand
appeal, question,
inquiry
dirección
^
&
direction
administration,
postal address,
directorship
disponer
^
8c
dispose
decide, give orders,
make arrangements
duelo
?í
&
duel
grief, affliction,
sorrow, mourning
emergencia
?í
&
emergency
emergence
120
Spanish
era
English
5¿
&
escape
&
estancia
5¿
equipo
5^
&
&
eventual
5¿
&
falta
stay
residence, living
room, (S.A.)
cattle farm
equipment
team
eventual
fortuitous, accidental
fault
mistake, absence
&
fame
report, rumor
&
fantasia
fantasy
fantasía
5¿
&
fiesta
5^
figurín
5=í
&
final
escape
exhaust (of car)
&
5¿
fama
farmacéutico
era
threshing-floor,
garden plot
5^
&
pharmaceutical (adj.)
chemist, pharmacist ( n . )
fiesta
feast
figurine
fashion-plate,
pattern
final
end
Spanish
fino
English
5¿
&
fiscal
r¿
&
frente
5¿
&
fresco
5¿
&
frontal
9¿
&
fine
excellent,
precious,
polite, thin
fiscal
public prosecutor,
district attorney
front
forehead, brow
fresco
fresh
frontal
front-ornament of
altar
gala
gala
full dress, array
genial
genial
gifted, talented
gentil
&
golfo
&
gulf
ragamuffin
&
grace
joke, witticism
gracia
gracioso
8
122
gentle
pagan, heathen,
gentile
gracious
amusing, droll,
funny
English
jt
&
grenade
pomegranate
jí
&
grateful
pleasant, delightful
5¿
&
guardian
prior (head of a
priory)
j±
able
&
clever, skilful
^
&
hymn
anthem
;*
&
history
story, tale
T^
&
humor
disposition,
temper
5^
&
indeclinable (gr.)
unavoidable
j£
&
individual
singles (tennis)
9é
&
industrial
industrialist
^
&
insignia
badge
&
intend
attempt,
endeavour
123
English
Spanish
ins
la
labor
largo
local
&
iris (of an eye)
rainbow
&
la (mus.)
the ( f e m . / s . )
&
labor
needlework
&
largo (mus.)
long
5¿
5¿
&
llama
local
building,
premises, site
&
llama
flame
&
master
teacher
&
mango
handle
mansión
^
&
mansion
stay, sojourn
marchar
9*
&
march
go, (mech.) work
&
marine
seaman, sailor
maestro
mango
marino
matador
124
5^
matador
killer, slayer,
killing
Spanish
materia
English
&
matter
subject, topic,
pus
meridional
southern
^
&
mesa
table, desk
5¿
&
meridional
mesa
mi
miserable
modal (es)
?í
&
mi (mus.)
my
^
&
miserable
poor, mean, base
5¿
5¿
&
moneda
modal
(pl.) manners
&
money
coin
natal
native
natural
^
&
natural
native
nave
^
&
nave
ship
negro
^
&
negro
black
natal
noticia
obscuridad
^
&
5¿
&
notice
news
^
&
obscurity
darkness
?i
Spanish
observar
Tí
&
ocurrencia
5^
oficio
5-í
&
&
olor
padre
&
7¿
parábola
parada
pastel
pastor
patio
patrón
&
parade
stop
&
pastel
cake
&
pastor
shepherd
&
patio
courtyard,
(theat.) pit
5^
5^
&
pensión
9¿
&
126
English
observe
watch, regard
occurrence
witty remark,
witticism, notion
office
official communication
odor
reputation,
odour
padre
father
parabola
parable
patron
pattern,
standard
pension
boarding house,
board and lodging,
tuition
Spanish
peón
personal
English
&
5¿
&
peso
&
pieza
Tí
&
piñón
&
placer
&
plaza
5¿
&
pluma
policía
polo
portal
peon
pawn (at chess)
personal
personnel
peso (monetary
unit)
weight, gravity
piece
room, coin,
quarry (hunting)
pinon
cog-wheel
placer (min.)
pearl fishery
(S.A.), pleasure
plaza
fortress, stronghold,
vacancy, job
&
plume
pen
&
police
policemen
5^
&
&
polo
pole, Andalusian
dance
portal
porch, vestibule
127
Spanish
preciso
presentar
prevenir
pronto
propiedad
English
&
precise
necessary, essential
&
present
introduce
&
prevent
warn
&
pronto (coll.)
ready
5¿
5*
&
propio
&
proper
one's own
&
proof
trial
5¿
prueba
pueblo
&
radio
&
rápido
&
rayo
&
real
&
128
propriety
ownership,
attribute
pueblo
(country) town,
village, people,
nation
radio
radius, radium
rapid
speedy, quick,
express (train)
ray
flash of lightning
real
royal, spendid,
(mil.) camp
Spanish
rector
recurso
registrar
regular
English
5*
&
*
&
5¿
&
5¿
&
reparo
representar
resolver
&
regular
suitable, satisfactory,
passable
repair
remedy, restoration,
criticism
observation,
protection
represent
act, perform,
play
5¿
resolve
solve
5^
&
resto (s)
register
examine, search,
inspect
&
&
responder
rector
ruling, governing
recourse
resource
5^
&
reunión
&
respond
answer
rest
remains
reunion
gathering,
meeting
Spanish
rodeo
rostro
rudo
saco
saludar
sensible
sentencia
sentido
si
sierra
English
&
&
5^
&
&
rude
crude, rough,
coarse, dull
stupid
sack
bag, coat
salute
greet
&
sensible
emotional
&
sentence
saying, dictum
&
sense
meaning, direction
&
5¿
si (mus.)
yes, indeed,
whether
sierra
saw
&
siesta
midday heat
&
sol (mus.)
sun
5^
sol
130
rostrum
face, countenance
&
5¿
&
siesta
rodeo
roundabout way,
detour, circumlocution
Spanish
solar
English
5¿
&
solicitud
5¿
&
solo
5¿
&
sombrero
5^
&
someter
suave
suelo
suplir
solo
alone
sombrero
hat
submit
defeat, conquer
&
suave
smooth, soft
&
soil
ground
&
supply
replace
5¿
tacto
5¿
temporal
solicitude
petition, request
&
5¿
tabla
temblor
solar
building plot,
site, ancestral
mansion
&
&
&
5^
&
table
plank
tact
(sense) of touch,
feeling
temblor
tremble, tremor
temporal
storm, tempest
English
Spanish
tender
tenor
&
5¿
&
tilde
timbre
5¿
&
&
titular
&
tortilla
5¿
&
urbano
vago
valor
vapor
132
&
5^
&
&
&
tend
extend, stretch,
hang out (washing)
tenor
state, condition
tilde
tittle
timbre (mus.)
door-bell, postage
stamp, crest (of
nobility)
titular
holder (of an
office, headline
tortilla
omelet, pancake
(S. A.)
urbane
urban
vague
roving, errant,
vagrant
valor
price, value
vapor
steamship,
steamer
Spanish
velar
English
5^
&
vendar
5¿
&
ventura
vía
vigilante
&
&
5^
&
villa
5^
&
violeta
5¿
&
vista
visual
viva
vocal
5^
&
&
velar (adj.)
(v.) to stay awake,
keep vigil, work
overtime
vend
betray
venture
luck, good fortune,
happiness
via (by way of)
way, road, route
vigilante
vigilant, policeman
villa
small town
violet
purple
vista
eyesight, prospect,
intention
visual
line of of sight
&
viva
alive (f.)
&
vocal
vowel
7*
133
English
9±
aggravate
&
5*
albumen
arm
assume
bachelor
balance
&
^
&
^
&
^
&
9*
&
bar
^
&
battery
-A
&
bridge
9*
&
carbon
Spanish
agravar
irritar, molestar
albumen
clara
arma
brazo
assumir
suponer
bachiller
soltero
balance
balanza, equilibrio
bar
barra, obstáculo,
cuerpo de abogados
batería
pila
bridge
puente
&
carbón
carbono
cardinal
^
&
cardinal
cardenal
colon
A
colón
dos puntos
7¿
&
collar
commit
134
&
collar
cuello
^
&
cometer
comprometerse
5¿
Spanish
English
commute
&
conmutar
trasladarse regularmente
de un lugar a otro
compact
^
&
compacto
acuerdo
compass
^
&
compás
brújula
comply
=*
&
cumplir
consentir,
acceder
cup
5^
5^
&
corporal
9*
&
courtesy
5¿
&
date
copa
taza
corporal
cabo (primero)
cortesía
venia, reverencia
&
data
cita, dátil
dean
^
&
deán
decano
design
^
&
designio
dibujo, diseño
do
entertain
5^
&
do
hacer, ejecutar,
obrar
^
&
entretener
agasajar, festejar
?i
135
English
extension
5¿
&
formal
5-í
&
gas
7 ^
grace
9±
&
grade
9¿
&
grave
&
import
5¿
&
jade
9±
&
league
5^
&
letter
5"*
&
mark
136
5¿
&
Spanish
extensión
anexo, prórroga,
plazo
formal
regular, metódico,
solemne, ceremonioso
gas
gasolina
gracia
donaire, garbo
grado
pendiente, declive
grave
tumba, sepultura,
sepulcro
importar
significar, denotar
jade
(horse) rocín,
jamelgo, (woman)
picarona
legua
liga, alianza,
confederación
letra
carta
marca
indicación,
huella, signo,
(target) blanco
English
mass
mate
&
9*
&
medium
9*
&
memorial
9*
&
mine
9*
minister
9*
moral
9¿
&
&
&
multiple
5^
&
nerve
9*
numeral
9¿
&
&
page
9*
&
Spanish
masa
misa
mate
consorte, cónyugue,
compañero, (animals)
macho, hembra
medium
medio, intermediario,
instrumento
memorial
monumento, conmemorativo
mina
(el) mío, (la) mía,
(los) míos, (las) mías
ministro
pastor
moral
virtuoso, honrado,
recto, moraleja
múltiple
múltiplo
nervio
osadía, valor,
sangre fría, tupé
numeral
número, cifra,
guarismo
paje
pajina, plana
137
English
Spanish
parade
&
particular
9*
&
peculiar
5"*
&
plate
&
post
9*-
&
premium
5*
&
pretension
9¿
&
principal
9*
&
rail
5¿
&
ray
peculiar
raro
plato
placa, lámina,
lámina en color
poste
correo, puesto,
empleo
premio (com.)
prima
pretensión
reclamación,
demanda
principal
jefe, director,
capital
rail (riel)
barra, barandilla,
antepecho
&
rayo
raya (fish)
&
re (mus.)
en relación a
9±
re
138
parada
desfile, revista
(de tropas)
particular
escrupuloso
English
realize
retire
sensible
*
&
Spanish
realizar
darse cuenta de,
hacerse cargo de
A
&
retirar
jubilarse
7±
&
sensible
sensato, juicioso, razonable
sentence
^
&
sentencia
(gram.) oración,
frase, período
sound
^
&
sonar
tocar, tantear,
sondar, auscultar, sondear
tablet
9*
term
9*
terminal
5^
treat
5¿
toast
^
&
tube
^
&
ulterior
^
&
vegetable
^
&
&
&
&
&
tableta
losa, lápida
término
trimestre, plazo
terminal
(elec.) borne
tratar
convidar
tostar
brindar
tubo
(xly.) metro,
(tire) cámara
ulterior
(motive) oculto
vegetal
verdura
139
TABLE 2
FALSE COGNATES
(words in two different languages that have
similar phonetic shape but differ in meaning)
Spanish
English
abusar
#
abuse (maltratar)
go to excess
acostar
#
accost (acercarse
a alguien)
to put to bed,
go to bed
actual
#
actual (verdadero)
present, of today
actualidad
#
actuality (realidad)
present time
adhesión
#
adhesion
support
advertir
#
advert (referir a)
avert (rechazar)
to give notice or
warning
apartar
#
part
separate
aplicación
#
application
(solicitud)
solicitud
140
Spanish
English
apología
#
apology (excusa)
discourse or
written defense
of principles
apreciar
#
praise (alabar,
elogiar)
estimate, value
apuntar
#
appoint (nombrar)
to note, to take
note, to aim
asistir
#
assist (ayudar,
socorrer)
attend
atender
#
attend (asistir)
take care of,
look after, pay
attention
audiencia
#
audience
hearing
auditorio
#
auditorium (salón
de actos, paraninfo)
audience
bala
#
ball (pelota, bola,
balón)
bullet
barca
#
bark
boat
bizarro
#
bizarre (fantástico,
extravagante)
141
Spanish
English
=
bizcocho
#
brave, magnanimous
gallant, graceful
=
biscuit (galleta)
sponge-cake
candela
#
=
candle
fire (live coals)
cara
#
carbón
=
#
care (cuidado, inquietud,
ansiedad)
face
carga
#
cargo
burden
carpeta
#
=
carpet (alfombra)
briefcase
carta
#
=
card (tarjeta)
letter
cartón
#
=
carton (paquete),
caja)
cardboard
cascara
#
=
cascara (una planta)
bark
competencia
#
competence (aptitud,
suficiencia)
competition
=
complexión
#
=
142
carbon (carbono)
coal (charcoal)
complexion (tez)
constitution,
temperament
Spanish
conferencia
English
#
=
conference (reunión,
asociación)
lecture
confín
#
=
confine
horizon
constiparse
#
constipate
(estreñirse)
catch a cold
=
contento
#
=
content (contenido,
capacidad, volumen)
contentment
pleasure, satisfaction
contestar
#
=
contest (disputar, competir)
to answer
conveniente
#
=
convenient (easy to do,
use, or get to)
proper, suitable
costa
#
=
cost (valor, costo)
coast
cuestión
#
=
question
matter, suject,
problem
cumplimiento
#
=
compliment/complement
fulfillment
deporte
#
desgracia
=
#
deport (comportamiento,
maneras)
sport
disgrace (deshonra,
vergüenza)
143
English
Spanish
"
designar
#
—
despacho
#
desplegar
=
#
dinero
disgusto
distinto
#
=
#
—
misfortune, grief,
bereavement
design (diseñar, proyectar,
dibujar)
appoint, name,
designate
dispatch (parte,
mensaje)
office
display (exhibir,
exponer, mostrar, lucir)
unfold, deploy,
unfurl
dinner (merienda, cena)
money
disgust (repugnancia, asco)
displeasure,
grief, annoyance
distinct (claro)
different
#
=
#
=
diversion
enjoyment, fun
dormitorio
#
=
dormitory (residencia)
bed-room
durar
#
=
endure (resistir,
soportar, sufrir)
last, continue
#
=
editor (director)
publisher
diversión
editor
144
Spanish
elocución
entender
#
=
#
English
elocution (declamación)
style, diction
=
intend (pensar, tener
la intención)
understand
escolar
#
=
scholar (erudito, docto)
student
esforzarse
#
=
force (forzar, obligar)
to strive, make an
effort, exert oneself
espada
#
=
spade (pala)
sword
estampa
#
stamp (estampilla, sello
de correos)
print, impression
=
evasión
#
=
evidencia
#
evasion (excusa,
subterfugio)
escape
=
evidence (prueba,
testimonio)
truth
exclusiva
#
=
exclusive (selecto)
sole right
éxito
#
=
exit (salida)
success
fábrica
#
=
fabric (tela, material)
factory
facultad
#
faculty (personal docente,
profesorado)
145
Spanish
=
fastidioso
#
=
firma
fastidious (remilgado, descontentadizo, melindroso)
annoying, tiresome
=
firm (firma
negocio)
signature
forastero
#
=
foreigner (extranjero)
stranger
futbal
#
=
football
soccer
galante
#
=
#
=
gallant (valiente, valeroso)
attentive, complimentary
gain (ganancia)
desire, hunger
gentil
#
gracioso
=
#
gentle (dócil, benigno,
suave)
graceful, handsome
gracious (bondadoso,
afable, agradable)
graceful, funny, cute,
charming, witty
grand (majestuoso,
grandioso)
large, tall, great
humor
temperament, mood,
disposition
gana
#
English
departament, school
or college of a
university
=
grande
#
humor
=
#
=
146
comercial,
Spanish
idioma
#
=
English
idiom (idiotismo, modismo)
language
ignorar
#
=
ignore (no hacer caso de)
to be ignorant of
importe
#
=
import (importación,
sentido, significación)
amount, cost, value
incógnito
#
=
incognito (con otro nombre)
unknown
injuria
#
=
injury (lesión, herida,
daño, perjuicio)
insult
insano
#
=
insane
unhealthy
intentar
#
=
intend (pensar, proyectar)
try, attempt
introducir
#
=
introduce (presentar)
to usher in
intoxicar
#
=
intoxicate (embriagar)
poison
investir
#
=
invest (gastar)
confer upon
jornada
#
=
juego
#
journey (viaje, trayecto)
day's journey,
working day
joke (chiste, broma,
chanza)
play, game,
sport, amusement
=
147
English
Spanish
junta
#
=
joint (juntura, empalme,
nudillo)
committee,
"junta," board
largo
#
=
large (grande)
long
lazo
#
=
lace (encage)
bow (of ribbons),
snare, trap, lasso
lectura
#
=
lecture (coferencia)
reading
lujuria
#
=
luxury (lujo)
lust, sensualty
madera
#
=
matter (materia,
substancia, asunto)
wood
mantel
#
=
mantle (manto)
table-cloth
máscara
#
mascara (cosmético,
para las cejas)
mask, disguise
=
mayor
#
=
mayor (alcalde)
greater, bigger,
elder, senior
mesura
#
measure (medida, cantidad,
capacidad)
moderation, dignity,
reserve
=
Spanish
English
#
miles (millas)
thousands
#
mirror (espejo)
to see
#
mode (estilo, manera)
fashion
#
mole (topo)
mass, bulk, pile
#
molest
bother, tease
#
=
navy (marina)
ship, boat
nice (agradable,
bonito, delicioso,
simpático, amable)
foolish, stupid, silly
noticia
#
=
notice
news
notorio
#
notorious (de mala
reputación)
well known, famous
obligar
#
oblige (complacer
favorecer)
compel, bind
ocasión
#
occasion (coyuntura,
time)
opportunity
oficio
#
office (despacho)
miles
mirar
modo
mole
molestar
nave
necio
#
Spanish
=
óleo
#
=
oración
palo
English
work, trade, business
oleo (margarina, manteca
vegetal)
oil (holy oil),
painting
#
oration (discurso,
pieza oratoria)
=
prayer, (grammatical)
sentence
#
pole (polo, vara, asta,
poste)
stick, cudgel,
wood, mast
=
parientes
#
=
parents (padres)
relatives
particular
#
particular (especial,
peculiar)
private, individual
=
partido
#
=
party (grupo, partida,
convite, reunión)
divided, split,
profit, game
pastor
#
=
pasture (pasto, dehesa)
shepherd, pastor
pena
#
=
pain (dolor, castigo)
sorrow, grief
periódico
#
periodical
riódica)
newpaper
=
150
(publicación pe-
Spanish
plaza
English
#
=
plebe
#
=
place (lugar, sitio)
plaza (shopping center)
(public) square,
market-place
plebe (miembro de la clase
inferior en la Academia Militar de West Point o en la
Academia Naval de
Annapolis)
common people,
populace, the masses
poltrón
#
=
poltroon (cobarde)
lazy, idle
portero
#
=
porter
janitor
poste
#
=
post (puesto, cargo, correo)
pole
pretender
#
=
pretend (fingir)
to seek, to aspire to
primer
#
primer (cartilla,
abecedario)
first
=
probar
#
=
procurar
#
=
probe (sondar, tentar,
indagar)
try, test, prove
procure (alcanzar,
conseguir)
to try, endeavour
151
English
Spanish
=
pueblo (Indian
village)
people, town, nation
pulchritude (belleza)
donaire)
neatness, tidiness
pupa (an insect in the
stage betkeen the larval
and adult forms - crisálida)
pimple, hurt
pupil (alumno, discípulo)
ward
purple (morado)
crimson, scarlet,
vermilion
quit (abandonar, renunciar)
take off, remove
quite (totalmente, del todo,
completamente)
hindrance, obstacle, parry
raptores
#
=
raptores (aves de rapiña)
kidnappers
realizar
#
=
rebate
#
reclusión
=
#
realize (darse cuenta)
perform, achieve,
materialize
rebate (regreso de parte
de un pago)
refutation
reclusión (voluntary
isolation)
imprisonment
#
pueblo
pulcritud
=
#
=
*
pupa
pupilo
púrpura
quitar
quite
=
#
=
#
=
#
=
#
=
152
Spanish
recordar
refrán
regalar
English
#
=
#
=
#
relación
=
#
=
resignarse
#
soportar
#
suceder
=
#
__
sugestión
#
=
tabla
#
=
*
=
#
talón
termas
—
record (registrar, grabar)
remind, recall, remember,
awaken
refrain (estribillo)
proverb
regale (agasajar, festejar,
recrear)
to give a present
relative (pariente)
recital, report,
narrative
resign (dimitir, renunciar)
submit
support (sostener,
mantener, apoyar)
endure
succeed (triunfar,
tener éxito)
follow, inherit,
happen, occur
suggestion
false belief,
impression
table (mesa)
board
talon (garra)
heel
terms (términos, plazos,
condiciones)
baths
English
Spanish
#
terraza
=
#
topo
=
#
terrace (terraplén,
camellón, patio)
Hat roof
top ( t r o m p o , peonza,
cima, cumbre, copa)
mole
=
torment ( t o r m e n t o ,
suplicio, t o r t u r a )
storm
#
=
vase ( j a r r ó n )
(drinking) glass
vegetales
#
--
vegetables (legumbres)
plants
velamen
#
=
velamen (a m e m b r a n e ,
a velum)
sails
vera
#
-
\ - era (un árbol)
edge, border
versatilidad
#
versatility
(universalidad)
impermanence, inconstancy, adaptability
tormenta
vaso
=
vestido
#
=
vest (chaleco)
dress
villano
#
=
villain (brivón)
boor, rustic,
peasant
vulgar
#
vulgar (grosero, soez,
boorish)
common, ordinary
=-IM
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163
LE DEPARTEMENT DE FRANCAIS DE
L'INSTITUT DE LANGUES ET LINGUISTIQUE
Alain Masjuan
Le Département de franjáis de l'lnstitut de langues et
linguistique depouis la creation de la licence de Linguistique
(option franpais) a la rentrée d'octobre 1970, s'est efforcé
de donner aux étudiants une formation et des connaissances
étendues, de maniere a ce qu'ils puissent plus tard dispenser
leur enseignement avec le maximum de réussite. Dans ce
but le programme établi pour la licence se divise en trois
parties, dont les deux premieres sont les plus importantes
pour le fu tur professeur:
— 1? LES TROIS DEGRES DE LA SORBONNE:
Chacun de ees examens, dans un ordre de difficultés
croissant, sanctionne deux semestres effectués par letudiant.
Cette preparation du F DEGRE de la Sorbonne (Certificat
pratique de langue franpaise — option genérale), vise á obtenir du candidat une parfaite connaissance de la langue:
expression órale, composition écrite, panorama de la civilisation franpaise étudiée par théme.
165
Le 2' DEGRE (DiplSme d'Etudes Franpaises — option:
histoire des idees), plus specialise, grace á sa matiére principale: histoire des idees, brosse un tableau complet el évolutif
de la France de la Renaissance á l e p o q u e c o n t e m p o r a i n e .
Ici aussi une elude plus approfondie de cinq themes choisis:
la tradition humaniste et la tradition chrétienne en France
aux XVI* & XVII* siécles — la pensée des encyclopédistes —
la reflexion franpaise sur la science du XIX° siécle — le mouvemenl surréaliste — les idees politiques en France aprés la
seconde guerre mondiale, sensibilise l e t u d i a n t sur des points
i m p o r l a n l s de revolution des idees.
Une épreuve dite de compte-rendu prepare les candidats,
aprés audition d'un texte, h la comprehension órale et
l'expression écrite.
Le 3' DEGRE (Diplome supérieur d e l u d e s franpaises —
option lillérature ou pédagogique), tourné davantage vers la
composition littéraire, s'efforce d'obtenir du candidat une
penetration plus ampie de notre littérature et une reflexion
sur les textes de nos g r a n d s écrivains qui lui permette de
discuter les idees ou analyses psychologiques de ees divers
auteurs sur lequels il se penche, et exprimer les siennes
propres.
Son orientation pédagogique fait de ce 3 DEGRE
excellente preparation pour les futurs professeurs.
une
— II' LES MATIERES OBL1GATOIRES:
Elles ont été divisées en deux series: littérature
linguistique
La place importante donnée aux littératures contemporaine
et d'expression franpaise m o n t r e notre souci d'éveiller, dans le
premier cas, l'esprit de nos étudiants aux problémes humains
actuéis p r o p r e m e n t franpais et dans le deuxiéme de mettre
tous nos efforts á développer la francophonie en étudiant
166
toutes les richesses litteraires des pays de langue ou de culture
franpaise. Il faut noter que nous avons jugé tout l'intérét
d' intégrer á notre programme cette littérature d' expression
franpaise apres le congrés de I'AUPELF, qui s'est tenu á
Quebec en mai 1972, et qui réunissait les Universités de langue
franpaise et partiellement de langue franpaise et oü prit une
part active le Directeur de l'ILL, pére Jacinto Vaca accompagné
de M. Alain Masjuan.
Le deuxiéme groupe, beaucoup plus important, de matiéres
propres xa tous les domaines de la linguistique donnent k
l'étudiant une connaissance beaucoup plus scíentifique de la
langue considérée d'apres les études les plus actuelles de
linguistes éminents.
— 111 LES MATIERES A OPTION:
Letudiant a la possibilité detudier deux matiéres de
linguistique, sur huit, en espagnol.
A cela nous avons ajouté le latin, qui permet de mieux
^border une matiere comme: histoire de la langue francaise
et qui assure a l'étudiant des bases solides dans son étude
du francais ou de toute autre langue romane.
Comme on peut le voir notre intention a été de procurer
a l'étudiant, qui peut obtenir cette licence de linguistique
(option franpais) au bout de six semestres deludes, une
connaissance complete du franpais dans les principaux domaines: civilisation, lillérature el linguistique, el une bonne
preparation pédagogique pour son futur metier de professeur.
Nous avons constaté depuis le démarrage de notre licence
un intérét grandissant des jeunes Equatoriens pour les études
qu'elle propose; deja les chiffres sont assez éloquents pour
167
indiquer l'engouemenl dont elle a été l'objel: 7 étudiants
inscrils en octobre 1970, 20 en mars 1974. Il faut noler que
notre désir n'est pas de multiplier a l'infini le nombre de nos
étudiants, mais d'assurer a l'enlrée en licence un niveau de
connaissances de plus en plus elevé qui garanlisse le sérieux
de ees eludes el la plus grande valeur au dipl&me décerné en
fin deludes. L'intérét de nos étudiants a été atliré par la
possibilité d'obtenir des bourses de perfectionnement ou de
specialisation dans trois pays: France, Guadeloupe et Canada.
D'autre part le fail que dans les colleges equatoriens une large
place est faite de plus en plus a la langue franpaise, permet de
bien augurer de l'avenir quanl au nombre grandissant des
professeurs qui seront nécessaires. La formation de ces
futurs enseignants, appelés k enseigner la langue franpaise dans
tous les établissements scolaires equatoriens, est la lache qui
revient au Dipartement de franpais de TILL el qu'il poursuivra
afin de la réaliser pleinemenl.
168
EDICIONES UNIVERSIDAD CATÓLICA
(EDUC)
LIBROS PUBLICADOS
1.
TRUJILLO VASQUEZ, Julio César
Derecho del Trabajo, lEditorial Don Bosco.
2.
TRUJILLO VASQUEZ, Julio César
Elementos de Derecho Laboral Andino, Editorial Don Bosco.
3.
JARAMILLO PEREZ, Luis
índices del Panorama Normativo Laboral y Código del Trabajo.
4.
CORRALES PASCUAL, Manuel
Jorge Icaza: Frontera del Relato Indigenista.
5.
PORRAS GARCES, Pedro I.
Historia y Arqueología la Ciudad Española Baeza de los Quijos.
LIBROS EN PRENSA
6.
MALO GONZALEZ, Hernán
El Hábito en la Filosofía de Felix Ravaison.
7.
ESPINOSA POLIT, Juan
Compendio de Economía.
CENTRO DE PUBLICACIONES
DE LA
PONTIFICIA UNIVERSIDAD CATÓLICA DEL ECUADOR
Apartado 2184
Quito - Ecuador
Sud América